u/Downtown-Warthog-245

If I was to have 1 dominant opinion in the current period, it would be that I disagree with all arguments made regarding the subjects of Defence, Diplomacy & Collaboration over International Security. And ALL is the important word, especially with the prospect of an endless number of debates held across multiples stations, media outlets & events set up as forums between the government & opposing activists. Especially in consideration of a routine pattern of arguments that have taken place this week, which would impact a party like the Social Democrats.

 

1)       Having an opinion on spending of defence forces, independent of how that would potentially damage the vocations provided as a worthwhile career.

2)       The value of protecting Irish Diplomacy, irrespective of its impact on the Global Landscape of Conflict at present.

3)       Eagerness to tie in the EU’s €90 Billion loan to fund Ukrainian Defence as crucial to any debate on Neutrality & the Triple Lock, from both sides.

 

For these reasons & more than anything, to the polling results of the public which reflect a more nuanced approach, I believe the left should be open to a different approach as to how we should argue in favour of Neutrality, especially in the climate of the position of the Triple. I’m eager to debate points mentioned.

 

The EU & Ukraine: We can support abstaining from participating in EU Projects which fund Ukraine’s Military budget, and also recognize the argument when Ukraine says the funding helps defend their country. It’s acceptable to admit that the proponents of the €90 Billion loan aren’t planning to spend it on anything other than assisting Ukraine. Dragging this argument out, when we don’t even participate financially, comes off as “over-stretching” into the Foreign Affairs of other EU states, & alienating their amenability to cooperate with regard to regions like Gaza.

 

Campism: It would have helped the Left if the case against non-Irish funding of Ukraine were led by people who were equally critical of Russian & Iranian funding against Ukraine. Irish Neutrality organisations, which are often routinely critical of the government, Fianna Fail & Fine Gael, whilst advertising working with activists who have collaborative ties to Iran & Russia, come across as apathetic to the Ukrainian war. There doesn’t seem to be any space to criticise those that make light of Russian & Iranian involvement. Calling out people who are ambivalent to Russian or Iranian atrocities, would have helped, especially in consideration to attacking the government in relation to Israel.

 

Comparing Two Genocides: Making space for left-wing people who treat Gaza & Ukraine as comparable scenarios, would help the left in collaborating across projects, whilst recognizing that different opinions exist within movements. The left should help bridge outlooks, especially when Iranian support for Palestinian causes is concerned.  The anti-Imperialist view, that avoids confronting the impact of non-Western military engagement against civilians, should make peace with activists who wish to apply justice equally, should be addressed in its absence.

 

NATO: Even as we don’t wish or choose to join it ourselves, we can recognize other EU member states reinforcing their membership of NATO as valuable. Amid further European funding to Ukraine, the prospect of Irish Diplomacy becoming alienated from other EU members states due to stances taken, especially when Gaza is concerned, is a valid topic of debate.

 

Pushing for Peace: There is an argument for the existence of hypocrisy when Gaza is included, particularly when you push for Ukraine to reach for a negotiated settlement with Russian & Vladimir Putin. In the same way we don’t push any Palestinian Authority to push for a negotiated settlement with Israel, the same freedom should be extended to Ukraine. As were not dependent on the trustworthiness of Benjamin Netanyahu, so should we not need to be with Vladimir Putin.

As Irish progressives, there are months when you can make yourself aware about your own personal outlook on life. And by God did May 2026, due in large part to the British & Irish political landscapes, give you that option.

If you’re optimistic, you revel in the success of our Dan, the party’s 1^(st) by-election success, surfing in on a wave of transfers you never thought possible. In addition, Andy Burnham might delay fascism til 2034.

If pessimistic, you watch the post-locals UK with their almost limitless appetite of infighting within the left (yes, I can feel you typing “Starmer=left?!” through the screen, so relax), created by supposedly matured political actors on all sides. Done in a manner ignorant of the consequences of abandoning mutual interests, for the benefit of Farage-esque outcomes.

And amid this, what do you see your party doing? They’re having a dig at Sinn Fein……

A member for six years, I feel hope & concern, desire & frustration, optimism & resentment. All mixed together, but still with the very real prospect that many of us never thought possible. Having held out (correctly) of the last three negotiations, we might help form the first left-majority government. But, with Independent Ireland & Aontu on a routine 10%+ in polls, this outcome is BARELY a possibility and/or still the hope of many.

Whatever differences exist & the clear validity of criticism, the SocDem-Shinner relationship is now as crucial to government formation as any other combination of parties. And with this in mind, I write the following critique, to either 1) stop patterns of behaviour that could be detrimental to this outcome. Or 2) start new positive patterns, which add a degree of understanding across the two parties.

1)       Policy Differences: This doesn’t mean holding back criticism of Sinn Fein, you’re allowed to be as negative as possible. Please paint the town purple with things you think they do wrong. But at some point, giving way to the potential of what we could accomplish together has to be considered a good thing. Even to a cynic like myself, the chance of talking positively about the feasibility of potential shared aims isn’t something from The Twilight Zone. Maybe nothing comes out of it, maybe it causes arguments, but there’s more harm in not trying to consider viability between the two Parties. As bad as they are, Fianna Fail & Fine Gael’s ability to collaborate builds a sense of trust to the public that’s missing on the Irish Left.     

2)       "Well the press seem to like it": If, after 10 years of almost complete silence, in a manner that attempted to imply irrelevancy, a journalist or broadcaster suddenly promotes your party in a manner that also knocks a rival like Sinn Fein, it’s acceptable to highlight the pattern. Not only is it acceptable, but it’s very worthwhile to provide understanding, specifically about how people have been obliged to tolerate a level of criticism in the media that others have never received. Moreso, in instances where Sinn Fein didn’t do great, such as the by-elections, it’s worthwhile to strategize a media approach that avoids appearing to kick Sinn Fein when they’re down. Even now, during a Seanad By-Election campaign that the combined left cannot possibly win, being aware of attempts at fermenting infighting can be something you’re capable of dealing with. So there’s value in controlling your own narrative, instead of having to react off of someone else’s.   

3)       Different Strokes: Although it pains me to say, we SocDems are unlikely to ever get 10k first preference in say, the Cavan-Monaghan constituency, so please send on your condolences. That said, there’s another party that is & I’d rather them succeed than the likes of others who may feel more sympathetic of Fianna Fail & Fine Gael. So, without getting into too great a detail about Rural/Urban, Middle/Working Class or High/Low Income, there’s nothing wrong in engaging in a process that reflects your own background. What’s more important is that someone aware of the differences is able to direct all various types of identity toward a mutual benefit. Right now, I’ve very little to doubt this as a successful option.

4)       Sum of our parts: Before NATO membership & Sweden’s bohemian COVID policy, our position in reflecting the Scandinavian model seems like a strength, including how the left parties tended to either go into government or opposition together. As such, there are people who couldn’t give the slightest about distinctions between the SocDems, Labour & Greens, limited to the fact that they expect being able to collaborate. What is something to be frightened of, is an election where a left majority is achieved but fails to create a government, due to distinct policy differences. And in no uncertain terms would we collectively be allowed to forget it, and/or how pointless it is to work with the left when Fianna Fail & Fine Gael are there.

5)       How People vote: After you read this, stand up, put on a cardigan, go to Mass & thank God that both Independent Ireland & Aontu exist, particularly due to their ability split a vote. And when you lump in Fianna Fail & Fine Gael too, there has never been such sizeable fractures among the right-of-centre & the chance for both the Social Democrats & Sinn Fein to rise over them.

Happy to hear people's thoughts.

As a SocDem, if I had 1 wish, it would be for the party to say that they understand perceptions it isn't representative of Rural Ireland, the Ag Economy & we should want to keep space free for people from there, especially outside the standard tropes of membership.

I wouldn’t say that there’s any malice involved if the party pushes for a Manifesto that revolves around the bases we’ve created in Towns & Cities, but I think there’s one crucial element that the left would be foolish to ignore, which is the consequences of the Greens in Government.

There's not much new to say about the Green Party that isn't already public knowledge. Crediting them that they got some degree of their policies in, the method of how they went about doing that, in my opinion, gets Independent Ireland & Aontú to a combined 13% in the polls.

Due to their (rightful) success, the Greens had the power to bring in special advisers under Charlie McConalogue. And because of the power they held, they had the right to insert their
recommendations into every division, regardless of whatever FFFG felt about it. So, if they had an approach of "it's either the Environment or the Farmers" on a particular issue, it was assumed in the public consciousness what side they would pick & FFFG had to grin and bear it. So whether or not a policy was labelled un-cooperative by the Ag-Sector, the Greens were still going to implement it.

Now I'm not saying the Green Party took a radical approach, but rather they had the right to envision & implement their own goals regardless of the issues/concerns of people in
Rural Ireland, and the perception (whether they're true or not) came about from that mismatch. And the fact they have entirely distinct bases of support in elections only hammer home the perception that there was an indifference to rural Ireland from an Urban community with a upper/middle class base working in the tertiary sector. Particularly an indifference to working together.

The only issue is, the Green Party were there with Fianna Fail & Fine Gael. And the critics of the Greens get to say FFFG were happy to be dragged down for the sake of power.

So, with these most recent protests, you're seeing the first shoots not only of a distinct
watermark between Rural & Sub/Urban Ireland, but also the Government & Opposition bases of support that exist within Rural Ireland, namely Fianna Fail/Fine Gael/Indos on one side, & II/Aontú/Sinn Fein/Indos on the other. The biggest outcome of this could be the permanent locking out of Political Parties from vast regions of the country, that are perceived to have a definitive Urban/Suburban base in Dublin & larger towns.