Ashendye/Ashenda in Lalibela
This is from last year, it will be held from August 22-24 this year
This is from last year, it will be held from August 22-24 this year
via \@nu_enezur_ethiopiantour on Instagram originally, I just corrected some of the dates
by \@sosina_mengistu on Instagram
@aberhamsk8 on instagram
@therealrandleel on Instagram
Rising tensions between Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) hardliners and the Ethiopian government have threatened to reignite the conflict in northern Ethiopia and undermine peace and security across the entire region. Earlier this year, members of the Tigray Security Forces (TSF) clashed with Ethiopian National Defense Forces (ENDF), their first direct engagement since the end of the 2020-2022 conflict, which resulted in the loss of 600,000 lives and brought the region to the brink of famine. Hundreds of thousands of civilians across northern Ethiopia have already fled their homes, fearing a return to war.
Today, pursuant to his authority under Section 212(a)(3)(C) of the Immigration and Nationality Act, Secretary Rubio is taking steps to impose visa restrictions on hardline members of the TPLF and their immediate family members. This visa restriction policy targets individuals who are responsible for, or complicit in, undermining resolution to the crisis in the Tigray region.
The United States will continue to stand with the Ethiopian people, including the people of Tigray, who want to live in peace and dignity. We will continue to use all tools available to expose and promote accountability for TPLF officials and other individuals who threaten that peace and stability in the region.
Read the entire thing but this part in particular stood out:
'He [Isaias] did not want to see the Pretoria Agreement put an end to the crisis and suffering in Ethiopia that was giving him so much joy and comfort. So, he sought out the extremist elements in the TPLF and continued cultivating similar elements within the Fano. Eritrean operatives brokered an alliance of those disgruntled by the Pretoria Agreement. The forces intent on perpetuating a state of hostility came together under Eritrean tutelage in a band of misfits they dubbed Tsimdo.
Right now, this alliance, cobbled together in covert and not so covert meetings in Asmara, Mekelle, and Sudan, is poised to trigger another round of conflict. Aided and abetted by Asmara, the hardline rump of the TPLF has decided to launch an offensive against the federal government in the coming days.'
Addis Abeba – A draft proclamation reportedly prepared by the Legal Standing Committee of the region’s pre-war council, which has recently been reinstated by the TPLF, is drawing scrutiny over provisions that would make military mobilization a legal obligation while imposing harsh penalties on individuals and media organizations accused of discouraging recruitment, criticizing mobilization efforts, or disseminating information deemed harmful to security interests.
The proposed legislation, which seeks to establish a legal framework for national mobilization and wartime administration, contains a series of provisions granting authorities extensive powers over civilian, institutional, and media activities during periods of mobilization.
At the center of the draft is a requirement that citizens called upon for national mobilization must comply with recruitment orders. The law outlines penalties for individuals who evade service, fail to report when summoned, assist others in avoiding mobilization, or otherwise obstruct recruitment efforts.
One provision states that individuals who “discourage, intimidate, or actively mislead” members of the armed forces or mobilization structures, or who encourage them to abandon service or surrender weapons, may face prison sentences ranging from several years to as much as 25 years in severe cases.
The draft further expands liability beyond individuals to media organizations. It stipulates that where such acts are committed through newspapers, radio stations, television broadcasters, online platforms, social media channels, or other communication outlets, media institutions themselves may face financial penalties and the suspension or revocation of operating licenses.
Another article criminalizes the publication or dissemination of information authorities deem false or misleading regarding military operations, casualties, security threats, or wartime developments. Critics say the language is broad and could potentially expose journalists and media organizations to prosecution for reporting on controversial issues related to recruitment, battlefield developments, or public grievances.
Particularly contentious is a provision targeting what the draft describes as “hostile propaganda, media campaigns, or public relations activities” that support the objectives of an enemy. The offense carries some of the harshest penalties in the proposed law, including lengthy prison terms, life imprisonment, and, in the most serious circumstances, the death penalty.
The draft also penalizes actions considered harmful to national defense, including the disclosure of military or state secrets, collaboration with hostile forces, sabotage of public infrastructure, and activities deemed to weaken constitutional authority or public order during periods of mobilization. Other provisions impose penalties for desertion, insubordination, espionage, corruption related to mobilization resources, and obstruction of government directives issued under the law.
In addition, the proclamation requires public institutions, private organizations, businesses, community structures, and media outlets to cooperate with mobilization efforts and comply with directives issued by authorities. The draft also includes provisions restricting bail for certain offenses and allowing special procedures for the prosecution of individuals accused of serious crimes under the legislation.
The proposed law comes as reports of forced military recruitment continue to emerge from various parts of Tigray.
In recent months, residents from multiple zones have told Addis Standard that young people have been rounded up, detained, or pressured into joining military structures. Opposition political parties have similarly accused authorities of conducting coercive recruitment campaigns, while rights organizations have warned that such practices risk violating fundamental rights and deepening public frustration.
A recent report by Human Rights First Ethiopia (HRFE) documented allegations of forced military recruitment across several parts of the region. The organization said individuals, including students and young people, had reportedly been subjected to pressure, detention, and other coercive measures aimed at compelling participation in military activities. HRFE called for adherence to human rights standards and urged authorities to ensure that recruitment practices remain voluntary and lawful.
Against that backdrop, media observers and legal analysts say the draft law could significantly affect public discussion of recruitment practices. They warn that provisions criminalizing speech that “discourages” military service, along with restrictions on reporting deemed harmful to mobilization efforts, may create uncertainty for journalists covering allegations of forced conscription or public opposition to recruitment campaigns.
Supporters of the draft, however, argue that Tigray faces extraordinary security challenges that require a comprehensive legal framework capable of organizing society for collective defense and preventing actions that could undermine security and stability.
The draft proclamation has not yet been formally enacted, but its provisions are already generating debate among journalists, legal experts, political actors, and rights advocates concerned about the balance between security imperatives and fundamental freedoms.
The proposed law emerges amid heightened political and security tensions in Tigray more than three years after the signing of the Pretoria Agreement. While the peace deal largely ended active hostilities between federal forces and the TPLF, divisions within Tigray’s political leadership have deepened, accompanied by growing concerns over security, governance, and the future of the region’s armed structures.
In recent months, reports of forced military recruitment have surfaced from multiple areas of Tigray. Residents, opposition parties, and rights groups have alleged that young people have been compelled to join military formations, prompting calls for independent investigations and greater transparency regarding recruitment practices.
The debate over the draft proclamation therefore comes at a particularly sensitive moment, with questions surrounding military mobilization, civil liberties, and freedom of expression increasingly at the center of public discussion. AS
Sudanese political groups have confirmed their participation in a major diplomatic summit set to begin on Wednesday in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
The two-day conference is being held under the supervision of the international five-party mechanism and aims to launch a comprehensive Sudanese-led dialogue process.
The meeting is notable for bringing together, for the first time, political factions aligned with General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan’s army and groups supportive of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF).
Civilian opposition movements seeking an end to Sudan’s devastating conflict are also expected to take part in the talks.
Participants hope the summit will lead to the formation of a joint preparatory committee tasked with organizing future national peace negotiations.
Jaafar Hassan, spokesperson for the Sumud alliance, said the group’s delegation had arrived after resolving disagreements over representation with conference organizers.
Meanwhile, Democratic Bloc leader Minni Arko Minawi reiterated that any credible political process should ultimately be held inside Sudan.
Observers see the gathering as an important test of whether rival factions can move beyond battlefield divisions and engage in meaningful dialogue.
The international community has continued to urge Sudan’s warring parties to shift from armed confrontation to an inclusive political process.
The 12th Chinese military medical expert team departed for Addis Ababa, Ethiopia, on May 16 to begin a one-year medical aid mission.
The 13-member team, organized by the First Hospital Affiliated to the PLA Army Medical University, comprises military medical specialists covering orthopedics, infectious diseases, ophthalmology, respiratory medicine, urology, general surgery and traditional Chinese medicine. All members possess solid theoretical expertise and extensive clinical experience.
During the mission, the expert team will align its work with Ethiopia's medical needs and local conditions, focusing on clinical diagnosis and treatment, personnel training, and technical assistance. Their work is expected to help strengthen the medical support capabilities and advance the introduction of new technologies and services at Ethiopia's military hospitals, and contribute to the development of the local healthcare sector.
Since 2015, the PLA Army Medical University has sent over 100 medical experts to Ethiopia on medical aid missions.
Chinese military medical personnel have provided healthcare services to both local military personnel and civilians, earning recognition for their professionalism and medical ethics. Their efforts have reinforced the traditional friendship between China and Ethiopia, and built a solid reputation for China's military medical assistance. The programme reflects the Chinese military's active participation in international humanitarian cooperation and its contribution to the vision of building a global community of health for all.
Addis Abeba – The United States has formally lifted restrictive arms export measures imposed on Ethiopia during the war in the Tigray, with the U.S. State Department’s Directorate of Defense Trade Controls (DDTC) announcing that Ethiopia will be removed from the list of countries subject to a “policy of denial” under the International Traffic in Arms Regulations (ITAR).
In a notice published on 11 May, the DDTC said Washington had “terminated the arms embargo on Ethiopia” and that it will now review applications for ITAR-controlled defense exports to Ethiopia on a case-by-case basis. The agency also indicated that a forthcoming regulatory amendment will remove Ethiopia from ITAR §126.1, the section that lists countries subject to strict U.S. defense export restrictions.
ITAR is the U.S. regulatory framework governing the export of military equipment, defense services, and related technologies. Countries included under ITAR §126.1 are generally presumed ineligible for U.S. arms transfers, with license applications typically denied.
The restrictions on Ethiopia were first introduced in September 2021 amid the war in Tigray. At the time, the DDTC announced a “policy of denial” for controlled defense exports to Ethiopia and Eritrea, citing the deteriorating humanitarian crisis and hostilities. The measure was later formalized through an amendment adding Ethiopia to ITAR §126.1(n).
The decision was linked to, but legally distinct from, the September 2021 executive order issued by U.S. President Joe Biden, which authorized sanctions against individuals and entities deemed responsible for prolonging the war, obstructing humanitarian access, or committing human rights abuses in Ethiopia. That sanctions framework continues to operate separately under U.S. emergency powers.
While renewing the executive order for the second time on 7 September 2023, the White House said Ethiopia “continues to pose an unusual and extraordinary threat to the national security and foreign policy of the United States.”
That sanctions framework was last renewed by President Trump in September 2025, while the ITAR action specifically governed defense export licensing and arms transfers.
The development comes against the backdrop of a high-level visit to the United States by Foreign Minister Gedion Timotheos, during which Washington and Addis Abeba held “productive and wide-ranging meetings” under the latest round of the U.S.–Ethiopia Bilateral Structured Dialogue. Discussions reportedly covered the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), the war in Sudan, Red Sea security, and efforts to expand U.S. investment in Ethiopia. AS
The federal government has accused the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and Sudan’s military government of providing support to “TPLF mercenaries” and violating Ethiopia’s territorial integrity. The accusations were levied in a statement issued by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs today, and comes a day after the Sudanese government accused Ethiopia and the UAE of orchestrating drone attacks on Khartoum International Airport and military sites.
“The people of Ethiopia and Sudan share a historic and enduring bond of friendship. In recognition of the fraternal ties between the two nations, the Government of Ethiopia has exercised restraint and refrained from publicizing the grave violations of Ethiopia’s territorial integrity and national security committed by some belligerents in the Sudanese civil war. These violations include, among others. the extensive use of TPLF mercenaries in the conflict,” reads the statement.
“The Sudanese armed forces have also provided arms and financial support to these mercenaries, thereby facilitating their incursions along Ethiopia’s western frontier. The activities of TPLF mercenaries in Sudan are a matter of public record, and there is simple and credible evidence showing that Sudan is serving as a hub of various anti-Ethiopian forces. It is evident that these hostile actions, as well as the recent and earlier series of allegations by officials of Sudanese Armed Forces, are undertaken at the behest of external patrons seeking to advance their own nefarious agenda,” it continues.
Late Monday night, the Sudanese Foreign Minister and military spokesperson held a press conference where they stated they had “conclusive evidence” that drone attacks on Khartoum International Airport and several Sudanese military sites earlier in the day were launched from Bahir Dar.
The Sudanese Foreign Minister said his country is “ready to enter into an open confrontation with Ethiopia.” The Sudanese government has since recalled its ambassador to Ethiopia.
Last month marked three years since civil war erupted in Sudan, with fighting between the SAF and Rapid Support Forces (RSF) killing at least 150,000 people, displacing over 14 million, and leaving millions more in the grip of famine and disease.
Some interesting sections:
'Regarding ONLF, from the beginning, there were certain elements based in the diaspora. These diaspora-based ONLF members are very extremist. Most of the ONLF members who were on the ground are integrated into the government. They are now active in agriculture, business, and supporting government security forces. There is a good understanding with them. I do not expect any such efforts to cause conflict in the region again.'
'The Somali region will get its fair share of the profit to be generated by the [natural gas and fertilizer] projects once they are finalized. The profit proceeds are first split between the federal and the producing region. Then the federal pie is again divided to all regions. Hence, the producing region benefits in two ways.
'Having sea access is a huge benefit for Ethiopia. It will be a big pillar, a big legacy of this generation. Ethiopia already has a huge population and economy in the region. With sea access, it will be very influential. We already have a strong state and low corruption compared to other African countries. Having sea access on top of all this will make Ethiopia a very strong economy. As a region, we are ready to provide any support to the sea access pursuit.'