u/GrumpyGuyMugdha

The establishment of a Centre of Excellence for Classical Assamese at Tezpur University is a welcome step towards preserving and understanding the rich linguistic and literary heritage of Assam.

A language carries more than words. It carries the memories of generations, the stories of our ancestors, the wisdom of our writers and the experiences of a people.

Preserving Assamese means ensuring that future generations can continue to discover the works, ideas and history that have shaped our language over centuries.

With this Centre, there is hope for more research into old Assamese texts, the preservation and digitisation of manuscripts, and a deeper understanding of how our language has evolved.

It can also create new opportunities for students and researchers who wish to contribute to Assamese language studies.

Recognising Assamese as a Classical Language was a significant achievement. Now, the real work lies in documenting, studying and making this heritage accessible to everyone, not just scholars.

May this initiative help our language receive the research, care and attention it deserves, while keeping it alive and meaningful for generations to come.

Our heritage is not merely something to look back upon. It is something we must understand, preserve and carry forward.

তেজপুৰ বিশ্ববিদ্যালয়ত ধ্ৰুপদী অসমীয়া ভাষা অধ্যয়নৰ বাবে উৎকৰ্ষ কেন্দ্ৰ স্থাপন কৰাটো অসমৰ চহকী ভাষিক আৰু সাহিত্যিক ঐতিহ্য সংৰক্ষণ আৰু অধ্যয়নৰ দিশত এক আদৰণীয় পদক্ষেপ।

এটা ভাষাই কেৱল শব্দকে সামৰি নলয়। ইয়াৰ বুকুত সঞ্চিত হৈ থাকে কেইবাটাও প্ৰজন্মৰ স্মৃতি, আমাৰ পূৰ্বপুৰুষৰ কাহিনী, সাহিত্যিকসকলৰ চিন্তা-চৰ্চা আৰু এটা জাতিৰ জীৱন-অভিজ্ঞতা।

অসমীয়া ভাষাৰ সংৰক্ষণৰ অৰ্থ হ’ল, ভৱিষ্যৎ প্ৰজন্মই যাতে আমাৰ ভাষাটোক যুগ যুগ ধৰি সমৃদ্ধ কৰি অহা সাহিত্য, চিন্তা-চৰ্চা আৰু ইতিহাসৰ সৈতে পৰিচিত হ’ব পাৰে, তাৰ ব্যৱস্থা কৰা।

এই কেন্দ্ৰৰ জৰিয়তে পুৰণি অসমীয়া সাহিত্যৰাজিৰ ওপৰত অধিক গৱেষণা, পুৰণি পুথি-পাঁজি আৰু পাণ্ডুলিপিৰ সংৰক্ষণ তথা ডিজিটেল ৰূপত সংৰক্ষণ, আৰু আমাৰ ভাষাটোৱে সময়ৰ সোঁতত কেনেদৰে ৰূপ সলনি কৰি আহিছে, সেই বিষয়ে গভীৰ অধ্যয়নৰ বাট মুকলি হ’ব বুলি আশা কৰিব পাৰি।

লগতে, অসমীয়া ভাষা-সাহিত্যৰ অধ্যয়ন আৰু গৱেষণাত আগ্ৰহী ছাত্ৰ-ছাত্ৰী আৰু গৱেষকসকলৰ বাবেও ই নতুন সুযোগ সৃষ্টি কৰিব পাৰে।

অসমীয়া ভাষাই ধ্ৰুপদী ভাষাৰ স্বীকৃতি লাভ কৰাটো আছিল এক উল্লেখযোগ্য সাফল্য। এতিয়া প্ৰয়োজন হৈছে আমাৰ এই ঐতিহ্যৰ নথিভুক্তকৰণ, অধ্যয়ন আৰু সংৰক্ষণৰ লগতে ইয়াক সকলোৰে বাবে সহজলভ্য কৰি তোলা, যাতে এই সম্পদ কেৱল গৱেষকসকলৰ মাজতে সীমাবদ্ধ হৈ নাথাকে।

এই পদক্ষেপে আমাৰ ভাষাটোৱে প্ৰাপ্য গৱেষণা, যত্ন আৰু গুৰুত্ব লাভ কৰাত সহায় কৰক। আমাৰ ভাষা আৰু সাহিত্যৰ ঐতিহ্য যাতে আগন্তুক প্ৰজন্মৰ বাবেও জীৱন্ত আৰু অৰ্থপূৰ্ণ হৈ থাকে, সেয়াই কামনা।

আমাৰ ঐতিহ্য কেৱল অতীতলৈ উভতি চাবলৈ থকা কোনো সম্পদ নহয়। ইয়াক বুজি পোৱা, সংৰক্ষণ কৰা আৰু ভৱিষ্যৎ প্ৰজন্মলৈ আগবঢ়াই নিয়াটো আমাৰ দায়িত্ব।

চিৰ চেনেহী মোৰ ভাষা জননী!

(Forever beloved is my mother tongue)

জয় আই অসম!

Song clip source: Lalungoni 2025 by Maitrayee Patar.

(Pic: A Durga Puja pandal in Dibrugarh, Assam)

With Durga Puja approaching, I thought it would be interesting to look at one of the lesser-known chapters in Assam's history, how the tradition of worshipping Durga through an earthen image became established in the Ahom kingdom.

Assam had traditions of Shakta worship long before the Ahom period. Places such as Kamakhya, Digheswari, Ugratara, Maha Bhairavi and other ancient shrines had long-standing traditions of worshipping the Goddess. So it would be incorrect to say that Durga worship itself was "introduced" to Assam by the Ahoms.

What changed during the Ahom period was the emergence of the earthen-image Durga Puja as a public and royal festival, and one of the earliest accounts connecting this tradition to the Ahom court takes us to the reign of Swargadeo Susenghphaa, better known as Pratap Singha (1603–1641).

The story also connects Assam with the neighbouring Koch kingdom and its famous ruler Nara Narayan.

According to historian Benudhar Sarma, Pratap Singha came to know about the elaborate Durga Puja celebrated by Nara Narayan in Koch Bihar. One of the people through whom he learned about the practice was Sondar Gohain, who had spent time in the Koch kingdom.

The Koch tradition particularly impressed the Ahom king because of the use of earthen images of Goddess Durga and the grandeur with which the festival was celebrated.

Pratap Singha then decided to learn the art himself.

Historical accounts describe him as sending Ahom artisans to Cooch Behar to learn the technique of making earthen images of Durga and other deities. An account reproduced in Assam Buranji specifically says that, after hearing about the use of earthen images in Durga Puja, the Ahom king deputed artists to Cooch Behar to learn image-making. The artisans eventually returned along with Koch envoys named Gaja Singha and Patal Singha.

The first recorded Ahom royal Durga Puja involving an earthen image is associated with Bhatiapara, near present-day Sivasagar. A modern historical account places this tradition in the early 17th century, with the clay images being made by local khanikars following the techniques associated with the Koch tradition.

Bhatiapara itself is not some random name attached to the story. It was an established locality in the Ahom kingdom, and historical records also associate the area with royal public works. The Census of India still records Bhatiapara as a village in the Sivasagar district.

This episode is especially fascinating because it shows how cultural exchange worked between the different kingdoms of medieval Assam and the eastern Himalaya.

The Ahom kingdom and the Koch kingdoms were not culturally isolated from one another. There were wars, alliances, marriages, diplomatic missions, exchanges of hostages and envoys, and movement of skilled people between their territories. Pratap Singha himself strengthened his relationship with the Koch sphere through marriage and diplomacy.

In fact, the reign of Pratap Singha was an important period of cultural and political transformation in the Ahom kingdom. His reign saw growing interaction with the wider Hindu cultural world, the development of new institutions, expansion towards western Assam and increasing contact with the Koch and Mughal powers.

The Durga Puja story fits into that larger picture.

It is also important to understand what we mean when we call this the 'first Durga Puja in Assam.'

That wording can be misleading.

Durga worship was certainly not new to Assam in the 17th century. The Shakta traditions of Assam are much older, and Kamakhya in particular represents one of the major centres of Goddess worship in South Asia.

The actual historical accounts are talking about the beginning of the present-style tradition of worshipping Durga through an earthen image as a major public or royal festival in the Ahom kingdom.

In other words, Pratap Singha did not introduce Goddess Durga to Assam. Instead, the tradition of making and ceremonially worshipping a clay image of Durga, which he had encountered in the Koch kingdom, was adopted and developed within the Ahom kingdom.

The Koch ruler Nara Narayan (r. 1540–1587) was one of the most powerful rulers of medieval northeastern India. His kingdom had extensive political and cultural connections with Assam and Bengal. By the time of Pratap Singha, these connections had already produced generations of interaction between the Koch and Ahom courts.

According to the historical folk tradition, Pratap Singha's curiosity about the Koch form of Durga Puja eventually resulted in him sending craftsmen to learn how the images were made. And from there, the making of earthen images of Durga became part of the religious landscape of the Ahom kingdom.

One account specifically states that the first such celebration took place at Bhatiapara near Sivasagar, and that this was the first time Durga Puja with an earthen image was celebrated for the wider public in this part of Assam, alongside the older temple-based traditions of Goddess worship.

There is another fascinating detail in the historical tradition, the artisans associated with this development are described as Khanikars of Marangiyal. Which means, this was not simply a matter of importing a finished idol from Koch Bihar. Knowledge of image-making was learned and then incorporated into the local craft tradition.

Over the centuries, Durga Puja developed far beyond that original royal setting.

Today, it is celebrated across Assam by communities of many different backgrounds. From the huge celebrations of Guwahati and Silchar to the traditional pujas of Upper Assam, the festival has become deeply woven into the cultural life of the state.

And that makes the old Bhatiapara story especially beautiful.

A tradition that once travelled between neighbouring medieval kingdoms through diplomats, craftsmen and cultural exchange eventually became one of the most recognisable festivals of modern Assam.

So when we see a Durga idol being shaped from clay during Puja season, there is a fascinating piece of Ahom history behind that tradition.

Pratap Singha heard about the magnificent Durga Puja of the Koch kingdom. He wanted his own kingdom to learn the craft. Artisans were sent to Cooch Behar, they learned the art of making earthen images, and the tradition was subsequently established at Bhatiapara near Sivasagar.

And that is one of the many examples of how Assam's religious culture was shaped not only by its own ancient traditions, but also through centuries of interaction with neighbouring kingdoms and communities.

Happy Durga Puja in advance!

Source:

• E. A. Gait, A History of Assam.

• Assam Buranji.

• H. K. Barpujari (ed.), The Comprehensive History of Assam.

• Benudhar Sarma's historical account.

An article on the history of Durga Puja in Assam: https://aknandy.wordpress.com/2016/10/07/durga-puja-in-assam/

There is a beautiful Sanskrit hymn from Assam that deserves to be much more widely known. It is called 'Madhu Danava Darana', also known as Totaya, and was composed by Mahapurush Srimanta Sankardeva, the saint, poet, playwright and religious reformer whose teachings shaped the Ekasarana Naam Dharma tradition of Assam.

What makes this composition particularly fascinating is how Sankardeva brings together Sanskrit poetry, Vaishnava theology and vivid descriptions of Lord Krishna.

Within a relatively short hymn, he evokes Krishna's divine beauty, his victories over demonic forces, his relationship with Balarama, his cosmic form and his association with figures from the Ramayana, including Hanuman and Sugriva.

The poem is not simply a description of Krishna's appearance. It is a devotional portrait of the Supreme Lord through a succession of names, attributes and mythological allusions.

The complete hymn:

The following is a transliterated version of the Sanskrit text. Spellings and readings may vary between published versions. To read about the meaning and symbolism, please scroll past the transliterated hymn section.

"Śrī Śrī Kṛṣṇāya namo namaḥ

Toṭaya chanda

Madhu-dānava-dāraṇa-deva-varam

Vara-vārija-locana-cakra-dharam

Dharaṇi-dhara-dhāraṇa-dhyeya-param

Paramārtha-vidyā-śubha-nāśakaram

Kara-cūrṇita-Cedipa-bhūri-bhagam

Bhaga-bhūṣaṇa-korccita-pāda-yugam

Yuga-nāyaka-nāgara-veśa-rucim

Rucirāṃśu-pidhāna-śarīra-śucim

Śuci-cāmara-vāyu-ni-sevya-tanum

Tanu-madhyaga-deha-suveśa-hanum

Hanumanta-harīśa-sahāya-ratam

Rata-rāṅga-parāyaṇa-śakra-natam

Nata-varttūla-sthūla-sudīrgha-bhujam

Bhujagādhipa-talpa-śayānam ajam

Ajarāmara-vigraha-viśva-gurum

Guru-godhana-kāma-da-kalpatarum

Taruṇi-mana-mohana-sarva-śubham

Śubha-maṅgala-dāyaka-nīla-nibham

Ibhakumbha-jamauktika-mālya-vaham

Vahalo-rasa-miṣṭa-ja-sarva-saham

Sahajāyati padma-dalākṣa-cidam

Cidānanda-vinodana-veda-vidam

Vidūṣā-manma-guṇa-kambu-galam

Gala-śobhita-kaustubha-bhīma-valam

Balabhadra-sahodara-satya-vapum

Vapu-nirdita-viśva-sura-ari-ripum

Ripu-yūtha-pa-yūthapa-darpa-haram

Hara-mauli-nighṛṣṭa-padābja-param

Paraloka-sahāya-sahasra-mukham

Mukharāli-kulākula-mālya-sukham

Sukha-mokṣa-da-dakṣara-māra-maṇam

Manaso'parimeya-sahasra-praṇam

Praṇato'smi nato'smi nato'smi harim

Hari-vairi-hutāśana-bhogya-harim

Hari-kiṅkara-Śaṅkara-īśa-pade

Padam icchan gāyati cāmṛtade"

Understanding the imagery of the hymn:

1. Krishna as the slayer of Madhu.

"Madhu-dānava-dāraṇa-deva-varam

Vara-vārija-locana-cakra-dharam"

The opening invokes Krishna as the destroyer of the demon Madhu and the supreme Lord among the gods. The second line describes his lotus-like eyes and his discus, the Sudarshana Chakra.

The contrast is beautiful. Krishna is both the Lord who defeats forces threatening cosmic order and the divine figure whose eyes possess the softness and beauty of a lotus. His power and beauty are presented together rather than as separate qualities.

2. The sustainer of the earth and the giver of spiritual knowledge.

"Dharaṇi-dhara-dhāraṇa-dhyeya-param

Paramārtha-vidyā-śubha-nāśakaram"

Here the imagery turns towards Krishna's cosmic and spiritual nature. He is associated with sustaining the earth and is presented as the supreme object of contemplation.

The following line invokes the highest spiritual knowledge and the removal of what obstructs auspiciousness.

Krishna is therefore not merely a deity encountered through stories and beautiful images. He is also the ultimate reality towards which spiritual knowledge and contemplation are directed.

3. Krishna's victories and his sacred feet.

"Kara-cūrṇita-Cedipa-bhūri-bhagam

Bhaga-bhūṣaṇa-korccita-pāda-yugam"

These lines allude to Krishna's victories over his enemies and turn towards the glory of his feet, which are worthy of reverence and worship.

The reference to the Chedi ruler evokes the tradition surrounding Shishupala, Krishna's enemy, whose hostility culminated in his death at Krishna's hands.

The sacred feet of Krishna occupy an important place in Vaishnava devotion. To take refuge at the Lord's feet is to acknowledge him as the ultimate protector and source of grace.

4. The beauty of the divine form.

"Yuga-nāyaka-nāgara-veśa-rucim

Rucirāṃśu-pidhāna-śarīra-śucim"

Sankardeva now draws attention to Krishna's attractive appearance, his graceful attire and the radiance of his body. Krishna is presented as the beautiful divine hero, whose appearance itself becomes an object of devotional contemplation.

This is characteristic of Vaishnava poetry, where describing the deity's beauty is not simply an artistic exercise. It is a way of directing the mind towards the Lord and deepening devotion through remembrance of his form.

5. The Lord worthy of royal service.

"Śuci-cāmara-vāyu-ni-sevya-tanum

Tanu-madhyaga-deha-suveśa-hanum"

These lines evoke Krishna's beautifully adorned body and the honour with which he is served. The imagery of the chāmara, a ceremonial fan, suggests the service traditionally offered to a king or deity.

The following line continues the physical description, though its precise compound interpretation is less certain in the available transliteration.

The image of divine service is important here. Krishna's beauty is accompanied by the reverence due to the Supreme Lord.

6. The remarkable reference to Hanuman and Sugriva.

"Hanumanta-harīśa-sahāya-ratam

Rata-rāṅga-parāyaṇa-śakra-natam"

This is one of the most fascinating passages in the hymn. The first line invokes Hanuman and Harīśa, understood in this context as the king of the monkeys, Sugriva, recalling the world of the Ramayana.

Hanuman is celebrated for his unwavering devotion to Rama, while Sugriva is remembered as Rama's ally in the struggle against Ravana. Their presence in a hymn glorifying Krishna brings the Ramayana into the same devotional vision.

This is particularly meaningful within Vaishnavism, where Rama and Krishna are understood in relation to Vishnu and the wider manifestations of the Divine. The line can therefore be read as evoking Krishna's connection with the sacred narratives of Rama.

The precise grammar of this compound is difficult to establish from the transliteration alone, so its detailed interpretation should be treated cautiously.

7. Krishna reclining upon Ananta.

"Nata-varttūla-sthūla-sudīrgha-bhujam

Bhujagādhipa-talpa-śayānam ajam"

The imagery now turns to Krishna's powerful, elongated arms and the Lord who reclines upon the serpent king, Ananta or Shesha.

The word aja describes the unborn Lord.

The image of Vishnu reclining upon Ananta is one of the most recognisable images in Hindu religious art.

The serpent represents the cosmic setting in which the Lord rests beyond the limitations of ordinary time and worldly existence. Sankardeva's description thus moves from Krishna's beautiful bodily form to the immense scale of his cosmic identity.

8. The eternal Lord and the wish-fulfilling tree.

"Ajarāmara-vigraha-viśva-gurum

Guru-godhana-kāma-da-kalpatarum"

Krishna is praised as eternal, beyond ageing and death, and as the teacher of the universe. The following line evokes the imagery of the kalpataru, the wish-fulfilling tree, through which the Lord is presented as the giver of blessings and fulfilment.

The image is especially fitting for devotional poetry. Just as the mythical tree grants the wishes of those who approach it, Krishna is understood as the ultimate refuge of devotees who seek him with sincerity.

9. Krishna's enchanting beauty and auspicious presence.

"Taruṇi-mana-mohana-sarva-śubham

Śubha-maṅgala-dāyaka-nīla-nibham"

These lines describe Krishna as enchanting and auspicious, with a complexion resembling deep blue. His beauty is capable of captivating the heart, while his presence brings blessing and good fortune.

The blue complexion is a familiar feature of Krishna's iconography and devotional literature.

It distinguishes his divine form while also giving poets a way to express its extraordinary beauty through imagery drawn from the natural world.

10. The ornaments and garlands of Krishna.

"Ibhakumbha-jamauktika-mālya-vaham

Vahalo-rasa-miṣṭa-ja-sarva-saham"

The line evokes ornaments and garlands, including pearl imagery associated with the rounded forehead of an elephant.

The broader movement of the passage continues the hymn's celebration of Krishna's ornamented form and divine qualities. The deity's beauty is expressed through the traditional vocabulary of jewels, garlands and auspicious adornment.

11. The lotus-eyed Lord and the knowledge of the Vedas.

"Sahajāyati padma-dalākṣa-cidam

Cidānanda-vinodana-veda-vidam"

The lotus-eyed Lord is associated here with consciousness, spiritual bliss and knowledge of the Vedas.

The imagery moves beyond outward appearance towards the divine awareness and bliss that characterise the Supreme.

This is one of the recurring themes of the hymn. Krishna is simultaneously the beautiful form contemplated by devotees and the spiritual reality contemplated by those seeking ultimate knowledge.

12. The conch-like neck and the Kaustubha jewel.

"Vidūṣā-manma-guṇa-kambu-galam

Gala-śobhita-kaustubha-bhīma-valam"

These lines describe Krishna's neck through the familiar comparison with a conch and refer to the Kaustubha jewel adorning his chest.

The Kaustubha is a celebrated divine jewel associated with Vishnu.

The image connects the hymn to a long tradition of Vishnu iconography.

The conch-like neck, precious jewel and beautifully adorned body allow the listener to imagine the deity as he appears in sacred images and temple worship.

13. Krishna as the brother of Balarama.

"Balabhadra-sahodara-satya-vapum

Vapu-nirdita-viśva-sura-ari-ripum"

The first line explicitly identifies Krishna as the brother of Balabhadra, another name for Balarama. It also praises the truth and reality of his divine form.

The following line turns towards Krishna's role in defeating the enemies of the gods and restoring order.

This is an important reminder that the hymn does not portray Krishna only as a beautiful and gentle figure. He is also the divine protector whose actions preserve dharma.

14. The conqueror of enemies and the Lord honoured by Shiva.

"Ripu-yūtha-pa-yūthapa-darpa-haram

Hara-mauli-nighṛṣṭa-padābja-param"

Krishna is praised as the one who humbles the pride of powerful enemies and their leaders.

The next line evokes his lotus feet in association with Hara, or Shiva, whose head is traditionally understood as worthy of the Lord's sacred feet.

This imagery expresses the supreme status of Vishnu-Krishna through a devotional language in which even the great gods revere the Divine. It should be read as a theological expression of Krishna's supremacy within the hymn's Vaishnava framework.

15. The Lord with a thousand faces.

"Paraloka-sahāya-sahasra-mukham

Mukharāli-kulākula-mālya-sukham"

The hymn now evokes the Lord's connection with the spiritual world and the imagery of a thousand faces. The following line returns to the beauty of garlands and the devotional world surrounding the deity, although the exact sense of the compound is not entirely clear from this transliteration.

The movement between cosmic imagery and ornamented beauty is characteristic of the composition. Sankardeva moves from the immeasurable Lord to the beautiful details through which devotees imagine and worship him.

16. The giver of liberation.

"Sukha-mokṣa-da-dakṣara-māra-maṇam

Manaso'parimeya-sahasra-praṇam"

These lines evoke happiness, liberation and the imperishable Divine. Krishna is presented as the giver of spiritual fulfilment, while the following line suggests reverence before the Lord whose greatness exceeds the mind's ability to measure it.

The reference to liberation is significant because the hymn's devotion is not limited to worldly protection or material blessings. Krishna is the ultimate spiritual refuge, beyond ordinary human understanding.

17. The devotee bows again and again.

"Praṇato'smi nato'smi nato'smi harim

Hari-vairi-hutāśana-bhogya-harim"

Here the devotional voice becomes direct. The repeated declaration, praṇato'smi, means "I bow" or "I offer my reverence." The repetition makes the act of surrender central to the closing movement of the hymn.

The second line continues with imagery of Hari and the destruction of his enemies. Its compound is difficult to translate precisely from the available text, but the larger devotional theme is clear. The poet bows before the Lord who protects his devotees and overcomes opposing forces.

18. The final prayer.

"Hari-kiṅkara-Śaṅkara-īśa-pade

Padam icchan gāyati cāmṛtade"

The hymn concludes with the image of a servant of Hari seeking a place at the Lord's feet. The language of service and the desire for a place near the Divine bring the composition back to the fundamental Vaishnava ideal of surrender.

The hymn begins by praising Krishna's power and beauty and ends in reverence. Its many images, from the lotus eyes and Kaustubha jewel to Hanuman, Sugriva and the cosmic serpent Ananta, lead towards the same devotional conclusion. Krishna is the Lord worthy of praise, contemplation and complete surrender.

The extraordinary artistry of Sankardeva:

Beyond its religious imagery, Madhu Danava Darana is remarkable for its poetic construction. Sankardeva uses alliteration and linked sounds to give the hymn a flowing, almost continuous quality. The end of one line often echoes the beginning of the next, while the paired lines use matching sounds and rhyme. The result is a composition that feels carefully woven together rather than assembled from unrelated descriptions.

The hymn is traditionally associated with Sankardeva's meeting with the Koch king Naranarayana, where he is said to have sung it extempore. This account belongs to the traditional biography of the saint, but it reflects the high regard in which his Sanskrit learning and poetic ability have been held.

There is something especially meaningful about this work in the cultural history of Assam.

Sankardeva is best known for his contributions to Assamese literature, Borgeet, Ankiya Naat and Ekasarana Naam Dharma. Yet this Sanskrit hymn demonstrates his participation in the wider literary and devotional traditions of India while expressing the depth of Assam's own Vaishnava heritage.

Madhu Danava Darana is therefore more than a hymn listing Krishna's attributes. It is a carefully constructed devotional vision in which beauty, cosmic power, sacred stories and spiritual surrender are woven together.

Through its Sanskrit verses, Sankardeva presents Krishna as the lotus-eyed Lord, the slayer of demons, the brother of Balarama, the figure connected with the Ramayana's heroes and the eternal refuge of devotees.

A remarkable Sanskrit composition from Assam, it deserves to be appreciated both as a work of poetry and as an expression of the region's rich Vaishnava tradition.

When people think of the Naga peoples, the religious history that usually comes to mind is very different from the one found among a small Konyak Naga community in Upper Assam.

Around Sivasagar, particularly in Hahchara Naga Gaon and neighbouring settlements, there is a Konyak community whose history became closely connected with the Assamese Vaishnava tradition of Ekasarana Naam Dharma.

Their story is interesting precisely because becoming part of Assamese Vaishnava society did not mean simply abandoning their older Naga identity. Instead, a distinctive cultural combination developed in which Konyak traditions and Sankari Vaishnavism continued alongside one another.

The history of how these Konyaks reached Sivasagar is taken from oral traditions as written evidence about their earliest settlement is limited, and much of the early history survives through oral traditions recorded by later researchers.

One account places the beginning of the settlement in the Ahom period and connects it with a small group of Konyaks who came from the Naga Hills and were allowed to settle in the Sivasagar region.

Another tradition associates the early settlement with the Ahom ruler Swargadeo Rajeswar Singha and describes several Naga families being given land around Phulcheng Pukhuri.

Later migration from Konyak areas of the Naga Hills contributed to the growth of the settlements. Because these accounts are partly oral, they are best understood as traditions about the community's origins rather than as a completely established chronology.

By the nineteenth century, Konyak settlements had become established in the Sivasagar area. A study of Hahchara Naga Gaon places some of the earliest migration there in the first half of the nineteenth century, with migrants coming from places identified with present-day Nagaland.

Hahchara itself lies only a short distance from Sivasagar town and close to the historic Gargaon area, meaning that these Naga settlements developed within the Assamese plains rather than remaining isolated from the surrounding society.

The religious transformation of these communities is perhaps the most fascinating part of their history.

Some Konyak Nagas in Sivasagar became followers of Ekasarana Naam Dharma, the Vaishnava tradition associated with Srimanta Sankardeva and Madhavdeva.

According to accounts preserved in Sankardeva scholarship, Naga communities were initiated into the tradition through the Kal Sanghati branch of the movement and brought under the refuge of Sri Hari.

One account specifically identifies the Naga Gaon in the Hahchara mouza of Sivasagar as a community of Naga followers of Ekasarana Naam Dharma.

A particularly interesting tradition connects their initiation with the Moiramora Satra and its religious network. The historical details are not documented sufficiently to reconstruct a precise sequence of every initiation, but the tradition places the Konyak community within the wider expansion of Sankari Vaishnavism among tribal communities of Assam.

This was not an isolated phenomenon. During and after Sankardeva's time, Ekasarana Naam Dharma attracted followers from several communities outside the Assamese caste Hindu mainstream, and later the Kal Sanghati branch became particularly important in extending the tradition among tribal populations.

What makes the Konyak case especially interesting is that religious change did not erase Konyak culture.

Researchers studying the community have recorded that Konyak customs continued alongside their Vaishnava identity. Traditional festivals such as Aoling and Auniye, traditional musical instruments such as the tungkhung, traditional clothing and older customs surrounding death and community life have continued to exist among sections of the community.

The result is not easily described as either completely 'traditional Naga' or completely 'Assamese Hindu.' It is a community that developed its own combination of both cultural worlds.

This is particularly visible in the religious sphere. The Konyaks of Hahchara, Gargaon and Bhadhara are described in recent ethnographic research as followers of Ekasarana Naam Dharma, while retaining distinctive Konyak cultural practices.

Another study of a Konyak village in Sivasagar found that members of the community attended Namghars and Satras and identified themselves strongly with Assamese society.

The Namghar is especially significant here. In Assamese Vaishnavism, it is much more than simply a building where religious services take place. It functions as a centre of prayer, devotional singing, community gathering and collective religious life.

Interestingly, scholarship on Sankardeva's movement has itself pointed toward connections between the Namghar tradition and older community institutions among the tribal peoples of the region.

One interpretation specifically compares the Namghar or Kirtanghar with institutions such as the Murang Ghar, while noting that Naga communities themselves possessed comparable communal institutions.

This makes the story more complicated than a simple process of 'conversion.' The Konyak community did not simply exchange one complete culture for another. Rather, they entered an Assamese Vaishnava religious environment while retaining elements of their own social and cultural heritage.

Their participation in Naam Dharma gave them a place within the wider religious world of the Assamese valley, while their festivals, music, customs and collective identity continued to distinguish them as Konyaks.

Even their agricultural life reflects their adaptation to the plains. Unlike many Naga communities in the hills whose traditional economy was associated with shifting cultivation, the Konyaks of Sivasagar adopted the agricultural patterns of the Assamese lowlands.

Studies of the community describe rice cultivation and other forms of settled agriculture as important parts of their livelihood.

Their houses likewise came to resemble the forms common in the surrounding Assamese countryside, including Assam-type houses and other local forms of construction.

Yet their cultural memory remained remarkably strong.

Researchers have recorded traditional Konyak marriage customs, community institutions and festivals continuing in the Sivasagar settlements. Aoling, for example, remains an important festival among the Konyaks there.

The celebration traditionally involves communal gatherings, music, feasting and rituals associated with the beginning of a new agricultural year.

Its survival among a community that has been part of Assamese society for generations shows that religious integration did not necessarily require the disappearance of ethnic traditions.

This also helps explain why the community is so interesting from the perspective of Assamese religious history. Ekasarana Naam Dharma is often discussed primarily through its Assamese literary, theological and satra traditions.

But its historical expansion also brought it into contact with numerous ethnic communities of the Brahmaputra Valley and surrounding hills.

The Konyaks of Sivasagar provide a particularly striking example of what happened when a Naga community became part of this Vaishnava religious world.

There is an important distinction to make, however. Not all Nagas of Assam follow Ekasarana Naam Dharma, and not all Konyaks in Assam share the same religious history. Research on Naga settlements in Sivasagar identifies different communities and different religious trajectories.

The Konyak settlements around Hahchara, Gargaon and Bhadhara are particularly associated with Ekasarana Naam Dharma, while other Naga settlements in the district followed different paths. It would therefore be misleading to speak of a single 'Naga religion' in Assam.

The story also challenges the idea that ethnic identity and religious identity must always coincide. A person can retain a strong Konyak identity while participating deeply in Assamese Vaishnava religious life.

In this case, the adoption of Naam Dharma became one part of a much larger process of cultural interaction between the Naga Hills and the Assamese plains.

Perhaps the most beautiful aspect of this history is that the story works in both directions. The Konyaks who entered Assamese Vaishnava society were influenced by Sankari religious culture, but the wider Assamese cultural world also encountered and incorporated elements of Naga life.

Sankardeva's religious movement itself developed within a region where different communities interacted constantly, and the later history of the Satras continued that process.

Today, the Konyak villages of Sivasagar stand as a small but remarkable example of this history. Their identity cannot be reduced either to a generic idea of 'Naga culture' or to an assumption that becoming followers of Ekasarana Dharma made them culturally indistinguishable from other Assamese communities. Their history is precisely about the coexistence of these identities.

A Konyak Naga village in Sivasagar can therefore tell us something much larger about Northeast India. Religious traditions do not always spread by replacing everything that came before them. Sometimes they become part of an existing cultural world, are interpreted through local traditions, and create something new in the process.

The story of these Konyak Nagas is one such example, Naga heritage, Assamese society and the devotional world of Srimanta Sankardeva meeting in the same community.

When discussing the early history of Hindu traditions in Northeast India, it is easy to rely heavily on much later literary traditions and legends. There is, however, a substantial body of archaeological and epigraphic evidence from ancient Kamarupa (Assam) that provides considerably firmer ground for reconstructing the development of Brahmanical religious traditions in the region.

Two particularly significant examples are the Umachal rock inscription near Guwahati and the Deopahar archaeological site near Numaligarh. They belong to different historical periods, but together illustrate a long-term development from early epigraphically attested religious institutions to substantial temple architecture and regional sculptural traditions.

The Umachal inscription is one of the earliest securely dated epigraphic records from Assam. It is located on the northern slopes of the Nilachal Hills in present-day Guwahati and is generally assigned to the 5th century CE.

The inscription is composed in Sanskrit and written in a form of Brahmi script associated with the Gupta-period eastern Indian tradition. It records the construction of a cave temple by Maharajadhiraja Surendravarman for the deity Bhagavat Balabhadrasvamin. The Archaeological Survey of India's BharatSHRI database identifies it as a 5th-century CE inscription and describes it as the earliest discovered record in Assam referring to the construction of an artificial cave and the installation of a deity.

The identity of the deity is particularly significant. Balabhadra, also known as Balarama, was an established figure within Vaishnava religious traditions. The Umachal inscription therefore provides direct epigraphic evidence for the worship of a Vaishnava deity in Kamarupa during the 5th century.

The importance of the inscription lies precisely in the nature of the evidence it provides. It is not merely a much later literary account describing an earlier religious tradition. It is an inscription from the historical period itself, recording the establishment of a sacred space and its association with a named deity. The discussion of the inscription in Epigraphia Indica likewise treats it as important evidence for the worship of Balabhadra in Assam during this period.

This does not, however, mean that Hinduism suddenly appeared in Assam in the 5th century. An inscription can establish that a particular religious institution, deity or practice existed by a certain date, but it cannot by itself establish the precise moment at which the broader religious tradition first entered the region. This distinction is particularly important when interpreting the early history of religion.

The Umachal inscription also forms part of a much broader epigraphic record associated with ancient Kamarupa. From approximately the 5th century onward, inscriptions from the region, including rock inscriptions and copper-plate grants, provide evidence concerning royal authority, Brahmanical patronage, religious institutions, land grants and Brahmanical communities. These records are predominantly composed in Sanskrit and provide important evidence for the political and religious networks that developed in Kamarupa.

The copper-plate records become particularly important in subsequent centuries. The Dubi and Nidhanpur copper plates of Bhaskaravarman, for example, document royal patronage of Brahmanas and the granting of land to Brahmanical beneficiaries. The Nidhanpur charter records a large number of Brahmanas belonging to different gotras and preserves detailed information concerning the grant and the rights associated with it.

Consequently, the surviving evidence reveals a chronological development. By the 5th century, an inscription records a royal cave temple dedicated to Balabhadra. In the following centuries, epigraphic records increasingly document royal patronage, land grants and Brahmanical communities. Later archaeological remains provide increasingly substantial evidence for temple construction, religious sculpture and the development of regional architectural traditions.

Several centuries after the Umachal inscription, we encounter considerably more substantial archaeological evidence at Deopahar, near Numaligarh in present-day Golaghat district.

The site contains the remains of a substantial stone temple complex together with a remarkable collection of sculptural and architectural fragments. The Directorate of Archaeology, Government of Assam, describes the site as containing the ruins of a stone temple erected upon a monolithic platform. Among the surviving elements are large carved stone blocks, decorated door jambs, sculptural figures, a ceiling slab bearing a lotus and flying 'Vidyadharas', and numerous decorative motifs.

The sculptural programme is particularly significant. The archaeological material includes representations associated with Shaiva and Vaishnava traditions, as well as scenes connected with the Ramayana, Mahabharata and Bhagavata Purana. The Assam government's archaeological documentation also identifies motifs including 'kirttimukhas' and 'kala-makaras', together with human, animal and floral representations.

The chronology of Deopahar is somewhat broader in the available archaeological literature. The National Mission on Monuments and Antiquities records the site's material broadly within the 10th-12th centuries CE, while the Government of Assam associates the major temple remains with a later medieval phase around 1100-1200 CE.

There is therefore a considerable chronological interval between the Umachal inscription and the surviving monumental remains at Deopahar. Rather than weakening the argument, this interval demonstrates that the evidence is not dependent upon a single inscription or monument. By the medieval period, the archaeological record reveals substantial temple architecture, elaborate sculptural programmes and an established regional artistic tradition.

Another important aspect of Deopahar is that its artistic character cannot simply be reduced to an imported architectural style. Archaeological documentation identifies connections with wider Indian artistic traditions while also noting distinctive local characteristics. The excavation report published in Indian Archaeology: A Review discusses the temple's unusual plan and extensive sculptural decoration and describes the development of a regional artistic style incorporating external influences alongside local features.

This is particularly important when considering the history of Hindu traditions in Northeast India. Religious traditions do not necessarily enter a region as static cultural packages and remain unchanged. They can become embedded within local societies and interact with regional political structures, artistic traditions, languages and existing cultural environments.

Deopahar is consequently significant not merely because it demonstrates the existence of a Hindu temple. It provides archaeological evidence for the local development of temple architecture and religious art within ancient Assam, while simultaneously demonstrating connections with broader artistic traditions of the Indian subcontinent.

The Umachal inscription and Deoparvat should therefore not be presented as evidence for a simplistic narrative in which Hinduism suddenly 'arrived' in Northeast India at a particular moment. The surviving evidence permits a more precise historical formulation.

By the 5th century CE, there was already a royal Sanskritic religious culture in Kamarupa in which a ruler could establish a cave temple dedicated to Balabhadra. The Umachal inscription provides direct epigraphic evidence for this.

By the early medieval period, inscriptions increasingly documented Brahmanical patronage, land grants and religious communities, while archaeological sites provided evidence for the construction of temples and the production of religious sculpture.

By the 10th-12th centuries, sites such as Deopahar demonstrated the existence of substantial temple architecture and a developed regional sculptural tradition incorporating Shaiva, Vaishnava and epic-Puranic imagery.

The question, therefore, is perhaps better framed not simply as 'When did Hinduism reach Northeast India?', but as: When do we begin to encounter reliable evidence for particular Hindu and Brahmanical traditions, institutions and communities in different parts of the Northeast?

For ancient Kamarupa, the surviving evidence takes us back at least to the 5th century CE, with the Umachal inscription providing one of the earliest direct pieces of evidence currently available.

From that point onward, the epigraphic and archaeological record becomes progressively richer, allowing us to trace not merely the presence of Hindu traditions, but their institutional development, patronage, artistic expression and regional transformation.

Sources:

1. Archaeological Survey of India, BharatSHRI: Brahmi Inscription of Surendravarman from Umachal.

2. Epigraphia Indica, Vol. XXXI, “Umachal Rock Inscription of Surendravarman.”

3. Directorate of Archaeology, Government of Assam, Protected Archaeological Sites and Monuments: Deoparvat Archaeological Site.

4. National Mission on Monuments and Antiquities, Deoparvat archaeological material.

5. Indian Archaeology: A Review 2006–07, report on the Deoparvat Archaeological Site, Numaligarh.

Transliteration to Roman:

Mānuhe Mānuhôr Bābe, Zôdihe Ôkônu Nebhābe,

Ôkôni Xôhānubhūtire

Bhābibô Künenü Küwā, Xômônīyā?

Mānuhe Mānuhok Besibô Khuji,

Mānuhe Mānuhôk Kinibô Khuji,

Purôni Itihāx Duhārile

Bhul Jānu Nôhô'bô Küwā, Xômôniyā...

-Bhūpen Hāzôrikā

Transliteration to modern Assamese:

মানুহে মানুহৰ বাবে, যদিহে অকণো নেভাবে,

অকণি সহানুভূতিৰে

ভাবিব কোনেনো কোৱা, সমনীয়া?

মানুহে মানুহক বেছিব খুজি,

মানুহে মানুহক কিনিব খুজি,

পুৰণি ইতিহাস দুহাৰিলে

ভুল জানো নহ'ব কোৱা, সমনীয়া...

-ভূপেন হাজৰিকা

Translation:

If human beings do not care for one another, If they cannot spare even a little compassion, Then tell me, my friend, Who will truly think of whom?

When people try to sell one another, When people try to buy one another, If we repeat the mistakes of our past, Tell me, my friend, Wouldn't we only be repeating the same wrongs again...

-Bhupen Hazarika

Pronunciation: Jana Gana Mana Adhināyaka Jaya Hai, Bhārata Bhāgya Bidhātā. Panjāba Sindhu Gujarāta Marāthā Drābida Utkala Banga. Bindhya Himāchala Yamunā Gangā, Uchchal Jaladhi Taranga. Taba Subha Nāme Jāge, Taba Subha Āsis Māge, Gāhe Taba Jaya Gāthā. Jana Gana Mangala Dāyaka Jaya Hai, Bhārata Bhāgya Bidhātā. Jaya Hai, Jaya Hai, Jaya Hai, Jaya Jaya Jaya Jaya Hai!

Notes: As Ahom doesn't have separate letters for the sounds 'ya' and 'ja', the same letter is used here for both sounds. The same applies for the sounds 'ba' and 'ya'. Ahom also doesn't contain any letter for the sound 'sha', so the letter for the sound 'sa' is used here.

I want to highlight something that often gets overlooked when people talk about the Northeast: the strength of its men.

Not the stereotype of the “mysterious Northeast guy.” Not fetishization. Not trying to prove ourselves to anyone.

I'm talking about real strength, discipline, courage, resilience, athleticism, self-respect and the willingness to work for something.

And you can see it clearly in the athletes our region has produced.

🥊 Shiva Thapa from Assam

Shiva Thapa from Guwahati is one of the most accomplished boxers to come out of Assam.

He became the youngest Indian boxer to qualify for the Olympics, representing India at the 2012 London Olympics at just 18. He went on to win multiple medals at the Asian Championships and Commonwealth Games and became a multiple-time Asian boxing champion.

What makes Shiva a great example isn't simply that he can fight. It's the discipline behind the fighter, years of training, maintaining composure under pressure and continuing after setbacks.

That's the kind of toughness worth celebrating.

🏋️ Jeremy Lalrinnunga from Mizoram

Jeremy Lalrinnunga represents another kind of strength: raw physical power combined with incredible discipline.

The Mizo weightlifter made history by winning India's first-ever gold medal at the Youth Olympic Games in 2018.

He later became a Commonwealth Games champion and represented India at the Olympics.

Weightlifting is brutally honest. You can't fake the work. You have to repeatedly train, fail, recover and come back stronger.

That's a pretty good metaphor for masculinity itself:

You don't become strong by talking about being strong. You become strong by putting in the work.

🏹 Tarundeep Rai from Sikkim

Tarundeep Rai is one of India's most prominent archers and comes from Sikkim.

He has represented India at multiple Olympic Games and won major international medals, including World Championship and Asian Games medals.

Archery demonstrates a different form of masculinity, control.

Strength isn't always aggression.

Sometimes strength is being able to remain calm, focused and precise when enormous pressure is on you.

That's an important lesson for young men: having power doesn't mean constantly having to display it.

🥊 Dingko Singh from Manipur

Dingko Singh's story is one of the strongest examples of resilience from Northeast India.

The Manipuri boxer won Asian Games gold in 1998, becoming one of India's most celebrated boxers of his generation.

His career was not an easy one. He faced serious obstacles throughout his life and career, yet continued to fight his way forward.

His legacy isn't simply about medals.

It's about refusing to give up.

Sometimes masculinity isn't about being the strongest person in the room.

Sometimes it's simply saying:

“I'm going to keep going.”

🥊 Devendro Singh from Manipur

Another Manipuri boxer, Devendro Singh, represented India internationally and won a silver medal at the 2010 Youth World Championships before establishing himself on the senior international boxing circuit.

He also represented India at the 2012 London Olympics.

His career is another reminder of how deeply combat sports are rooted in Manipur's sporting culture.

Boxing teaches things far beyond punching: discipline, endurance, composure, respect for your opponent and the ability to handle pressure.

🏃 Amlan Borgohain from Assam

Amlan Borgohain is one of the biggest names in Indian sprinting from Assam.

He has represented India internationally and has repeatedly broken Indian national records in the 100m and 200m.

What I like about sprinting as an example is how simple the principle is:

You start at the line.

And then you give everything you have.

There isn't much room for excuses in a sprint. Improvement comes from training, technique, consistency and pushing yourself further.

That mentality is something every young man can learn from.

⚽ Jackichand Singh from Manipur

Jackichand Singh is one of Manipur's best-known footballers.

He has represented India internationally and played for numerous major Indian clubs in the Indian Super League and I-League.

Manipur has an extraordinary football culture, and Jackichand is one of the men who carried that tradition onto India's biggest football stages.

Football teaches another important form of masculinity:

You don't win alone.

You need your teammates.

You need to trust them, communicate with them and sometimes sacrifice your own glory for the team.

That's brotherhood.

⚽ Udanta Singh from Manipur

Udanta Singh is another product of Manipur's incredible footballing culture.

Known for his pace and attacking ability, he became an Indian international and played at the highest levels of Indian domestic football.

His journey from Northeast India to the national team is exactly the sort of story young Northeast boys should be able to look at and think:

“Someone from our part of the country made it. Maybe I can too.”

Representation matters.

⚽ Jeje Lalpekhlua from Mizoram

Jeje Lalpekhlua is one of Mizoram's most recognizable footballers.

He represented India internationally and became a prolific striker in Indian football, playing for clubs including Chennaiyin FC and Mohun Bagan.

Mizoram has produced an extraordinary number of footballers relative to its population, and Jeje became one of the faces of that footballing culture.

His career represents ambition, competitiveness and perseverance.

⚽ Rowllin Borges from Assam

Rowllin Borges is another Assamese footballer who reached the Indian national team.

Born in Assam, he established himself as a defensive midfielder and played for major Indian clubs including East Bengal, Bengaluru FC and NorthEast United FC.

And there's something fitting about a defensive midfielder being included here.

Not every important player is the guy scoring the goal.

Sometimes you're the person doing the difficult, unglamorous work that allows everyone else to succeed.

Reliability is strength too.

• What do these men have in common?

They're from different states.

Different tribes.

Different languages.

Different communities.

Different sports.

But look at the qualities that keep appearing:

Discipline.

Courage.

Hard work.

Self-control.

Resilience.

Teamwork.

Confidence.

Pride in where you came from.

And that's the kind of masculinity I think r/NEMasculinity should encourage.

We don't need to become toxic to become strong.

We don't need to hate women to respect ourselves.

We don't need to bully insecure guys to prove we're confident.

And we don't need to pretend that men never struggle.

If a young Northeast guy is insecure, help him.

If he's weak, help him get stronger.

If he lacks confidence, help him build it.

If he doesn't know his culture, teach him.

If he's struggling, stand beside him.

Training can be hard. Discipline can be hard. Becoming stronger can be uncomfortable.

But there should still be brotherhood.

We should be able to tell another guy:

“Come on bro. Let's get better together.”

That's the masculinity I want to see from the Northeast.

Strong men. Good men. Disciplined men. Proud men. Brothers.

Not toxic.

Not insecure.

Not ashamed of who we are.

Just getting stronger together. 🔥🫱🏼‍🫲🏽💪🏼

Here are the lyrics:

তোমাৰ মৰমে মোৰ, দেহত তুলিলে ঢৌ, বুকুত দিলে যে মৌ, কি যে মিঠা মিঠা।

কেনেকৈ কি যে হৈ গ'ল, কলিটি কুসুমে হ'ল, সুৰভি উপচি গ'ল, কি যে ভাল লগা।

Transliteration:

Tümar môrôme mur, dehôt tulile dhou, bukut dile je mou, ki je mithā mithā.

Kenekoi ki je hoi gô'l, kuliti kuxume hô'l, xurôbhi upôsi gô'l, ki je bhāl lôgā.

Translation:

Your love sent ripples through my being,

And placed honey within my heart.

Oh, how sweet, how wonderfully sweet.

How, I wonder, did everything change?

The bud bloomed into a blossom,

And the fragrance overflowed all around.

Oh, what a beautiful feeling.

1. Transliteration-

First stanza-

Into Assamese:

বন্দে মাতৰম্

সুজলাং সুফলাং

মলয়জশীতলাং

শস্যশ্যামলাং

মাতৰম্।

বন্দেমাতৰম।

Into Roman:

Bonde Matorom

Xuzolam Xufolam

Moloyojo-Xeetolaam

Xosyo-Xyamolam

Matorom.

Bonde Matorom.

Second stanza-

Into Assamese:

শুভ্ৰ-জ্যোৎস্না-পুলকিত-যামিনীম্

ফুল্লকুসুমিত-দ্ৰুমদলশোভিনীম্,

সুহাসিনীং সুমধুৰভাষিণীম্

সুখদাং বৰদাং মাতৰম্।

বন্দে মাতৰম।

Into Roman:

Xubhro-Jyotsna-Pulokito-Zaminim

Fullokuxumito-Drumodoloxubhinim,

Xuhaxinim Xumodhurobhaxinim

Xukhodam Borodam

Matorom

Bonde Matorom.

Third stanza-

Into Assamese:

কোটিকোটিকণ্ঠকলকলনিনাদকৰালে

কোটিকোটিভুজৈৰ্ধৃতখৰ-কৰৱালে,

কে বলে মা তুমি অবলে?

বহুবলধাৰিণীং

নমামি তাৰিণীং

ৰিপুদলৱাৰিণীং

মাতৰম্।

বন্দেমাতৰম।

Into Roman:

Kuti-Kuti Kontho Kolokoloninadokoraale

Kuti-Kuti Bhuzoidhritokhoro-Korowale,

Ke Bole Maa Tumi Obole?

Bohubolodharinim

Nomami Tarinim

Ripudolowarinim

Matorom

Bonde Matorom.

Fourth stanza-

Into Assamese:

তুমি বিদ্যা তুমি ধৰ্ম

তুমি হৃদি তুমি মৰ্ম

ত্বং হি প্ৰাণাঃ শৰীৰে।

বাহুতে তুমি মা শক্তি

হৃদয়ে তুমি মা ভক্তি

তোমাৰই প্ৰতিমা গঢ়ি

মন্দিৰে মন্দিৰে।

বন্দেমাতৰম।

Into Roman:

Tumi Bidya, Tumi Dhormo

Tumi Hridi Tumi Mormo

Twong Hi Prano Xorire.

Bahute Tumi Maa Xokti

Hridoye Tumi Maa Bhokti.

Tumaroi Protima Gorhi

Mondire Mondire.

Bonde Matorom.

Fifth stanza-

Into Assamese:

ত্বং হি দুৰ্গা দশপ্ৰহৰণধাৰিনী

কমলা কমল-দলৱিহাৰিণী

বাণী বিদ্যাদায়িনী

নমামি ত্বাং

নমামি কমলাম্

অমলাং অতুলাম্

সুজলাং সুফলাম্

মাতৰম।

বন্দে মাতৰম্।

Into Roman:

Twong Hi Durga, Doxoprohoronodharini

Komola Komolo-Dolowiharini.

Bani Bidyadayini.

Nomami Twam

Nomami Komolam

Omolam Otulam

Xuzolam Xufolam

Matorom.

Bonde Matorom.

Sixth stanza-

Into Assamese:

শ্যামলাং সৰলাং

সুস্মিতাং ভূষিতাম্

ধৰণীং ভৰণীম্

মাতৰম্।

বন্দেমাতৰম।

Into Roman:

Shyamolam Xorilam

Xusmitam Bhuxitam

Dhoronim Bhoronim

Matorom.

Bonde Matorom.

2. Translation-

First stanza-

Translation into Assamese:

আই তোমাক প্ৰণাম!

পানীৰে ভৰা, ফল-ফুলে ভৰা,

দক্ষিণৰ মলয়া বতাহে শীতল কৰা,

শস্যৰে সেউজীয়া, হে মোৰ আই!

আই তোমাক প্ৰণাম।

Transliteration into Roman:

Aai Tumak Pronaam!

Panire Bhora, Fol Fule Bhora,

Dokkhinor Moloya Botahe Xitol Kora,

Xoshyore Xeuziya, Hey Mur Aai!

Aai Tumak Pronaam!

Second stanza-

Translation into Assamese:

জোনাকত জিলিকি উঠা ৰাতি,

ফুলে-ফলে জাতিষ্কাৰ গছ-গছনি,

মিচিকিয়া হাঁহিৰে ভৰা, মিঠাকৈ কথা কোৱা,

সুখ দিয়া, বৰ দিয়া, হে মোৰ আই!

আই তোমাক প্ৰণাম!

Transliteration into Roman:

Zunakot Ziliki Utha Rati,

Fule-Fole Zatiskar Gos-Gosoni,

Misikiya Hahire Bhora, Mithakoi Kotha Kuwa,

Xukh Diya, Bor Diya, He Mur Aai!

Aai Tumak Pronaam!

Third stanza-

Translation into Assamese:

কোটি-কোটি কণ্ঠৰ কলকলনিত,

কোটি-কোটি হাতৰ শক্তিত,

কোনে কয়, আই, তুমি দুৰ্বল?

অশেষ শক্তিৰে ভৰা তুমি,

তোমাকেই মই প্ৰণাম কৰোঁ,

শত্ৰুৰ দল খেদি পঠিওৱা আই!

আই তোমাক প্ৰণাম!

Transliteration into Roman:

Kuti-Kuti Konthor Kolokolonit,

Kuti-Kuti Haator Xoktit,

Kune Koy, Aai, Tumi Durbol?

Oxex Xoktire Bhora Tumi,

Tumakei Moi Pronaam Koru,

Xotrur Dol Khedi Pothuwa Aai!

Aai Tumak Pronaam!

Fourth stanza-

Translation into Assamese:

তুমিয়েই জ্ঞান, তুমিয়েই ধৰ্ম,

তুমিয়েই হৃদয়, তুমিয়েই মৰ্ম,

তুমিয়েই আমাৰ দেহৰ প্ৰাণ।

হাতত তুমি, আই, শক্তি,

হৃদয়ত তুমি, আই, ভক্তি,

ঘৰে ঘৰে, মন্দিৰে মন্দিৰে

তোমাৰেই ৰূপ গঢ়োঁ।

আই তোমাক প্ৰণাম!

Transliteration into Roman:

Tumiyei Gyaan, Tumiyei Dhormo,

Tumiyei Hridoy, Tumiyei Mormo

Tumiyei Aamar Dehor Praan.

Hatot Tumi, Aai, Xokti.

Hridoyot Tumi, Aai, Bhokti.

Ghore Ghore, Mondire Mondire

Tumarei Roop Gorhu.

Aai Tumak Pronaam!

Fifth stanza-

Translation into Assamese:

তুমিয়েই দুৰ্গা, দহোখন অস্ত্ৰ ধৰা,

তুমিয়েই কমলা, পদুমৰ মাজত খেলা,

তুমিয়েই বাণী, জ্ঞান দিয়া আই।

তোমাক প্ৰণাম কৰোঁ,

কমলাক প্ৰণাম কৰোঁ।

নিৰ্মল, অতুলনীয়া তুমি,

পানীৰে ভৰা, ফল-ফুলে ভৰা,

হে মোৰ আই!

আই তোমাক প্ৰণাম!

Transliteration into Roman:

Tumiyei Durga, Dohukhon Ostro Dhora,

Tumiyei Komola, Podumor Mazot Khela.

Tumiyei Baani, Gyaan Diya Aai.

Tumak Pronaam Koru,

Komolak Pronaam Koru.

Nirmol, Otuloniya Tumi,

Panire Bhora, Fol-Fule Bhora,

Hey Mur Aai!

Aai Tumak Pronaam!

Sixth stanza-

Translation into Assamese:

সেউজীয়া, সৰল, মিচিকিয়া হাঁহিৰে ভৰা,

সাজেৰে শুৱনি কৰা,

ধৰণী, আমাক পোহপাল দিয়া আই!

আই তোমাক প্ৰণাম!

Transliteration into Roman:

Xeuziya, Xorol, Misikiya Hahire Bhora,

Xazere Xuwoni Kora,

Dhoroni, Aamak Puhopaal Diya Aai!

Aai Tumak Pronaam!

3. English translation of Vande Mataram:

First stanza-

O Mother, I bow to you!

Richly watered, richly fruitful,

Cooled by the southern breeze,

Green with crops, O Mother!

Moonlit nights,

Beautiful with blossoming flowers and trees,

Smiling, sweet-speaking,

Giver of happiness and blessings, O Mother!

Second stanza-

With the voices of millions of people,

With the strength of millions of arms,

Who says, Mother, that you are weak?

You are mighty and powerful;

I bow to you, O Mother,

Destroyer of your enemies!

Third stanza-

You are knowledge, you are faith,

You are the heart, you are our deepest essence,

You are the life within our bodies.

You are strength in our arms,

You are devotion in our hearts.

In every temple,

We shape your image.

Fourth stanza-

You are Durga, bearer of ten weapons,

You are Lakshmi, dwelling upon the lotus,

You are Saraswati, giver of knowledge.

I bow to you;

I bow to Lakshmi.

Pure and incomparable,

Richly watered and richly fruitful,

O Mother!

Sixth stanza-

Green, gentle, smiling and beautifully adorned,

Earth and sustainer of us all,

O Mother!

I bow to you, Mother!

Transliteration:

North - Ru Merng.

South - Laa Merng.

East - Baan Ok.

West - Baan Tuk.

North-east - Ru Merng-Baan Ok.

South-east - Laa Merng-Baan Ok.

North-west - Ru Merng-Baan Tuk

South-west - Laa Merng-Baan Tuk.

Transliteration into Roman script:

Colours - Rôŋ

Blue - Nīlā

Yellow - Hālôdhīya

Red - Rôŋā

Purple - Beŋunīyā

Green - Xeuzīyā

Pink - Gülôpīyā

Black - Kôlā

White - Bôgā

Brown - Mūgā.

Transliteration to Roman:

Blue - Sawm

Black - Daam

Green - Khiw

Purple - Muw

Golden - Khaam

Red - Derng

White - Ferk

Yellow - Lerng

Sky Blue - See Faa.

Note: Ahom script doesn't contain letters for vowels but rather vowel markers just like the 'mātras' in Brahmi-derived scripts. For words starting with a vowel sound, the vowel markers are added to the consonant '𑜒' which makes the 'ā' sound. For example, a word that starts with the sound 'i' will have the vowel marker for 'i' that is ' 𑜢 ' added to the letter '𑜒' to form '𑜒𑜢' which will make the sound 'i' at the beginning.

Transliteration to Roman:

Sunday - Tae nang nui

Monday - Tae nang naa

Tuesday - Ang kaa

Wednesday - Put thuu

Thursday - Kae saap te

Friday - Sak kae

Saturday - Saa nee