u/ddalgak_click

TL;DR:

• Chief Justice Jo Hee-de submitted two Justice candidates to President Lee Jae Myung in writing. Justices are appointed by the president with the National Assembly’s consent following the…
• It is regrettable that Cheong Wa Dae and the judiciary have abandoned the longstanding practice. Prior consultation and in-person nominations not only respected the president’s authority…
• The immediate passage through the National Assembly is now uncertain. Kim Min-seok, Democratic Party leader, demanded the Chief Justice’s resignation, calling the nomination “the…

Chief Justice Jo Hee-de submitted two Justice candidates to President Lee Jae Myung in writing. Justices are appointed by the president with the National Assembly’s consent following the Chief Justice’s nomination. While this follows constitutional procedures, it breaks the precedent of prior consultation and direct meetings with the president before nominating candidates.

It is regrettable that Cheong Wa Dae and the judiciary have abandoned the longstanding practice. Prior consultation and in-person nominations not only respected the president’s authority but also had practical significance in preventing conflicts between constitutional institutions, ensuring smooth National Assembly approval, and minimizing judicial vacancies. Even during the Roh Moo-hyun and Lee Myung-bak administrations, when conflicts arose with the Chief Justice, appointments were ultimately made through consultation and consensus.

The immediate passage through the National Assembly is now uncertain. Kim Min-seok, Democratic Party leader, demanded the Chief Justice’s resignation, calling the nomination “the attitude of a delinquent student begging to be expelled.” While such remarks are inappropriate for a ruling party leader, majority opposition makes it difficult to proceed with hearings or a vote. Concerns over prolonged judicial vacancies and trial delays have grown even more acute, and the public will inevitably bear the brunt.

Cheong Wa Dae bears significant responsibility for this crisis. It reportedly supported a female candidate with specific ideological leanings to replace former Justice Rho Tae-ak. However, this was inappropriate given that the candidate’s spouse is a Constitutional Court justice appointed by President Lee Jae Myung. If the spouse’s rulings were reviewed by the candidate, repeated disqualifications or recusals could occur. The Supreme Court reportedly failed to reach an agreement with Cheong Wa Dae over five months. Noh Gyeong-pil, head of the National Court Administration, stated, “Since the two sides were not given a chance to meet and reach a consensus, there was no option but to proceed with the final remaining method.”

Attacks on the Supreme Court by the government and ruling party, which escalated after the court’s pre-election reversal of an election law ruling last year, have long exceeded reasonable bounds. This unprecedented conflict over Justice nominations is an extension of that hostility. First, the Chief Justice was threatened with impeachment for delaying nominations; now, after submitting candidates in writing due to Cheong Wa Dae’s refusal to engage, the president’s office accuses the judiciary of breaking precedent and threatens impeachment again. What is expected of them? The Constitution stipulates that the Chief Justice nominates, the National Assembly consents, and the president appoints. This implies that nominees must be acceptable to all three branches. The Democratic Party is angrily demanding why the Chief Justice did not nominate candidates requested by the president—a stance that contradicts the Constitution.

With the expansion of the Supreme Court, President Lee Jae Myung will appoint 22 new Justices. These Justices could oversee the final rulings in cases related to the president, which are likely to resume after his term. It is unavoidable to ask whether Cheong Wa Dae will intervene in the nomination process in this manner every time.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/08/20/NEUEHHQJVBBXTERQIWLHASDYT4/

TL;DR:

• On the 19th, during the National Assembly’s Foreign Affairs and Unification Committee meeting, Democratic Party of Korea Rep. Kim Joon-hwan was reported to have told People Power Party Rep.
• Later that afternoon, after the committee’s full session resumed, Rep. Park described the situation in a personal statement.
• Rep. Park, while relaying this situation, said, “I doubted my ears when I heard Rep.

On the 19th, during the National Assembly’s Foreign Affairs and Unification Committee meeting, Democratic Party of Korea Rep. Kim Joon-hwan was reported to have told People Power Party Rep. Park Choong-kwon, a defector from North Korea, “You’re someone who used to shout ‘Long live Kim Il-sung.’” When the controversy arose, Rep. Kim apologized to Rep. Park, saying, “I caused unbearable pain to my fellow lawmaker.”

Later that afternoon, after the committee’s full session resumed, Rep. Park described the situation in a personal statement. According to political circles, as Rep. Park was leaving the meeting room after finishing his morning questioning, Rep. Kim, who he encountered, made the controversial remarks while holding his hand. Rep. Kim reportedly said, “My father is a national merit holder, and I worked at the National Intelligence Service for 25 years.” Rep. Park responded, “(Since) your father is a merit holder, you should be more certain about it.” Rep. Kim then let go of his hand and said, “When my father was at the national cemetery, you were someone who shouted ‘Long live Kim Il-sung.’”

Rep. Park, while relaying this situation, said, “I doubted my ears when I heard Rep. Kim’s words. I was truly shocked.” He continued, “The approximately 34,000 defectors, including myself, are people who resolutely rejected the dictatorship of the Kim Il-sung family and chose the liberal democratic Republic of Korea. Calling such a person ‘someone who shouted Long live Kim Il-sung’ is a denial of the lives and efforts of all defectors.” Rep. Park graduated from Pyongyang National Defense University and defected in 2009.

In response, Rep. Kim stated, “Whether it’s because the pain Rep. Park endured in North Korea became a trauma, or because there’s a tendency to disparage any efforts by the Democratic Party for unification, I ended up saying something unacceptable.” He added, “I sincerely apologize for the words that became a dagger to the heart.”

The clash between the two lawmakers originated from the morning questioning. Rep. Park criticized Unification Minister Chung Dong-young for recently announcing during a Cheong Wa Dae task report that he would push to refer to North Korea by its official name, ‘Democratic People’s Republic of Korea, DPRK,’ and replace terms like ‘main enemy’ with ‘threat,’ saying, “Are you a spokesperson for North Korea? Resign immediately.”

As the debate continued, Rep. Kim urged Rep. Park to exercise restraint, asking, “Since when have you been talking about the main enemy?” Rep. Park responded, “I came (to South Korea) because I opposed the main enemy. If you can’t say a word about this, are you a lawmaker? All of Minister Jeong’s actions are unconstitutional and a traitorous declaration of abandoning territory.”

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2026/08/19/FVGQYRLB5ZHQ7JY5HHLE3YWHH4/

TL;DR:

• Special counsel seeks 10 million won fine for ex-President Yoon over perjury
• Special counsel Cho Eun-suk’s team asked an appeals court to fine former President Yoon Suk Yeol 10 million won for alleged perjury.
• A special counsel team on Wednesday sought a 10 million won ($7,150) fine for former President Yoon Suk Yeol during his appellate trial on perjury charges.

Special counsel seeks 10 million won fine for ex-President Yoon over perjury

Special counsel Cho Eun-suk’s team asked an appeals court to fine former President Yoon Suk Yeol 10 million won for alleged perjury.

A special counsel team on Wednesday sought a 10 million won ($7,150) fine for former President Yoon Suk Yeol during his appellate trial on perjury charges.

Special counsel Cho Eun-suk's team made the request at the Seoul High Court, after a lower court acquitted him of committing perjury during former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo's insurrection trial in November.

Yoon had testified in the trial that he had intended to convene a Cabinet meeting for his martial law declaration on Dec. 3, 2024. Cho's team believes that Yoon had only decided to call the meeting at Han's suggestion that day.

The lower court acquitted Yoon of perjury in May, ruling that he appeared to have had plans to convene the meeting regardless of Han's proposal.

Cho's team, which appealed the lower ruling, requested the appellate court to overturn the acquittal during the trial's final hearing.

The jailed former president is standing multiple trials following his failed martial law bid and subsequent ouster from office.

A district court sentenced him to life in prison in February for leading an insurrection through his short-lived imposition of martial law. He has appealed that ruling.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/special-counsel-seeks-10-million-won-fine-for-expresident-yoon-over-perjury/12832691

TL;DR:

• Kim Yong, former vice president of the Institute for Democracy and a close aide to President Lee Jae Myung, lost in the Democratic Party’s Supreme Council election. Despite last-minute…
• Kim Yong ranked first in the delegate vote, which primarily involved current and former lawmakers and party officials, with 29. 77%, leading the sixth-place candidate by nearly 23…
• Kim Yong was sentenced to five years in prison and detained after being found guilty of receiving 600 million Korean won in illegal funds from developers involved in the Daejang-dong…

Kim Yong, former vice president of the Institute for Democracy and a close aide to President Lee Jae Myung, lost in the Democratic Party’s Supreme Council election. Despite last-minute withdrawals by pro-Lee Jae Myung candidates Lim Mi-ae and Kim Young-ho, who supported Kim Yong in the final stages of the party convention, he ranked sixth and failed to secure one of the five Supreme Council seats. The party selected its leader and Supreme Council members through a 70% vote by delegates and party members with voting rights, and a 30% public opinion poll.

Kim Yong ranked first in the delegate vote, which primarily involved current and former lawmakers and party officials, with 29.77%, leading the sixth-place candidate by nearly 23 percentage points. However, in the public opinion poll targeting Democratic Party supporters and independents, he received only 14.9%, the lowest. He also placed sixth (15.13%) in the vote by party members who pay dues. While he dominated votes from elected officials and party positions—where pro-Lee Jae Myung factions are strong—he was rejected by dues-paying members and the public.

Kim Yong was sentenced to five years in prison and detained after being found guilty of receiving 600 million Korean won in illegal funds from developers involved in the Daejang-dong project during the 2021 Democratic Party presidential primary. Both the first and second trials acknowledged his guilt based on testimony and clear evidence. He is currently awaiting a final ruling and could be re-imprisoned if the Supreme Court upholds the sentence. Despite this, President Lee Jae Myung criticized the court’s guilty verdict as a “bizarre conclusion” and “difficult to understand” on social media during the party convention. Even pro-Lee Jae Myung candidates who failed in the preliminary Supreme Council race fully supported Kim Yong, but he still lost.

Ahead of the June by-elections, over 60 Democratic Party lawmakers argued that Kim Yong should be nominated, claiming he was a “victim of fabricated charges” and a “sacrifice to political prosecutors.” Since Kim Yong’s alleged crime involved receiving funds linked to the president’s election campaign, the two are deeply connected in the Daejang-dong case. The Democratic Party had previously pushed for a special counsel law to cancel the indictment related to President Lee Jae Myung but slowed its progress after public backlash. Kim Yong was also not nominated.

The public’s rejection of attempts to cover judicial risks with political power was proven in the local elections. The desperate move to push President Lee Jae Myung’s aide into the ruling party’s leadership faced public backlash and collapsed.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/08/19/A3UCB2U2VZFDRMB4XG57XNSG2M/

TL;DR:

• Chief Justice Jo Hee-de recommended to President Lee Jae Myung on the 18th the appointment of Son Bong-gi, 60 years old, a graduate of the 22nd class of the Judicial Research and…
• However, it was confirmed that Chief Justice Jo did not meet with President Lee at Cheong Wa Dae on that day and submitted the recommendation in writing. Typically, the Chief Justice…
• In January, the Justice Candidate Recommendation Committee recommended four candidates, including Son, as successors to former Justice No, but the recommendation was delayed as Chief…

Chief Justice Jo Hee-de recommended to President Lee Jae Myung on the 18th the appointment of Son Bong-gi, 60 years old, a graduate of the 22nd class of the Judicial Research and Training Institute and Daegu District Court Presiding Judge, and Kim Sung-soo, 57 years old, a graduate of the 24th class and Seoul High Court Presiding Judge, as new justices. Presiding Judge Son is a successor to former Justice Rho Tae-ak, who retired last March, and Presiding Judge Kim is a successor to Justice Lee Heung-gu, who will retire next month. If President Lee accepts the recommendation, the two candidates will undergo a National Assembly confirmation hearing and a plenary session vote for approval.

However, it was confirmed that Chief Justice Jo did not meet with President Lee at Cheong Wa Dae on that day and submitted the recommendation in writing. Typically, the Chief Justice would meet with the president at Cheong Wa Dae, finalize discussions, and then announce the justice nominees. The Supreme Court had conducted several discussions with Cheong Wa Dae regarding the successors for the two justices, but it was reported that a final agreement was not reached regarding Presiding Judge Son, the successor to former Justice Rho Tae-ak, leading to the written recommendation.

In January, the Justice Candidate Recommendation Committee recommended four candidates, including Son, as successors to former Justice No, but the recommendation was delayed as Chief Justice Jo and Cheong Wa Dae failed to agree on the final candidate.

◇ Chief Justice Jo Hee-de and Cheong Wa Dae Failed to Agree on ‘Successor to Rho Tae-ak’; Democratic Party Claims “Challenge to Presidential Appointment Authority”

Chief Justice Jo Hee-de stated upon recommending the two new justice candidates to President Lee Jae Myung that “We considered not only professional legal knowledge, fair judgment capabilities, and beliefs in judicial independence and basic rights guarantees but also the diversity of the Supreme Court’s composition.” Presiding Judge Son, recommended as the successor to former Justice Rho Tae-ak, has long worked in the Daegu and Gyeongbuk regions, while candidate Kim, recommended as the successor to Justice Lee Heung-gu, is from Jeonnam and a non-Seoul National University graduate.

Presiding Judge Son, born in Uiseong, Gyeongbuk, graduated from Daegu Dalseong High School and Korea University’s law school, and was commissioned as a judge at Daegu District Court in 1996. He served at courts in Andong and Sangju in the Daegu and Gyeongbuk regions, worked as a Supreme Court research judge and professor at the Judicial Research and Training Institute, and became Daegu District Court Chief Judge in 2019 through a recommendation system implemented by former Chief Justice Kim Myeong-su. Presiding Judge Son presided over the so-called “Sangju Pesticide Cider Case” in 2015 as a citizen-participatory trial and sentenced the defendant to life imprisonment.

Presiding Judge Kim, born in Hampyeong, Jeollanam-do, graduated from Gwangju Inseong High School and Hanyang University’s law school. Commissioned as a judge at Gwangju District Court in 1998, he served at Seoul High Court, the National Court Administration’s Ethics and Audit Review Office, and as chief presiding judge at Cheongju District Court. In 2012, Presiding Judge Kim presided over the “Guro Farmland Case,” in which farmers were deprived of their land during the development of Guro Industrial Complex, and ruled that even finalized retrial judgments could be retried again, enabling the farmers to reclaim their land after 51 years. The farmers’ legal representative at the time was Lee Chan-jin, current head of the Financial Supervisory Service.

However, Chief Justice Jo did not meet with President Lee at Cheong Wa Dae for final face-to-face discussions before submitting the recommendation. The Justice Candidate Recommendation Committee had previously recommended four candidates, including Presiding Judge Son, as successors to former Justice No in January. However, Cheong Wa Dae favored Kim Min-gi, then a Seoul High Court judge, while Chief Justice Jo considered Park Soon-young, a Seoul High Court judge, leading to a five-month vacancy. In this situation, Chief Justice Jo’s written recommendation of Son—a third candidate—sparked speculation that “the recommendation was made without full agreement with Cheong Wa Dae.”

Regarding this, Democratic Party of Korea Representative Lee Geon-tae wrote on Facebook, “Submitting the recommendation without Cheong Wa Dae’s consultation breaks precedent and challenges the president’s appointment authority. Even if the president sends the appointment bill to the National Assembly, the Democratic Party should reject it.” Representative Song Young-gil added, “Past chief justices directly visited the appointing authority to submit recommendations. Chief Justice Jo disregarded even that tradition.” A Supreme Court official, however, stated, “We understand that Chief Justice Jo did not unilaterally submit the recommendation without any consultation with Cheong Wa Dae.”

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2026/08/18/KU5ZJKXQY5FUFJ4QQNRNWE32NU/

TL;DR:

• Korea to block access to Polymarket over gambling concerns
• The platform is a popular source for staking a position on real-world events, from sports to central bank decisions.
• Korea will block access to Polymarket, an overseas prediction market platform that has drawn controversy over concerns that it encourages gambling, according to the Korea Media and…

Korea to block access to Polymarket over gambling concerns

The platform is a popular source for staking a position on real-world events, from sports to central bank decisions.

Korea will block access to Polymarket, an overseas prediction market platform that has drawn controversy over concerns that it encourages gambling, according to the Korea Media and Communications Commission on Tuesday.

“Under the Criminal Act, Polymarket constitutes information that facilitates gambling or is intended to provide a venue for gambling, as well as information intended for activities similar to sports betting that fall under the National Sports Promotion Act,” the commission said.

With the decision, internet service providers in Korea will block access to Polymarket.

Gambling is illegal for Korean citizens under the country's Criminal Act, which states that "a person who commits the offense of gambling shall be punished by a fine not exceeding ten million won [$7,000]."

Polymarket is a U.S. prediction market platform where users trade on the outcomes of real-world events. Users can bet on a wide range of topics, from elections in different countries and World Cup matches to different countries’ central bank interest rate decisions, a potential cease-fire in the Middle East and whether the Strait of Hormuz will return to normal. In January, a U.S. soldier reportedly used classified information to win more than $400,000 on the platform betting on the raid to capture Venezuelan President Nicolás Maduro.

“Polymarket’s winner-take-all structure encourages gambling by making users’ financial gains or losses depend heavily on the outcomes of events they cannot control, such as politics, the economy, international affairs, sports, elections and weather,” the commission said.

The platform, however, argued that Korean law does not apply.

During a hearing on July 6, Polymarket said it had removed its Korean-language service and does not allow payments in Korean won. The company argued that it therefore does not fall under the Act on Promotion of Information and Communications Network Utilization and Information Protection.

Polymarket also argued that it does not directly collect or manage users’ funds or issue sports betting tickets, and therefore does not meet the requirements for violations of the Criminal Act or National Sports Promotion Act.

“Companies cannot avoid Korean law simply because of technical features or the way they provide their services, such as whether they offer a Korean-language service,” the commission said.

The commission also cited the availability of bets on Korea-specific topics, notably “Seoul rainfall in August,” as grounds for blocking the platform.

Around 30 countries, including France and Australia, have already blocked access to Polymarket.

“We consulted with the Korean National Police Agency, the National Gambling Control Commission and the Korea Sports Promotion Foundation before reaching our decision,” the commission said. “The relevant agencies expressed the view that Polymarket’s operations could constitute the operations of a gambling venue or gambling under Korean law.”

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/korea-to-block-access-to-polymarket-over-gambling-concerns/12831016

TL;DR:

• The term “Blitzkrieg (lightning war)” is widely known as a reference to the German military’s mobile warfare tactics during the early stages of World War II. It was a strategy that…
• President Lee Jae Myung’s remark at the second public-private joint inspection meeting for mega-projects on August 10—that the Honam semiconductor cluster project required “not just a…
• However, the administrative and political reality under the Lee Jae Myung government currently seems distant from the rhetoric of “blitzkrieg. ” The government has yet to make a decision…

The term “Blitzkrieg (lightning war)” is widely known as a reference to the German military’s mobile warfare tactics during the early stages of World War II. It was a strategy that mobilized all available tanks, mechanized units, and air power to achieve victory in a short period. The key was not merely speed but the capacity and systems to sustain rapid advances.

President Lee Jae Myung’s remark at the second public-private joint inspection meeting for mega-projects on August 10—that the Honam semiconductor cluster project required “not just a speed war but a blitzkrieg”—was therefore far from casual. It was not about slightly accelerating administrative procedures but an expression of intent to push the project forward with the same speed as Japan’s Kumamoto TSMC semiconductor plant by simultaneously advancing related procedures and drastically improving regulations. TSMC announced plans for the Kumamoto plant in October 2021, broke ground six months later in April 2022, and completed construction in February 2024. This was possible due to an administrative system that streamlined permits, subsidies, and infrastructure for power and water supply.

However, the administrative and political reality under the Lee Jae Myung government currently seems distant from the rhetoric of “blitzkrieg.” The government has yet to make a decision on allowing exceptions to the 52-hour workweek—a prerequisite for the Honam semiconductor project. Cheong Wa Dae stated, “This is an issue that requires labor sector agreement.” If unions oppose it, the project cannot proceed—a clear admission. Behind the “Kumamoto miracle” was labor flexibility that drastically reduced construction periods by operating 24-hour sites. Even without exceptions to the 52-hour rule, doubts remain about whether the plant can be built swiftly, let alone whether it can reach full capacity given South Korea’s stricter working-hour constraints compared to competitors.

Moreover, conflicting stances between ministries are emerging without a visible control tower to coordinate them. The Ministry of Trade, Industry and Resources, which advocates revising the 52-hour rule, clashes with the Ministry of Employment and Labor, which opposes it. President Lee remarked, “This is a democratic process,” adding, “The labor minister, from the Korean Confederation of Trade Unions, and the industry minister, from a corporate background, are naturally prone to debate.” A Cheong Wa Dae official also stated, “This is not an issue for Cheong Wa Dae to command.” With government approval ratings declining, alienating labor unions—a key ally—would be politically costly. This explains why Cheong Wa Dae is reportedly cautious about provoking unions sensitive to the 52-hour rule.

Additionally, the “yellow envelop act” has emerged as another critical obstacle for the Honam semiconductor project, yet the government remains indecisive. Last month, the Samsung Electronics Labor Union announced that 84% of its members opposed the project and vowed to address it in next year’s negotiations. Under the yellow envelop act, business decisions affecting workers’ conditions can be subject to labor disputes. The law’s ambiguity has led to conflicting interpretations over whether it applies here. For businesses, this is a significant variable. After President Lee ordered concrete criteria last month, the Ministry of Employment and Labor attempted to finalize non-binding interpretive guidelines. However, the president instructed revisions to enforcement decrees and regulations on August 11, calling the guidelines “insufficient.” Businesses remain uncertain about when clarity will arrive.

The German blitzkrieg in World War II eventually revealed its limitations, as the gap between rapid advances and actual wartime capabilities widened. Similarly, if the Honam semiconductor project moves forward only in rhetoric while institutions and on-site conditions lag, it will face the same issues. Honam’s power and water supply infrastructure is hardly superior to Kumamoto’s, making the challenge even greater.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/08/17/KMBDVQCETBBFLM4ERNXK257INY/

TL;DR:

• Kim Min-seok, former prime minister, has been elected as the new leader of the Democratic Party. Kim secured 54.
• This party convention exhibited unprecedented intensity for the second year of the president’s term. Not only did the candidates for party leader clash, but even candidates for the…
• This competition for ideological clarity led to legislative excess. To gain votes from hardline party members, candidates uniformly advocated for the “complete abolition” of the…

Kim Min-seok, former prime minister, has been elected as the new leader of the Democratic Party. Kim secured 54.08% of the vote, defeating Jung Chung-rae, who received 45.92%. Kim stated, “We will transform the Democratic Party. Our language, policies, attitudes, and culture will evolve,” adding, “We will become a competent, people-centered majority party.” He emphasized that the party should take responsibility for the lives of the public. The Democratic Party’s leadership term is two years, increasing the likelihood that the 2028 general election will be conducted under the current leadership.

This party convention exhibited unprecedented intensity for the second year of the president’s term. Not only did the candidates for party leader clash, but even candidates for the Supreme Council split into factions. From the public’s perspective, these factions, which were not significantly different, vilified each other as if they would never meet again. Instead of focusing on future visions, they debated legitimacy and dug into past actions.

This competition for ideological clarity led to legislative excess. To gain votes from hardline party members, candidates uniformly advocated for the “complete abolition” of the prosecution’s supplementary investigation authority. This was to avoid making the issue a central topic of the convention. The 800 trillion Korean won Honam semiconductor complex project was also announced and pushed forward according to the convention’s schedule, prioritizing political timing over economic logic. Some even publicly claimed that the project would succeed only if they became party leader. Issues concerning national safety and the future have devolved into tools for internal power struggles within the ruling party.

During the primary, Kim Min-seok emphasized alignment between the party and the government. Regarding the dismissal of the president’s indictment, he stated, “If the prosecution is proven to be fabricated, the indictment should be dismissed as a matter of principle,” adding that the president should not be an exception. He mentioned that the prosecution or a special counsel could dismiss the indictment. However, public opposition to the dismissal was already proven through the recent local elections. Reattempting the dismissal would only lead to mutual destruction for the president and the Democratic Party.

The new leadership’s first test will be the real estate issue. Kim criticized the abolition of the special tax deduction for long-term holding for non-resident single-homeowners as a “de facto tax increase,” warning it could cause side effects such as forcing tenants to vacate. The party must demonstrate its ability to correct issues and present realistic alternatives rather than acting as a rubber stamp for the government. Unlike previous leaderships, it should acknowledge the opposition as a partner in governance, cooperating and competing constructively rather than ignoring them through legislative excess.

The Democratic Party must return to its role as a responsible ruling party. Issues like the prosecution’s supplementary investigation authority and the Honam semiconductor complex should be addressed from the perspective of public safety and future investment, not as tools for competing for party members’ votes. A responsible ruling party should not become a rubber stamp for the president or be swayed by a minority of hardline members. It is expected that the party will reflect the public’s interests in its policies and unite the nation.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/08/18/II5YZHZEMRFQ3IIVBIA6R2X2MA/

TL;DR:

• Incheon factory in abuse case found to owe migrant workers over 50 million won in wages
• The company was found to have committed numerous other violations and was hit with a fine of nearly 100 million won ($70,800), a labor watchdog said.
• Labor authorities uncovered more than 50 million won ($35,300) in unpaid wages at an Incheon textile factory where Bangladeshi migrant workers were repeatedly subjected to physical and…

Incheon factory in abuse case found to owe migrant workers over 50 million won in wages

The company was found to have committed numerous other violations and was hit with a fine of nearly 100 million won ($70,800), a labor watchdog said.

Labor authorities uncovered more than 50 million won ($35,300) in unpaid wages at an Incheon textile factory where Bangladeshi migrant workers were repeatedly subjected to physical and verbal abuse, according to a report from the state-run labor watchdog on Monday.

The company was also found to have committed numerous other violations and was fined nearly 100 million won. Its representatives and others were also referred to prosecutors.

A total of 79 violations subject to administrative fines have been identified at the factory in Seohae District, Incheon, according to a report submitted by the Incheon branch office of the state-run labor watchdog to Democratic Party Rep. Lee Yong-woo.

Two people, including the company’s CEO, were referred to prosecutors on suspicion of violating the Occupational Safety and Health Act.

The company had registered three separate corporations for its workplaces, but labor authorities determined they were family-run companies under the same ownership structure and treated two of them as a single workplace, deciding that all three were sites subject to inspection.

The authorities launched the inspection after footage aired by news outlets in April showed one of the suspects, who operates one of the corporations, assaulting a migrant worker. The suspect was seen slapping the worker and yanking the worker by the hair.

Labor authorities found that through an inspection focused on violations of the Labor Standards Act that the two workplaces had withheld a combined 52.54 million won in wages.

They identified 50 other violations, including errors in issuing pay slips, and imposed 14.4 million won in fines.

Another 29 violations involved failures to meet workplace safety requirements, including providing employee safety training and health examinations and installing protective covers and safety railings. Those violations resulted in fines totaling 85.52 million won.

Administrative fines levied on the company’s two workplaces totaled 99.92 million won.

“We referred two people to prosecutors on suspicion of violating the Occupational Safety and Health Act for failing to fulfill their workplace safety obligations,” an official from the state-run labor watchdog said. “We also plan to refer violations of the Labor Standards Act to prosecutors. Because wage theft is an offense that cannot be prosecuted against a victim’s wishes, we are asking the victims whether they want those responsible to be punished.”

The suspect — who was accused of abusing foreign workers in April — was referred to prosecutors in June on charges of assaulting four Bangladeshi workers on seven occasions between March 2023 and April this year at a textile factory in the Gajwa-dong neighborhood of Seohae District, Incheon.

“Whether we made a mistake at work or not, we were often kicked or grabbed by the collar,” a migrant worker told the JoongAng Ilbo. “ He looked down on us and asked things like, ‘Do you even have schools in Bangladesh?’ and ‘Do you have air conditioning in your country?' He also insulted our parents .”

Police and labor authorities sought an arrest warrant for the suspect on charges of assaulting workers under the Labor Standards Act, which carries heavier penalties than ordinary assault. The authorities took into account that the alleged crimes targeted migrant workers in a socially vulnerable position. Although a court denied the warrant, prosecutors are currently investigating the suspect without detention.

The Ministry of Employment and Labor announced measures in June to prevent human rights abuses against migrant workers following a series of recent assaults on foreign workers.

The ministry plans to establish dedicated teams to handle issues involving migrant workers at 14 regional labor offices in areas with large foreign populations. The teams will oversee inspections and investigations into human rights violations.

The ministry is also conducting targeted inspections focused on assault and workplace harassment, particularly in areas where migrant workers are densely populated or considered at greater risk of human rights abuses.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/incheon-factory-in-abuse-case-found-to-owe-migrant-workers-over-50-million-won-in-wages/12828209

TL;DR:

• The opposition parties criticized on the 17th, regarding U. S.
• People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok wrote on Facebook that afternoon, “In the end, it turned out as President Lee Jae Myung wished. I would like to ask if he feels relieved,” and…
• Jang stated, “Pressure on security costs, including the share of defense costs for U. S.

The opposition parties criticized on the 17th, regarding U.S. President Donald Trump’s order to significantly reduce the scale of South Korea-U.S. joint military exercises, stating, “This is a diplomatic disaster self-inflicted by the Lee Jae Myung administration.”

People Power Party leader Jang Dong-hyeok wrote on Facebook that afternoon, “In the end, it turned out as President Lee Jae Myung wished. I would like to ask if he feels relieved,” and added, “The Minister of Unification and Minister of National Defense have successively leaked military secrets. Despite strong protests from the U.S., they have yet to resolve the issue,” and continued, “Yet, they keep shouting about the transfer of wartime operational control whenever they open their mouths.”

Jang stated, “Pressure on security costs, including the share of defense costs for U.S. troops stationed in Korea, will intensify further. The level of trade pressure, such as tariff hikes, will also rise,” and asked, “President Lee Jae Myung, do you have a countermeasure?”

Na Kyung-won, a member of the National Assembly, wrote on Facebook that morning, “Korea passing is a foreseen disaster.” Na added, “U.S. President Trump is boasting about his friendship with Kim Jong-un and shaking the core axis of the South Korea-U.S. alliance by mentioning the burden of training costs. The 70-year-old South Korea-U.S. alliance is facing an unprecedented crisis since its founding,” and stated, “A blood alliance forged through sacrifice has suddenly become a target of ‘costs and transactions’ for the U.S.”

Yu Yong-weon, a member of the National Assembly’s Defense Committee, wrote on Facebook that day, “Following the suspension of large-scale joint exercises after the 2018 U.S.-North Korea summit, there are renewed concerns about the vacuum in the South Korea-U.S. joint defense posture,” and urged, “True peace is maintained not through declarations or concessions but only through strong preparedness and power. I strongly call on the government to shift to responsible security policies, leaving no room for error in protecting the people’s lives and national security.”

Former lawmaker Yoo Seong-min said, “The Trump administration’s perception of North Korea’s threats and its response appear more dangerous than during Trump’s first term,” and added, “The South Korea-U.S. alliance has fallen into a greater crisis due to Trump’s remarks today.” He continued, “Now, centrifugal forces are acting on the South Korea-U.S. alliance from both South Korea and the U.S.,” and asked, “The important question is how to protect the Republic of Korea from now on. How will the Lee Jae Myung government overcome this security crisis?”

Reform Party leader Lee Jun-seok stated, “The U.S. perception that North Korea is not a threat contradicts our sense of threat,” and added, “When allies begin to view the same opponent differently, problems arise.”

He continued, “Strengthening training with other allies while reducing exercises with South Korea means the alliance’s center of gravity is shifting,” and said, “The true deterrence of the South Korea-U.S. alliance is influenced by the time spent coordinating actions. I hope the government responds seriously to this dangerous signal.”

Earlier, U.S. President Donald Trump announced on the 16th (local time) that he had instructed Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth to significantly reduce the scale of South Korea-U.S. joint military exercises. On his social media platform Truth Social that day, Trump said, “Considering the very good relationship between North Korean leader Kim Jong-un and me, I have long disliked the fact that the U.S. agreed to participate in joint military exercises with South Korea,” and added, “These exercises are not only costly but also send an ‘inappropriate and hostile signal’ to a nation that is not a threat to the U.S. and has respected the U.S.”

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2026/08/17/JUXVP653PRANJCO6V4ENONS2ME/

TL;DR:

• Residents outraged after sewage discharged into Mount Jiri stream used for drinking water
• Namwon's city government apologized after an environmental group documented partially treated wastewater being released into a stream flowing into the Nakdong River.
• Improperly treated household sewage was discharged into a stream flowing from Mount Jiri into the Nakdong River last month, sparking outrage among residents in two provinces who rely on…

Residents outraged after sewage discharged into Mount Jiri stream used for drinking water

Namwon's city government apologized after an environmental group documented partially treated wastewater being released into a stream flowing into the Nakdong River.

Improperly treated household sewage was discharged into a stream flowing from Mount Jiri into the Nakdong River last month, sparking outrage among residents in two provinces who rely on the waterway for drinking water.

Namwon city government on Monday said “partially treated wastewater” was discharged into the upper reaches of Ram Stream from the sewage treatment plant in its city on July 29 and 30. Ram Stream originates on Mount Jiri and flows through Namwon, North Jeolla, before joining the Nakdong River.

Drone footage taken above the Daejeong treatment plant on Aug. 3 by the environmental group Otter Friends showed cloudy water continuously pouring out of a discharge outlet near a patch of brush — household sewage, mixed with human waste and other contaminants, flowing straight into the stream. “Untreated sewage that hadn't even gone through a septic tank was discharged into Ram Stream,” it said. “The smell was severe.”

News of the discharge drew backlash from residents and environmental groups in Hamyang and Sancheong counties in South Gyeongsang, who rely on Ram Stream as a source of drinking water. Twenty-three groups from North Jeolla and South Gyeongsang jointly held a press conference in front of Namwon's city hall last Tuesday. “The pollution of the Ram Stream is an issue that goes beyond North Jeolla and directly affects South Gyeongsang, which relies on the stream as a source of drinking water,” they said, denouncing the city of Namwon.

The groups alleged that the plant skipped the normal treatment process, which should take at least four hours, and forcibly released untreated wastewater after just two hours.

They demanded that the city hold officials accountable, terminate its private outsourcing contract to bring the plant under direct municipal operation and have the North Jeolla and Nakdong River Basin environmental offices conduct a full inspection of sewage facilities in the area. They also called for Ram Stream and the Eomcheon River watershed to be upgraded to “national stream” status; for the establishment of a response manual for environmental pollution incidents and a reform of the 128 environmental hotline reporting system; the creation of a dedicated task force to manage the Namwon-Hamyang watershed jointly; and an expansion of the treatment plant's capacity.

The Daejeong plant was built by the city of Namwon but is operated by a private contractor. Other facilities managed by the same contractor have faced repeated allegations of wastewater discharge: in February, wastewater flowed into Ram Stream from a relay pump station in Inwol-myeon, Namwon; in April, wastewater backed up from a maintenance hole near the Daejeong plant; and between June and July, residents repeatedly reported wastewater backing up from maintenance holes near relay pump stations in Jusaeng-myeon and Ayeong-myeon in Namwon. The groups claim that despite repeated requests from residents to fix the sewage system, the Namwon city government has left the problem unaddressed.

Facing backlash, the municipal government apologized, saying the incident occurred because the plant's treatment capacity was overwhelmed by an influx of summer vacationers. The city said the Daejeong plant's daily treatment capacity is 130 tons, but more than 200 tons of household sewage flowed in. Increased use of the nearby valley's stream water over the weekend, combined with an influx of sewage from unidentified sources, also contributed, the city said.

The Daejeong plant operates using the Sequencing Batch Reactor (SBR) method, with an average daily treatment volume of around 100 tons, according to the city. Under the SBR method, micro-organisms break down pollutants in the wastewater, with aeration, settling and discharge all carried out sequentially in a single tank.

The city said that when sewage exceeding the plant's capacity flowed in on Aug. 3, the operator switched the control system to “high-water-level operation mode,” releasing the water after aeration and settling. However, the excess inflow reduced treatment efficiency, causing some sludge and debris to pass into the final treatment tank, which temporarily clouded the discharged water.

The city plans to redirect excess sewage to other treatment plants and expand the Daejeong plant's capacity over the long term. Inflow is currently being kept at 130 to 140 tons per day. It has also issued a stern warning to the outsourcing contractor and said it would take administrative action depending on the results of a discharge-water inspection by the Jeonbuk Regional Environmental Office.

The Jeonbuk Regional Environmental Office fined the city of Namwon 2 million won ($1,400) and issued a corrective order over the incident. It also plans to conduct emergency inspections of 27 public sewage treatment plants in the Nakdong River basin.

“We will use this incident as an opportunity to strengthen facility management and thoroughly implement distributed treatment of excess sewage,” said Ahn Seon-yeop, director of Namwon's Safety and Construction Bureau. “We will steadily carry out measures to reduce the inflow of unidentified wastewater to prevent further inconvenience to residents and pollution of the stream.”

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/residents-outraged-after-sewage-discharged-into-mount-jiri-stream-used-for-drinking-water/12827864

TL;DR:

• The current atmosphere within the ruling party is extremely tense, largely due to the public’s cold response. During the party convention, where the former party leader and former prime…
• Not only Kim Min-seok and Jung Chung-rae but also Supreme Council candidates, as well as pro-party media, YouTubers, and supporters who were once closely aligned, have split apart. Choi…
• The Democratic Party has historically experienced intense internal conflicts. Even during the era of President DJ, a dominant leader, non-mainstream figures like Kim Sang-hyun and Jeong…

The current atmosphere within the ruling party is extremely tense, largely due to the public’s cold response. During the party convention, where the former party leader and former prime minister competed, both the president’s and the ruling party’s approval ratings plummeted. Internal competitions, such as primary elections or party conventions, often leave deeper scars than elections against rival parties. However, this Democratic Party convention was unusually vicious. It involved vulgar language, personal attacks, and a ruthless "grave-digging" competition spanning 20–30 years of political history.

Not only Kim Min-seok and Jung Chung-rae but also Supreme Council candidates, as well as pro-party media, YouTubers, and supporters who were once closely aligned, have split apart. Choi Min-hee, who identifies as a "conservative media sniper" and "media reform activist," attacked OhmyNews, stating, "Stay out of the Democratic Party convention," because it allegedly took sides with Kim Min-seok. Jung Chung-rae added, "It’s self-inflicted. I also have no desire to interview with OhmyNews."

The Democratic Party has historically experienced intense internal conflicts. Even during the era of President DJ, a dominant leader, non-mainstream figures like Kim Sang-hyun and Jeong Dae-cheol challenged the mainstream under banners like "intra-party democracy" and "generational shift." During President Roh Moo-hyun’s tenure, conflicts between the Donggyo-dong faction and the Open Uri Party over "overcoming regionalism" and "political reform" were fierce. A decade ago, the pro-Roh faction clashed with anti-Roh alliances formed by figures like Sohn Hak-kyu, Ahn Cheol-soo, and Honam regionalists. President Lee Jae Myung was once labeled "anti-Roh." These were power struggles and ideological battles over legitimacy and direction.

Now, however, everyone claims to be "pro-Lee Jae Myung" while fighting. Kim Min-seok, openly supported by the president and the mainstream, is seen as the "true pro-Lee Jae Myung" figure. Unlike past intra-party conflicts, this struggle lacks clear ideological or policy distinctions. While opposition factions’ fights over "traitors," "election fraud," or "impeachment" are regressive, at least their motives are explicit.

The pro-Lee Jae Myung faction, advocating a "New Lee Jae Myung," at least appeared to consider governance and public sentiment. This explains why Jung Chung-rae, who emphasizes lineage and ideological purity, complained, "We are resolute reformists, yet even ‘Hankyoreh,’ ‘Hankyung,’ ‘OhmyNews,’ and radio panelists all side with Kim Min-seok." If nearly all media and experts, regardless of their usual stance, support one side, there must be reasons.

However, the objectionable remarks by figures like Jung Chung-rae and Choi Min-hee do not justify the opposing side. In reality, the issues on the other side are more severe.

Near the end of the convention, Kim Min-seok revived the "indictment cancellation balloon" for President Lee Jae Myung in a Hankyoreh interview, stating, "It is barbaric to demand a trial continue despite wrongful charges." This remark, made just before the June 3 elections, acted as a political liability, causing further declines in government and party approval ratings. Yet Kim Min-seok raised the issue again, effectively making it a campaign pledge.

During the convention, the Justice Minister’s "Future Committee for Respecting Prosecutors’ Human Rights" selected cases like the Ssangbangwool North Korea remittance scandal, Daejang-dong development favoritism, Baekhyeon-dong development suspicions, Seongnam FC case, and Gyeonggi Province corporate card misuse allegations for investigation into "prosecutorial abuse." This committee served as a launchpad for indictment cancellations, even surpassing the role of special prosecutors.

Last year, as party leader, Jung Chung-rae faced public criticism for pushing the "National Security Stability Act," which aimed to halt the president’s trial. However, Cheong Wa Dae dismissed it, stating, "The trial is already suspended—why discuss this now?" Pro-Lee Jae Myung lawmakers quickly formed a group to push for "indictment cancellation and parliamentary probes" for President Lee Jae Myung. This revealed the president’s true intentions and sparked speculation about strained party-government relations.

Rhyu Si-min, then outside the party, fiercely opposed the move, saying, "Either I’m crazy or they are, and I don’t think it’s me." Kim Ou-joon’s YouTube channel alleged a deal between the regime’s core and prosecutors to cancel indictments. Rhyu Si-min, Kim Ou-joon, and Jung Chung-rae then joined forces to override public opinion, the president, Justice Minister Jung Sung-ho, and the majority of pro-party supporters, achieving the complete abolition of supplementary investigative rights.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/08/16/FOD7X3MKD5H6RIERIF7ZZFDJPU/

TL;DR:

• As controversy over constitutional reform erupted following reports of a golf meeting between President Lee Jae Myung and senior opposition figures, the president posted on social media,…
• President Lee’s stance on constitutional reform is not new. He made the same remarks during the 2022 presidential election.
• Last year’s presidential election, held after the martial law, was an opportune moment for constitutional reform. Two months before the election, National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik…

As controversy over constitutional reform erupted following reports of a golf meeting between President Lee Jae Myung and senior opposition figures, the president posted on social media, stating, “My consistent position has been to amend the Constitution to introduce a four-year, two-term presidency or a system allowing consecutive terms.” He also suggested shortening the presidential term to facilitate constitutional reform. This marked the president’s public entry into the reform debate, which had been primarily driven by the ruling party. However, he ultimately refrained from explicitly pledging not to seek re-election even if the constitution were amended.

President Lee’s stance on constitutional reform is not new. He made the same remarks during the 2022 presidential election. It is a widely acknowledged fact among politicians from both ruling and opposition parties that the current presidential system has significant issues and requires change. Yet, despite this consensus, constitutional reform has not progressed at all. This stagnation stems from political circles treating the issue as a strategic tool based on perceived political gains or losses.

Last year’s presidential election, held after the martial law, was an opportune moment for constitutional reform. Two months before the election, National Assembly Speaker Woo Won-shik proposed holding a constitutional referendum alongside the presidential vote, a suggestion broadly supported by the candidates. The sole opposition came from President Lee Jae Myung, then the Democratic Party’s candidate, who argued, “Ending the insurrection should come first.” During the 2022 election, when his victory seemed uncertain, President Lee had even proposed shortening the presidential term through constitutional reform. However, once his electoral victory became certain, he pushed the reform discussion to the backburner. Now, just one year into his term, he has revived the constitutional reform card. His shifting approach has raised doubts about his sincerity.

The People Power Party claims President Lee’s constitutional reform card is a “scheme for re-election.” While the constitution prohibits re-election for the incumbent president during the reform process, remarks from President Lee’s inner circle have repeatedly seemed to challenge this. A pro-Lee National Assembly speaker stated that presidential re-election is “a matter of the people’s choice as sovereigns,” and several of the president’s close aides have made similar comments in official settings. If President Lee were to simply declare, “I will not seek re-election,” the issue would be resolved. Yet, he has never done so.

Following the December 3 martial law and impeachment, public consensus on the need to reform the current presidential system has grown stronger than ever. A National Assembly poll found that approximately 70% of respondents supported constitutional reform. However, this time too, substantive progress on reform appears unlikely. The incumbent president, who would need to make the greatest sacrifice for reform, faces suspicion that his push for constitutional change may be driven by personal motives. Only President Lee himself can dispel these doubts.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/08/17/UUNO6OTTERGGJP43QWXVYZAOQY/

TL;DR:

• Lee's sudden dismissal of trade minister called into question amid ongoing issues with U. S.
• President Lee Jae Myung's abrupt removal of Yeo Han-koo has raised concern as Korea faces multiple unresolved trade challenges with the United States over tariffs, Coupang and investment.
• Questions are mounting over President Lee Jae Myung’s unusual decision to suddenly dismiss Yeo Han-koo, the former vice minister-level trade minister at the Ministry of Trade, Industry…

Lee's sudden dismissal of trade minister called into question amid ongoing issues with U.S.

President Lee Jae Myung's abrupt removal of Yeo Han-koo has raised concern as Korea faces multiple unresolved trade challenges with the United States over tariffs, Coupang and investment.

Questions are mounting over President Lee Jae Myung’s unusual decision to suddenly dismiss Yeo Han-koo, the former vice minister-level trade minister at the Ministry of Trade, Industry and Resources, removing a key trade negotiator at a time when Korea faces a host of sensitive trade issues with the United States. The decision was made quickly, with Industry Minister Kim Jung-kwan abruptly heading to Washington for a visit on Sunday.

The presidential office notified the ministry Friday afternoon that Yeo — the top working-level official overseeing trade negotiations and accorded ministerial-level treatment in negotiations with foreign counterparts — would be dismissed effective Friday at midnight, according to multiple ruling bloc officials on Sunday.

The decision was so sudden that only a handful of people within the presidential office knew about it in advance. The Blue House declined to explain the reason to the press after informing his dismissal, saying that it is “difficult to confirm matters concerning personnel decisions.”

Government officials have described Yeo’s dismissal as “extremely unusual,” given that he had overseen trade issues with the United States, including serving as the counterpart to the U.S. trade representative during Korea-U.S. tariff negotiations last year. A number of sensitive trade issues remain unresolved, including matters involving Section 301 of the U.S. Trade Act, Coupang and Korean investment projects in the United States.

As speculation mounted, a senior government official said the dismissal was “unrelated to Korea-U.S. tariff negotiations,” raising the possibility that a personal matter played a role.

Allegations of Yeo's misconduct began circulating recently in the form of unverified rumor sheets. Yeo's representative refuted the rumors saying they were “clearly different from the actual facts” and that legal action was under consideration.

With the exact reason for Yeo’s dismissal still unclear, some in the ruling bloc have pointed to remarks that Lee made during a Cabinet meeting Tuesday.

“The vast majority of public officials work hard and faithfully serve the people, but among them, there are some who abuse the authority they have been given to pursue private interests or fail to properly do what they are supposed to do,” Lee said. “Although these cases involve an extremely small number of people, those who are irresponsible or incompetent or engage in misconduct or corruption must also be held strictly accountable.”

Yeo is not the first deputy minister-level official to be summarily dismissed under the Lee administration.

Former Vice Agriculture Minister Kang Hyoung-seok was dismissed in December last year, less than six months after being appointed, following an inspection over allegations that he improperly exercised his authority. Former Korea Forest Service Minister Kim In-ho was dismissed in February, about six months after taking office, following a drunk driving accident.

Former National Fire Agency Commissioner Kim Seung-ryong underwent an inspection in March on Lee’s orders over allegations including overseas trips of a recreational nature. After explaining most of the allegations, Kim voluntarily stepped down.

The presidential office, however, has declined to confirm whether Yeo was subject to an inspection.

The trade minister is a deputy minister-level political appointee but is accorded ministerial-level status when negotiating with foreign governments. Some observers have raised concerns that Yeo’s sudden departure could make it more difficult for Korea to respond swiftly as U.S. President Donald Trump ramps up pressure over Korean investment in the United States ahead of U.S. midterm elections in November.

“Investment negotiations with the United States have primarily been led by Trade, Industry and Resources Minister Kim Jung-kwan,” a senior ruling bloc official said. “The challenges are intensifying, but we are responding through close communication.”

Meanwhile, Industry Minister Kim departed for Washington earlier on Sunday amid the series of unresolved trade issues between the two countries, according to a Yonhap report.

The United States is expected to announce the results of its overproduction investigation by the end of the month. Washington also announced a set of import tariffs from 60 trading partners after an investigation into forced labor under Section 301 of the Trade Act. Korea has been subject to a 12.5 percent tariff as a result.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/lees-sudden-dismissal-of-trade-minister-called-into-question-amid-ongoing-issues-with-us/12827017

TL;DR:

• U. S.
• ▶The 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis is also noted as an incident where the actual power hidden behind the official authority was revealed. The top-secret National Security Council (excomm)…
• ▶In the U. S.

U.S. President Udeuro Wilson suffered a stroke in 1919 and became unable to perform his duties. Vice President Thomas Marshall and other cabinet members were supposed to fill the power vacuum, but it did not function. The actual power holder who emerged was the president’s second wife, Edith Wilson. Edith blocked all access by the vice president and the cabinet, selecting and approving reports and agendas to be submitted to the president. Gossipmongers referred to it as the first female presidency in effect.

▶The 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis is also noted as an incident where the actual power hidden behind the official authority was revealed. The top-secret National Security Council (excomm) was convened underground at the White House, attended by the Secretary of Defense, Secretary of State, CIA Director, and Chairman of the JCS. However, Robert F. Kennedy, the president’s brother and Attorney General, who was unrelated to the security line, was also present. It was said to be the moment revealing who President Kennedy’s closest aide was.

▶In the U.S., the practice of a president seeking political advice from friends and non-officials is called the "kitchen cabinet." The term originated in the 1830s when President Andrew Jackson frequently sought advice from friends, bypassing his cabinet, and it was coined as a sarcastic expression. President Jackson created a private entrance at the White House, not the main gate, to summon them, and the term was mockingly attached as the "cabinet of those entering through the kitchen door." However, these individuals were indeed recognized as the president’s closest aides with real power.

▶After U.S. President Trump received assassination intelligence, he boarded a C-32 transport aircraft instead of Air Force One, which he had originally planned to take. The original aircraft carried high-ranking Trump administration officials, including Secretary of State Rubio and Secretary of the Treasury Besant, as well as White House reporters. They essentially served as decoys to deceive the assassin. In contrast, the transport aircraft Trump boarded included Dan Scavino, White House Deputy Chief of Staff; Natalie Harp, personal aide; and Walt Nota AI, Director of the Presidential Office. All were loyalists who remained with Trump even after his failed re-election. These individuals are likely the real power figures moving Trump.

▶The practice of exercising power while bypassing official state channels has often led to unfavorable outcomes. When the heir to Russia’s Tsar Nikolai II contracted hemophilia, Rasputin, who came to treat him, became an unofficial power figure in the Russian imperial family. As the tsar went to the front lines of World War I, Rasputin took the forefront of power, wielding HR authority, lost his life, and even hastened the empire’s collapse. Trump may have gained the trust of his closest aides who boarded the plane with him, but he faces the risk of losing the trust of the larger U.S. administration and the public.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/08/14/H7D65JWEN5FIPP2JMEAIEMQYLI/

TL;DR:

• Former Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji (朱鎔基, 98 years old) died in Beijing on August 12. Premier Zhu was a key figure who materialized the reform and opening-up path proposed by Deng Xiaoping…
• A Chinese Premier with Deep Ties to South Korea
• Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between South Korea and China in 1992, Zhu Rongji has been remembered as one of the Chinese leaders who led the golden age of South…

Former Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji (朱鎔基, 98 years old) died in Beijing on August 12. Premier Zhu was a key figure who materialized the reform and opening-up path proposed by Deng Xiaoping through tax, financial, and state-owned enterprise reforms, and led China’s accession to the World Trade Organization (WTO), integrating the Chinese economy into the global market. In particular, he played a pivotal role in transforming Shanghai into an international financial and business hub by vigorously promoting the development and opening-up of Pudong (浦東). Although the authority of the Chinese Premier has significantly weakened since the Xi Jinping era, Zhu Rongji wielded formidable power in economic policy as the administrative head leading the State Council around 2000. His determination to combat corruption is widely symbolized by his remark, “I have prepared 100 coffins. Ninety-nine are for corrupt officials, and one is left for myself.”

A Chinese Premier with Deep Ties to South Korea

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations between South Korea and China in 1992, Zhu Rongji has been remembered as one of the Chinese leaders who led the golden age of South Korea-China relations alongside then-President Jiang Zemin. Although news of Zhu Rongji’s death was reported by all South Korean media outlets, his significance in South Korea-China relations and his special connection with South Korea have rarely been highlighted. In particular, the fact that Zhu Rongji, the top authority in the Chinese economy, expressed familiarity by calling President Kim Dae-jung “hyeongnim (大哥·tageo)” every time they met remains little known.

The close relationship between President Kim Dae-jung and Zhu Rongji is well documented in Kim Dae-jung’s autobiography *Kim Dae-jung Autobiography* and former Ambassador to China Kim Ha-jung’s books *Testimony* and *Chinese Stories*. (These books also include accounts of how former President Jiang Zemin, though born eight months earlier than Kim Dae-jung, treated him with utmost respect as an elder.)

Kim Dae-jung Meets Zhu Rongji, Not Premier Li Peng, During Opposition Leader Days

According to Kim Ha-jung’s book, the first meeting between Kim Dae-jung and Zhu Rongji dates back to October 1996, before Kim became president. Kim Dae-jung had returned to politics in September 1995 by founding the National Congress for New Politics. The following year, in 1996, he visited China hoping to meet Premier Li Peng. However, the Chinese side proposed a meeting with Vice Premier Zhu Rongji instead. Kim reportedly felt somewhat displeased with the Chinese proposal to meet a vice premier instead of the premier.

At the time, Kim Ha-jung, then-director general of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs’ Asia-Pacific Bureau, who had visited Kim Dae-jung’s party headquarters at his request, advised:

“Vice Premier Zhu Rongji is the top candidate for the next premier, so unless something unexpected occurs, he will become premier in about a year and a half, by March 1998. In particular, Vice Premier Zhu is highly respected by the Chinese people, so meeting him this time will surely be of great help in the future.”

Kim Ha-jung’s prediction proved accurate. Kim Dae-jung indeed met Vice Premier Zhu Rongji during his October 1996 visit to China. He was then elected president in December 1997 and inaugurated in February 1998. A month later, in March 1998, Zhu Rongji became China’s premier.

The two leaders met again in April of that year at the second Asia-Europe Meeting (ASEM) in London, reminiscing about their first encounter a year and a half prior and agreeing to actively cooperate for the development of South Korea-China relations.

Kim Ha-jung evaluated this as “an irony of history,” stating, “Kim Dae-jung’s failure to meet the premier during his 1996 visit to China and his meeting with Vice Premier Zhu Rongji instead played a crucial role in expanding South Korea-China relations, particularly economic ties, in the future.”

Kim Dae-jung Visits China Amid Foreign Exchange Crisis

The relationship between Kim Dae-jung and Zhu Rongji deepened further during Kim’s state visit to China from November 11 to 14, 1998, at the invitation of President Jiang Zemin. Kim held a summit and attended a welcome banquet with President Jiang, met with Li Peng, Chairman of the Standing Committee of the National People’s Congress, and Hu Jintao, Vice President of the State Council. He also delivered a speech at Peking University and attended a banquet hosted by Premier Zhu Rongji.

South Korea was in the midst of a foreign exchange crisis at the time. To recover its economy and expand Korean companies’ entry into the Chinese market, cooperation from Zhu Rongji, who was in charge of the Chinese economy, was crucial. One of South Korea’s key concerns was whether China would devalue the yuan. If China lowered the yuan’s value amid the spreading Asian financial crisis, it could deal a significant blow to South Korea’s export competitiveness and economic recovery.

President Kim expressed gratitude, stating that China’s decision to maintain the yuan’s value was helping South Korea’s economic recovery. He then requested cooperation in five areas: ① participation of South Korean companies in Chinese nuclear power plant construction, ② production of complete vehicles in China, ③ commercialization of Code Division Multiple Access (CDMA), ④ permission for Korean financial institutions to enter the Chinese market, and ⑤ high-speed rail cooperation.

Zhu Rongji assured him, “You can rest assured that we will not devalue the yuan.” Regarding the five requests, Zhu explained each one, stating that some would be accepted as requested, while others would be positively considered.

He added, “This is not mere diplomatic rhetoric. I sincerely say this because I respect President Kim.”

Shared Memories of Hardship That Brought the Two Leaders Closer

What brought the two leaders even closer that day was not just economic issues. Their personal histories of suffering under authoritarian regimes became a point of mutual understanding. Zhu Rongji was labeled a rightist in the late 1950s and faced long-term political difficulties, enduring hardships during the Cultural Revolution. He later rose to lead the Chinese economy under Deng Xiaoping’s reform and opening-up policies. President Kim Dae-jung also endured numerous political hardships, including imprisonment, a death sentence, exile, and house arrest during the Park Chung-hee regime.

Their conversation naturally turned to the pain they had endured. When Zhu Rongji spoke of his difficult times, President Kim shared how he had endured moments in prison when he felt like dying.

Kim Ha-jung, who witnessed this scene, later wrote, “The fact that the leaders of both countries did not just discuss stiff political or economic matters but consoled each other’s pain by sharing their past sufferings served as an important catalyst in deepening their friendship.”

Whispering ‘Please Pass My Greetings to My Elder Brother’ Amid Watching Foreign Envoys

A symbolic scene of their relationship occurred in October 2001. Shortly after Kim Ha-jung assumed the position of ambassador to China, he met Premier Zhu Rongji along with other newly appointed ambassadors. Twenty-one ambassadors from various countries each greeted the premier and took commemorative photos.

When it was Kim Ha-jung’s turn, Premier Zhu sincerely welcomed his appointment and promised full support for his duties. However, an unusual event occurred after the formal greetings. Premier Zhu leaned toward Kim Ha-jung and whispered in his ear:

“Please convey my special regards to President Kim Dae-jung, my elder brother.”

It was unprecedented for the Chinese premier to whisper to a South Korean ambassador in the presence of foreign envoys and high-ranking Chinese officials. Kim Ha-jung later recounted the situation:

“At the time, 21 foreign ambassadors and many senior Chinese officials were present, so they seemed curious about what the premier had whispered to the South Korean ambassador. After the event, a senior official from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs approached me and asked what the premier had said. When I told him that the premier had asked me to convey special greetings to President Kim, whom he considered his elder brother, the official was astonished, saying he had never seen the premier behave that way before.”

This was a glimpse of the human warmth that Premier Zhu Rongji, often called the “Iron Premier,” showed toward the South Korean president.

A month later, on November 5, 2001, Kim Dae-jung and Zhu Rongji met again on the sidelines of the ASEAN+3 summit in Brunei. From the beginning of the meeting, Kim Dae-jung brought up a difficult request. At the time, Yeosu in South Korea and Shanghai were competing to host the 2010 World Expo.

President Kim congratulated China on its successful hosting of the APEC summit, its accession to the WTO, and the Chinese national football team’s qualification for the World Cup finals. He then said, “There is a saying that one should share blessings,” and requested that Shanghai cede the 2010 World Expo to Yeosu.

“I consider the president my elder brother. When you mentioned the CDMA issue, I honestly made efforts. Just as I have made efforts, I hope the president will also pay attention to the issue of trade imbalance between South Korea and China.”

Zhu Rongji also brought up the Hallyu (Korean Wave), which was spreading in China at the time. He mentioned that Korean culture and arts were flooding into China and that Chinese actors were imitating Korean actors, using his characteristic straightforward style to address the trade imbalance issue. When Zhu persistently demanded further opening of the agricultural market, President Kim retorted, “A good friend should also consider the plight of South Korean farmers in difficulty.” The two leaders laughed together. Their scene of clashing over national interests while maintaining a lighthearted attitude contrasts sharply with recent South Korea-China relations.

Zhu Rongji also left a strong impression on South Korean economic officials. In a column for the Korea Times after Zhu’s death, former Financial Supervisory Service Chairman Kim Yong-deok recounted his 2002 October meeting with Zhu Rongji as vice minister of the Ministry of Finance and Economy. Kim had attended a high-level policy seminar on capital movement liberalization hosted by the Chinese Ministry of Finance and the People’s Bank of China to share South Korea’s policy experiences.

According to Kim’s recollection, Zhu Rongji spoke individually with attendees and joked to Kim, “We in China work hard to export to the U.S. and other countries and earn dollars, but we spend all those dollars importing Korean goods. I envy South Korea.” This was a veiled expression of discomfort over South Korea’s rapidly growing trade surplus with China. Kim immediately responded, “The Republic of Korea also spent the money it earned through exports from the 1970s on Japan. However, the situation has not changed much even after 30 years.” Laughter erupted among the attendees. It was a joke-like exchange between the Chinese premier responsible for the economy and a South Korean economic official over trade issues between the two countries.

What most strongly remained with Kim Yong-deok was Zhu Rongji’s “honesty and expertise.” Although he was a top leader guiding a vast country, he did not stay in grand narratives or political rhetoric. He had a concrete grasp of not only domestic economic and financial issues but also complex problems in the international financial market. He was a leader who coldly assessed China’s reality and pondered what and how to change. His relatively honest discussions, even on issues that could be unfavorable to himself or China, were also impressive. Kim Yong-deok recalled that the Zhu Rongji he met was closer to an “expert politician” who diagnosed the nation’s reality and designed the future based on deep expertise in economics and finance.

Lessons from an Era of Calling Each Other ‘Elder Brother’

The period when Zhu Rongji was in charge of the Chinese economy, the late 1990s and early 2000s, was a special time in South Korea-China relations. South Korea overcame the foreign exchange crisis and rapidly expanded into the Chinese market, while China was leaping forward as the “world’s factory” through WTO accession and market opening. During this process, Kim Dae-jung and Zhu Rongji fiercely negotiated over national interests. South Korea demanded market opening and business entry into China, while China demanded resolution of trade imbalances and opening of the South Korean market. However, there was also a human trust between the two that could not be explained solely by interests. It was an era when the Chinese premier publicly said he “considered the South Korean president his elder brother” and whispered to a South Korean ambassador, “Please convey special greetings to my elder brother.”

Of course, China at that time was different from now. It needed to enter the international community through reform, opening-up, and WTO accession and required South Korea’s capital, technology, and economic cooperation. It was also a period when Chinese leaders needed to take a more flexible and humble stance in relations with neighboring countries than they do today. Even considering these factors, the intimate relationship between Kim Dae-jung and Zhu Rongji is a rare scene in the history of South Korea-China diplomacy. It shows that relations between countries can also be influenced by the trust and personal rapport of their leaders.

Since the 2016 THAAD dispute, mistrust between South Korea and China has not been resolved, and the situation has become even more difficult amid U.S.-China conflicts triggered by the Trump administration. At such times, it is worth revisiting the relationship between Kim Dae-jung and Zhu Rongji for solutions. The scenes of clashing over national interests while respecting the opposing leader and building personal trust are worth revisiting repeatedly.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/national-en/2026/08/16/KYGIDDO2KRE37CXPWOWQ2UKABY/

TL;DR:

• Appeals court allows secrecy over Cambodian meth supplier’s return, cites evidence destruction fears
• The Seoul High Court reversed a lower ruling, saying disclosure of extradition plans could alert a drug network still operating from prison.
• An appeals court has ruled that the Ministry of Justice was within its rights to withhold information about the repatriation of an alleged methamphetamine supplier detained in Cambodia,…

Appeals court allows secrecy over Cambodian meth supplier’s return, cites evidence destruction fears

The Seoul High Court reversed a lower ruling, saying disclosure of extradition plans could alert a drug network still operating from prison.

An appeals court has ruled that the Ministry of Justice was within its rights to withhold information about the repatriation of an alleged methamphetamine supplier detained in Cambodia, finding that disclosure could allow accomplices to destroy evidence.

The ruling, handed down by the Seoul High Court, reversed a lower court decision and went against the defendant in the underlying smuggling case, who had sought details on when his supplier would be brought back to Korea to face justice.

The defendant was sentenced to 15 years in prison in November 2021 after being convicted of conspiring with an unidentified methamphetamine supplier based in Cambodia to smuggle about 2 kilograms of the drug, worth roughly 100 million won (about $73,000), into Korea. During his trial, he argued that he believed he was receiving health foods and local specialty products from an acquaintance in Cambodia, and did not know the packages contained methamphetamine. The court rejected that defense.

The defendant later filed a criminal complaint against his alleged supplier with the Daejeon District Prosecutors' Office, but prosecutors suspended the case after determining that the supplier had left the country and could not be located.

In October 2023, the defendant filed a request with the Justice Ministry seeking information on whether and when his alleged supplier would be repatriated to Korea, along with details of the extradition process. The ministry denied the request, citing concerns that disclosure could harm significant national interests. He then sued to overturn that decision.

A lower court initially sided with the defendant, ruling that disclosure was unlikely to significantly impede investigators' work and that the public interest the ministry sought to protect did not clearly outweigh his personal interest in the information. That ruling held that exceptions to disclosure on diplomatic grounds should be applied only to the minimum extent necessary.

The Seoul High Court reached the opposite conclusion on appeal, ruling that the requested information related to an active investigation and that its release could interfere with that investigation.

The appellate judges noted that although the alleged supplier is incarcerated in a Cambodian prison, he is reportedly still using a mobile phone to communicate with accomplices and continuing to direct drug distribution into Korea from behind bars. Releasing details of his repatriation, the court found, would likely reach his accomplices and increase the risk that they would destroy evidence.

This article was originally written in Korean and translated by a bilingual reporter with the help of generative AI tools. It was then edited by a native English-speaking editor. All AI-assisted translations are reviewed and refined by our newsroom.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/appeals-court-allows-secrecy-over-cambodian-meth-suppliers-return-cites-evidence-destruction-fears/12826264

TL;DR:

• “Are you offloading unpopular villas in the market onto young people? ” “First, you told us to live in decommissioned buses, and now it’s villas.
• These are reactions flooding online communities and social media following the government’s announcement on August 13 of a real estate stabilization plan, which included the “Youth…
• The Youth Future Home Loan will launch in January next year. Eligible applicants are first-time homebuyers under 39 years old with annual incomes under 70 million Korean won, purchasing…

“Are you offloading unpopular villas in the market onto young people?” “First, you told us to live in decommissioned buses, and now it’s villas.”

These are reactions flooding online communities and social media following the government’s announcement on August 13 of a real estate stabilization plan, which included the “Youth Future Home Loan.” The policy offers low-interest loans covering up to 80% of the purchase price for non-apartment properties like villas and officetels priced under 400 million Korean won, targeting young people without homes. However, the intended beneficiaries—the youth—are protesting. Critics even coined the “mop-up theory,” arguing the policy forces the youngest and least financially stable generation to absorb unwanted villa and officetel inventory.

The Youth Future Home Loan will launch in January next year. Eligible applicants are first-time homebuyers under 39 years old with annual incomes under 70 million Korean won, purchasing non-apartments under 400 million Korean won and 85㎡ in size. The policy allows a loan-to-value ratio of up to 80% and preferential interest rates in the 3% range. Even after taking the loan, applicants retain eligibility for first-time homebuyer benefits when purchasing another property. The government calculated that a 200 million Korean won loan over 30 years at 3.0% annual interest would result in monthly repayments of around 850,000 Korean won—comparable to average monthly rents of 800,000 Korean won for non-apartments. “You can live in ‘your own home’ without worrying about moving, paying a similar amount to monthly rent,” the government claims.

◇“Principal Payments Instead of Rent” vs. “A Shackle, Not a Ladder”

Young people, however, argue, “Why force the generation with the least financial resilience to take on debt for assets every generation avoids?” A March report by the Korea Research Institute for Human Settlements found 79.7% of respondents preferred apartments as their first home. Fewer than one in five across all generations would choose non-apartments as their first property.

This reflects the reality that non-apartments fail as a housing ladder. They are hard to sell when needed, and their value rarely appreciates enough to fund upgrades to better homes. They risk becoming financial dead ends. A 30-year-old office worker, Yoon, living in a 300 million Korean won officetel in Yongsan, Seoul, said, “I could buy this place with an 80 million Korean won loan, but I’m unsure if it’ll sell later, so I chose a lease.” This explains why only 4.5% of young households own non-apartments, less than a quarter of the overall household rate (20.5%).

The “under 400 million Korean won” criterion is also out of touch. Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport transaction data shows that from January to August 14, the average sale price of officetels exceeding 60㎡ but under 85㎡ in Seoul was 749.8 million Korean won—nearly double the loan limit. Properties meeting the criteria are under 60㎡ (average 264 million Korean won), mostly single-room or partitioned studios. This means newlyweds or families with children in Seoul cannot realistically use this loan. Hence, critics call it a “single-person, non-marriage encouragement policy.”

◇Backlash as Government “Lowers Expectations”

As youth anger grew, the Financial Services Commission stated on August 14 it would “consider expanding eligibility to apartments.” However, apartments under 400 million Korean won account for only 7.8% of Seoul’s total.

On August 7, Democratic Party of Korea Rep. Hwang Hee faced backlash for proposing repurposed buses as youth housing. On August 12, the Ministry of Land, Infrastructure and Transport announced revised building standards removing desk requirements and allowing bathtubs in goshiwons (studio apartments), effectively legitimizing them as residential spaces. Young people interpret these policies—buses, goshiwons, and now villas—as a consistent message to “lower housing expectations.” Online reactions ask, “Are we being forced to choose between villas and goshiwons?”

Lee Eun-hyeong, a senior researcher at the Korea Research Institute for Construction Policy, stated, “The non-apartment market remains dominated by rental demand.” She suggested creating a system where retired or financially stable generations purchase non-apartments to lease to the youth would be more effective.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/industry-en/2026/08/15/VKT6AAFF4NAQDCVEONKK4GL6SU/

TL;DR:

• Korean ruling, opposition parties condemn Japanese officials’ Yasukuni Shrine visits
• Lawmakers across Korea’s political divide said the visits undermine trust and demand Japan confront its wartime history through action.
• Korean lawmakers from both the ruling and opposition parties expressed regret Saturday over visits by Japanese officials and politicians to a war shrine seen as a symbol of Japan's…

Korean ruling, opposition parties condemn Japanese officials’ Yasukuni Shrine visits

Lawmakers across Korea’s political divide said the visits undermine trust and demand Japan confront its wartime history through action.

Korean lawmakers from both the ruling and opposition parties expressed regret Saturday over visits by Japanese officials and politicians to a war shrine seen as a symbol of Japan's imperialistic past.

The response came after Japanese Defense Minister Shinjiro Koizumi and a group of lawmakers from the ruling Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) paid tribute at the Yasukuni Shrine to mark the anniversary of Japan's 1945 surrender in World War II. Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi sent a ritual offering but did not visit the shrine in person.

Jeon Su-mi, a spokesperson for the ruling Democratic Party, criticized the visits by Japanese officials and LDP lawmakers as an "anachronistic provocation," calling them "reckless acts" based on "twisted patriotism."

Kim Dae-sik of the main opposition People Power Party, who is known for his close ties with Japan, voiced "deep regret," saying Koizumi's shrine visit is an act that undermines mutual trust between the two countries.

"Japan's responsible leaders should face the history of its aggression and show true remorse through actions, not words," Kim wrote on Facebook.

Source: https://www.koreajoongangdaily.com/korea/korean-ruling-opposition-parties-condemn-japanese-officials-yasukuni-shrine-visits/12826368

TL;DR:

• The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) reported that a U. S.
• The outcome of this training is shocking on multiple levels. The U.
• This is not a distant concern. North Korean troops, having been deployed to Ukraine for two years, have already mastered drone warfare.

The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) reported that a U.S. armored unit suffered a decisive defeat during training with Ukraine’s drone forces. The unit involved was part of the U.S. 1st Cavalry Division, which saw action in the Korean War (1950-53) and the Vietnam War, comprising 3,500 personnel. However, the rapid drone attacks by Ukrainian forces led to the swift annihilation of the armored unit, causing difficulties in conducting the training. The U.S. armored forces, once considered the world’s strongest, were thoroughly humiliated.

The outcome of this training is shocking on multiple levels. The U.S. military did not rely solely on tanks; they received aerial support from helicopters and drones, while infantry units used electronic warfare devices to counter Ukrainian drones. They were ostensibly prepared for anti-drone combat. Yet, the Ukrainian forces—who have engaged in drone warfare against Russia for five years—neutralized the U.S. unit with remarkable coordination.

This is not a distant concern. North Korean troops, having been deployed to Ukraine for two years, have already mastered drone warfare. Within a week, 1,000 personnel reportedly lost their lives to Ukrainian drones, gaining firsthand experience. Many of these troops, now serving as frontline instructors, are sharing their battlefield insights. North Korea, acknowledging its conventional military inferiority to South Korea, has focused on drone warfare for over a decade. With combat experience now under their belt, questions arise about whether South Korea can adequately counter potential provocations. Additionally, North Korea is testing newly developed missiles in Ukraine, validating their performance. There are even projections that North Korea may deploy up to 50,000 additional troops to the Ukraine battlefield soon.

Within the military, discussions have emerged about sending observers to Ukraine for joint training, if not full participation. However, the government shows no inclination to do so. President Lee Jae Myung, during his tenure as Democratic Party leader in 2024, criticized the Yoon Suk-yeol administration’s attempt to send a war analysis team to Ukraine, calling it “needless meddling in another country’s war” and asking, “Are you so eager to fight?” The Democratic Party also proposed a special counsel law after the December 3 martial law declaration, including “overseas dispatch to conflict zones” as a subject of investigation.

To make matters worse, South Korean troops recently conducted guard duty without live ammunition in frontline areas. Joint U.S.-South Korea military exercises have also been reduced. What would happen if a military conflict erupted on the Korean Peninsula under these conditions? The mere thought makes one’s hair stand on end.

Source: https://www.chosun.com/english/opinion-en/2026/08/15/GTXZKJQEUVEXPOMXUG6SLUYDCM/