Text in Portugues reads "People who inhabit the coast of Arabia called fartaquis, who are very good horsemen and very warlike."
The catechized Indians who lived in close proximity to the Portuguese actively participated in the economy. Many left their villages to work in the sugar mills belonging to the Jesuits as wage laborers; they also went to cities and towns where they worked as domestic servants or were recruited as soldiers to garrison the cities.
There was a constant dialogue between the Indigenous communities and the royal power. The Indigenous people frequently appealed to the king as the highest authority capable of correcting injustices committed by royal and religious authorities. Although many requests were not fully met, this process reveals that the Portuguese monarchy maintained institutional channels through which Indigenous people could present their demands.
Indigenous peoples developed sophisticated political strategies. They learned Portuguese legal language, adapted their arguments to the legal norms of the time, and used concepts such as loyalty to the king, justice, and service to the Crown to strengthen their claims. The indigenous people of Portuguese America were not merely objects of colonial policy, but also political subjects who knew their rights, used the administrative mechanisms of the monarchy, and sought to negotiate directly with the king to guarantee the protection of their communities.
For the Indians who had lived in villages for centuries, in intense contact with the Portuguese, the arrival of the court of the Prince Regent of Portugal in Brazil meant the possibility of claiming rights directly from the King, who, in turn, received them with due attention, fulfilling his role as a just monarch concerned with the well-being of his indigenous subjects.
They could come from distant regions, as in 1811, when “(...) o principal da aldeia de São Gonçalo, no Piauí, fora ao Rio de Janeiro apresentar pessoalmente sua queixa ao Príncipe regente, que depois de ouvi-lo, o deferiu benignamente, enchendo-o de honras e presentes”. [Translation: “(...) the chief of the village of São Gonçalo, in Piauí, went to Rio de Janeiro to personally present his complaint to the Prince Regent, who, after listening to him, granted it benignly, showering him with honors and gifts.”]
The Jesuits had been expelled more than 50 years earlier, the captaincy had expanded considerably, leading to a decrease in unclaimed lands and an increase in land conflicts in old villages. Furthermore, legislation had introduced changes to accentuate interactions between Indians and non-Indians that had been prohibited by previous laws.
The action of private individuals to settle and administer Indians was permitted and encouraged. As for the Indians who entered these new villages through agreements and negotiations, their expectations were not very different from those of their counterparts from more remote periods: they also sought protection and security to guarantee survival and lands, increasingly threatened by the advance of colonization.
Unlike the latter, however, they enjoyed the freedom to come and go between villages, backlands, and private farms. Various records indicate that the Indians in the backlands were far more numerous than those in the villages. The priests and residents maintained constant contact with them, baptizing them and seeking to settle them in villages, but also encouraging the establishment of their godchildren on the farms of their godparents.
Regarding the arrival of the Court and the influence of the Napoleonic Wars on the relations of the backlands of Rio de Janeiro, Malheiros cites an intriguing document presented by the Capuchins, in which indigenous voices appear who, in 1812, threatened to abandon their service and loyalty to the Portuguese King if they were not properly defended from the exploitation imposed on them by private individuals.
Other requests were made by Indians, residents, and authorities, continuing this dispute which, as seen, extended until 1819, when King João VI signed a series of royal charters in favor of the Indians.
The Royal Charter of March 16, 1819, and two provisions of July 8, 1819, signed by King João VI, recognized the dominion of the lands to the indigenous peoples, declaring the lands where the villages were located inalienable, and all land grants made totally null and void. Similarly, he did not consider such lands as vacant:
Original: “Sendo-me presente que a Aldêa de Valança dos índios Coroados estando destinada para Villa dos mesmos Indios, por ordem minha de 25 de Agosto de 1801, fora pedida de sesmaria, como terreno devoluto, por Florisbello Augusto de Macedo, e depois por Eleuterio Delfim da Silva, e concedida com notória oppressão, pois não se devia considerar devoluto um terreno marcado para Aldêa dos Indios com a Igreja já edificada, e alguns moradores na mesma Aldêa: Hei por bem declarar nulla a sobredita concesão feita a Eleuteio Delfim da Silva, e que o sobredito terreno, pela demarcação actual, seja restituído aos ditos Indios, para nelle se alearem e cultivarem os terrenos que se lhe destinarem [...] Nas referidas terras não se poderá fazer alienação alguma, e os moradores que já ahi se acham com casas ou com culturas, serão conservados [...]”.
Translation: “Being aware that the village of Valança of the Coroados Indians, destined for the town of the same Indians, by my order of August 25, 1801, was requested as a land grant, as vacant land, by Florisbello Augusto de Macedo, and later by Eleuterio Delfim da Silva, and granted with notorious oppression, since a land marked for an Indian village with the church already built and some inhabitants in the same village should not be considered vacant: I hereby declare null the aforementioned concession made to Eleuterio Delfim da Silva, and that the aforementioned land, by the current demarcation, be returned to the said Indians, so that they may cultivate and cultivate the lands destined for them [...] No alienation may be made on the aforementioned lands, and the inhabitants who are already there with houses or crops will be preserved [...]”.
The presence of the court in Rio de Janeiro undoubtedly had diverse effects on the numerous indigenous peoples in Brazil. Those most affected were, without a doubt, the Indians considered barbaric, against whom the Prince Regent decreed a just war. The allies, inhabitants of the villages, accustomed to the political culture of the Old Regime, saw the king as a just man who could guarantee them the benefits they deserved in exchange for services rendered.
This was the case of the Indians of Pernambuco, who helped in the repression of the 1817 Revolution and received several commendations from the King.
They appealed to him and gained, but in the long term, they experienced considerable losses driven by the growth of the captaincy and the assimilationist policy that aimed to extinguish their villages and collective lands. The newly settled Indians of the captaincy of Rio de Janeiro, still considered brave at the end of the 18th century, quickly learned new cultural and political practices and acted in ways very similar to their counterparts in older villages.
Like them, they recognized the importance of the King and his role as a justifier, to whom they did not hesitate to turn in an attempt to mitigate their losses, seeking possible allies among the agents with whom they interacted.
Source(s):
.- Os Índios no Tempo da Corte: reflexões sobre política indigenista e cultura política indígena no Rio de Janeiro oitocentista. By* *Maria Regina Celestino de Almeida, UFF
In this legend, we can see: Region I, Region II and Region III.Its in portuguese, but you can see where they are.
Traditional agriculture was present in Angola during the colonial period. In this article we will discuss how it was manifested across the Angolan territory, however we will not use a common history article, like the other articles I have used. The source used today is a Master’s Dissertation in Agronomic Engineering, which studies these data in a different way, not in the traditional way of common historiography.
In this article, we must also know what MIAA — Missão de Inquéritos Agrícolas de Angola is: an organisation created by the Portuguese colonial administration to study and understand agriculture and the rural world in Angola
We can see that traditional Angolan agriculture did not constitute a homogeneous reality, since ecological conditions, namely climate, relief and soils, conditioned the distribution of the population and the ways in which the territory was used. The adaptation of the populations to these different natural conditions contributed to the existence of different economic and social systems.
According to the colonial administration, we can identify two major sectors of Angolan agriculture: the enterprise sector and the traditional sector. The first corresponded essentially to organised agriculture and European agricultural exploitation, oriented towards the market and characterised by the use of modern techniques and technologies. In this sector, large plantations of coffee, sisal and cotton predominated, although it also included small farmers who produced for the market, namely beans and tobacco. The traditional sector, on the other hand, corresponded to peasant agriculture, whose main purpose was to ensure food production, especially carbohydrates destined for the feeding of the populations.
We can note that in the traditional sector, the crops with the greatest weight in production were maize, with 31%, cassava, with 26%, coffee, with 15%, and beans, with 10%. Therefore, there was a coexistence of food crops and crops destined for the market, although the former predominated. In the enterprise sector, on the contrary, coffee represented 86% of production and cotton 8%, showing a strong concentration in plantation crops mainly oriented towards the external market. Thus, enterprise agriculture presented a much more marked specialisation in higher-value commercial crops.
Enterprise agriculture had a greater weight in the value of national production for most crops.The main exceptions were the crops that constituted the basis of the African populations' diet, such as millet, sorghum, cassava and maize and some commercial crops with lower added value, such as beans and maize itself.
In terms of the total value of production, the difference between the two sectors becomes even more evident. Enterprise agriculture represented 64% of the value of agricultural production, practically twice the share attributed to the traditional sector. However, this economic superiority must be analysed taking into account the very unequal size of the two sectors. Although the information used by the MIAA does not indicate the total number of enterprise farms, the traditional sector included 1,067,230 farms in 1970–1971, a number clearly higher than the number of enterprise farms. Thus, there was a situation of strong asymmetry: a relatively small number of enterprise farms managed to generate, in monetary value, almost twice the production of more than one million traditional farms.
The MIAA — Missão de Inquéritos Agrícolas de Angola, an organisation created by the Portuguese colonial administration to study and understand agriculture and the rural world in Angola, was also responsible for the data from which the map came. We can see that it divided the Angolan territory into three regions:
Region I – more developed agricultural regions: it covered a large part of Central and Northern Angola, including the Central Plateau, the Malanje Plateau and important coffee-growing areas. It was the most densely populated region and the one with the highest agricultural production, with maize, cassava and coffee standing out. It also had a greater orientation of production towards the market.
Region II – less developed agricultural regions: it corresponded mainly to the areas of Eastern Angola, including Lunda, Bundas and Luchazes and Cuando-Cubango. It was characterised by a lower population density and less favourable natural conditions for agriculture. Cassava and maize were particularly important in production.
Region III – milking complex or pastoral region: it covered the areas of Southern and Southwestern Angola, including Huíla, Gambos, the Southern Coast and the Central-Southern Transition. It was essentially a region of cattle raising, although agricultural activity was also present, particularly the production of maize, millet and sorghum. The low population density was related, among other factors, to the need for large areas of land for pastoral activity.
Region I concentrated around 70% of the Angolan population in 1960, benefiting from natural conditions considered more favourable to the settlement of populations and agricultural activity. Within this region, the Central Plateau stood out. Although it represented only around 6% of the territory, it concentrated almost 30% of the total population of Angola, with a population density of 16.75 inhabitants per km².
In terms of production, Region I represented 77% of the total value of traditional agricultural production, while Region II represented around 9% and Region III 14%. The predominance of Region I was related not only to its higher population concentration, but also to the presence of areas traditionally producing crops destined for the market, such as coffee, cotton and rice.
Region III presented a very different situation. Although agriculture was present, cattle raising constituted the main economic activity, particularly in the Upper Lands of Huíla, Litoral-Sul, Gambos and the Quilengues area. The need to use large areas of land for cattle raising contributed to the lower population density of the region.
Regarding the agricultural surplus, we can see that Region II concentrated 82% of the total surplus of traditional agriculture, while Region III represented 12% and Region I only 6%. This distribution demonstrates that the weight of a region in overall production did not necessarily correspond to its capacity to generate surpluses destined for the market. Region I, despite concentrating the largest part of agricultural production, represented a relatively small share of the total surplus.
Regarding self-supply, that is, the part of production destined for feeding the populations themselves, maize and cassava were particularly important in Regions I and II. In Region I, both crops together represented around 39% of self-supply, while in Region II cassava had a particularly high weight, corresponding to around 76%. In Region III, on the other hand, internal consumption was mainly based on maize (49%), millet (23%) and sorghum (16%).
Regarding the distribution of agricultural work, we can see that most of the work carried out outside the farm belonged to Region I, with around two thirds of this type of work taking place there. The high population density of this region encouraged the movement of workers towards areas with a greater need for labour. In the Lundas, in Region II, the presence of DIAMANG constituted an important alternative to agricultural activity, due to the greater profitability of mining work. In Region III, on the other hand, the predominantly pastoral nature of the economy meant that most producers dedicated themselves essentially to their own farms. In Angola as a whole, only 36% of traditional agricultural farmers also carried out activities outside their own farms.
We can conclude that the Angolan territory was far from being a homogeneous system, with the three regions presenting significant differences in population density, size of farms, orientation of production and the relative importance of agriculture and cattle raising.
Source:
Neves, A. G. M. S. (2010). A agricultura tradicional em Angola nos anos 60 do século XX [Master’s dissertation, Instituto Superior de Agronomia, Technical University of Lisbon].
Note:
Like this article, I have many more. All the articles I will post here are drafts based on sources and bibliography that I used for my thesis, including texts I have already posted and will continue to post here.
From the 20th century onwards, the portuguese colonial government began to take an interest in the species found in its colonial territories.
It promoted various scientific missions covering fields such as botany, zoology, anthropology, geology, ethnography and archaeology. These initiatives contributed to the collection of thousands of specimens and objects, many of which formed important scientific collections that are now preserved in Portuguese institutions.
In the case of marine resources, the systematic study of the waters and fisheries resources of the Portuguese territories began in the late 1940s, in a context marked by the development of European oceanographic research after the Second World War and by growing economic interest in the exploitation of African marine resources.
It was in this context that the Fisheries Research Mission was established in 1948, within the Junta das Missões Geográficas e de Investigações Coloniais, with the aim of providing scientific guidance for fishing activities and contributing to a more efficient exploitation of colonial resources.
The mission, however, never began the work that had initially been planned. In 1951, it was reorganised as the Fisheries Research Mission of Angola (MEPA), with its activities focused exclusively on this territory. After two campaigns in Angola, the MEPA was replaced in 1953 by the Marine Biology Mission (MBM). This new institution had a broader geographical scope and aimed to study the biology of marine species of economic interest, contribute to the development of fisheries and related industries, and collect zoological and botanical material for the compilation of an inventory of marine species.
The first MBM campaign took place in Angola in 1955, followed by further campaigns in Angola, Cape Verde and Mozambique. Activities were also planned or initiated in other Portuguese territories, such as Guinea-Bissau, Timor and São Tomé and Príncipe, although a lack of human and material resources increasingly limited fieldwork, particularly from 1960 onwards.
The growth of the collections led to the creation of the Centre for Fisheries Biology (CBP) in 1959, which was responsible for their preservation and study. In 1966, further institutional changes led to the creation of the Centre for Tropical Aquatic Biology (CBAT) and the Centre for Overseas Bioceanology and Fisheries (CBPU), seeking to distinguish fundamental biological research from research applied to fisheries and industry.
With the end of Portuguese colonial rule in 1974, these institutions were dissolved and their functions transferred to bodies connected with fisheries administration. The collections were eventually incorporated into the Instituto Nacional de Investigação das Pescas (INIP), established in 1977. In 1984, a substantial part of the zoological collections originating from the former colonial territories was donated to the Museu Bocage, now part of the Museu Nacional de História Natural e da Ciência of the University of Lisbon.
From the beginning, the MEPA campaigns faced difficulties in recruiting qualified researchers, which limited the number of specialists available for fieldwork. During the first campaign, the scientific staff consisted of the German researcher Wilhelm Nümann (1906–1999), who was employed as scientific supervisor, and the Portuguese researcher Herculano Zacarias Vilela (1908–?). Nümann's contract ended at the conclusion of the first campaign in 1952. Vilela then took responsibility for the second campaign, with the assistance of Pedro Emílio Guerreiro da Franca (1923–1971) and Rui Horácio dos Santos Monteiro.
Vilela remained in charge of the MBM until 1958, when he was replaced by Guerreiro da Franca. At this point, the mission had two researchers and four assistants, in addition to Franca himself. He subsequently remained responsible for the MBM and became director of the Centro de Biologia Piscatória (CBP) and later the Centro de Biologia Aquática Tropical (CBAT), positions he held until his death in 1971. Following his death, Carlos Joaquim Pissarro (1913–1977) became director of the CBAT, remaining in the position until its dissolution in 1974.
Throughout the 1950s and 1960s, the number of researchers and assistants involved in this work gradually increased, both in the field and within the institutions based in Lisbon. By 1973, the CBAT employed ten researchers and eight assistants, demonstrating the expansion of the scientific structure devoted to the study of aquatic resources.
The specimens collected were initially examined at the collection sites, either aboard the vessels used during the campaigns or in laboratories established on land. The material was subsequently sent to Lisbon, where it was studied in greater detail by MBM researchers and other specialists. The results of this research were then published in a variety of scientific series and journals. The systematic study of the specimens involved not only Portuguese researchers but also foreign specialists. In Lisbon, researchers from the Centro de Zoologia participated in the work, while João Amorim Machado Cruz, from the Faculty of Sciences of the University of Porto, collaborated from Porto. The research also involved specialists from foreign scientific institutions, particularly in France and Belgium.
The scientific output resulting from these campaigns was highly diverse. At the end of each of the two MEPA campaigns, a general report on the work carried out aboard the NO “Baldaque da Silva” was submitted to the Junta das Missões Geográficas e de Investigações do Ultramar. The reports were prepared by Lieutenant Commander António Júlio Malheiro do Vale (1911–1997). More detailed scientific results were subsequently published in the Anais da Junta de Investigações do Ultramar.
Between 1956 and 1959, works previously published in the Anais and Memórias da Junta de Investigações do Ultramar were republished in the series Trabalhos da Missão de Biologia Marítima. Following the creation of the CBP, 46 works were published between 1959 and 1966 in the series Notas Mimeografadas do Centro de Biologia Piscatória. These works were regarded as preliminary results and were subsequently developed further and, when considered definitive, published in the series Trabalhos do Centro de Biologia Piscatória. After the dissolution of the CBP, eight further works were published in the series Notas Mimeografadas do Centro de Biologia Aquática Tropical, which was subsequently continued under the title Notas do Centro de Biologia Aquática Tropical.
In addition to these publications, works were produced as part of an internal series entitled Notas Internas de Informação Técnica (“Internal Technical Information Notes”). These consisted primarily of instructions and observations concerning the sampling and research methods to be employed, although they also included systematic catalogues and taxonomic studies.
To support the fieldwork of the missions, the Portuguese Government acquired the steamship HMS “Rusckholm” from the Australian Navy in 1948. The vessel was approximately 50 metres long and 8.5 metres wide. It was subsequently modified and adapted for fisheries research and oceanographic work and was incorporated into the Portuguese Navy in 1949 under the name NO “Baldaque da Silva”.
The NO “Baldaque da Silva” supported the MEPA and MBM campaigns until 1960, when it required repairs. To replace it, the Government turned to the NH “Salvador Correia”, also acquired in 1948 and formerly known as HMS “Saltarelo”, which had been assigned to patrol the Angolan coast.
However, adapting the “Salvador Correia” for oceanographic research proved too expensive. As an alternative, the boiler of the NO “Baldaque da Silva” was replaced with that of the NH “Salvador Correia”. This intervention resulted in the two vessels effectively exchanging their designations. Thus, although references exist to campaigns carried out aboard both the NO “Baldaque da Silva” and the NH “Salvador Correia”, they were in fact the same vessel, which received its new designation in 1961.
In 1960, the Centro de Biologia Piscatória also acquired the Portuguese trawler “Sardinella”, equipped with a mechanical hauler for fishing with encircling nets. The vessel operated mainly in Benguela Province, Angola, providing an additional resource for fisheries research and experimentation.
The main fishing method employed during the campaigns was bottom trawling, using nets approximately 52 metres long with a mesh size of 60 mm. These trawls were normally conducted at a speed of around 8 knots and lasted between 40 and 120 minutes, depending on the campaign.
Other sampling methods were also employed. These included French-type lobster traps; trawls using Heligoland nets, with mesh sizes of 30, 25, 20, 15 and 10 mm, generally operated in shallow waters of up to 15 metres; and the “Chinchorro” beach seine. The researchers also used fixed Valencian-type fishing gear and collected specimens by hand during low tide.
The campaigns also involved experimental trials of different fishing techniques. These included gill nets, lift nets, light attraction, and different methods of tuna fishing, namely the use of encircling nets as well as rods and live bait. This experimental component demonstrates that the missions were concerned not only with identifying marine species, but also with determining which techniques could be used most effectively to exploit commercially valuable resources.
In addition to specimens collected directly by the research teams, some specimens were provided by amateur and professional fishermen or purchased at local markets, further contributing to the development of the scientific collections.
Each specimen collected during the missions was assigned its own record number. This code could indicate the mission, the year or campaign number, the vessel or land brigade responsible for the collection, the zoological group and, finally, the individual specimen number. In addition to these record numbers, collection datasheets were maintained, recording information such as the location and date of collection, taxonomic identification, field observations and morphological measurements. These datasheets were themselves transcribed from the original field worksheets used during the campaigns.
Regarding the locations where the research was conducted, this article will focus specifically on the former Portuguese colonies of Angola and Mozambique.
In Angola, the country became the main focus of these research campaigns, both because of the interest in its marine biodiversity and because of the economic importance of fisheries. The investigations continued for more than a decade and covered the entire Angolan coastline.
Between 1951 and 1964, more than 500 bottom trawls were conducted, extending from Cabinda in the north to Cunene in the south. The first campaigns were carried out aboard the oceanographic vessel “Baldaque da Silva”. The first MEPA campaign took place between May 1951 and February 1952, followed by a second campaign between February 1952 and July 1953, together resulting in 111 bottom trawls.
Research resumed in 1955, now under the MBM, and also involved land brigades based at Baía Farta, in Benguela Province, and Moçâmedes, in what is now Namibe Province. The work continued throughout the following decade. Further campaigns were conducted in Angola in 1957, 1960, 1963 and 1964, during which 102, 68, 100 and 139 bottom trawls, respectively, were carried out.
It is important to note that, although the documentation refers to the vessel as the “Baldaque da Silva” and, from 1961 onwards, as the “Salvador Correia”, these were in fact the same vessel, which was renamed following the modifications made to its boiler.
In Mozambique, the presence of the MBM was considerably more limited. In 1957, a single MBM campaign was conducted on Inhaca Island, in the then Province of Mozambique. The campaign took place between July and November 1957 and aimed not only to collect biological material, but also to establish a more permanent presence of the mission at the Estação de Biologia Marítima de Inhaca. The expedition was led by José Gonçalves Sanches.
Without the support of the Baldaque da Silva and working with limited resources, Sanches collected specimens at different locations across the island. Further work was intended to be carried out in cooperation with the Instituto de Investigação Científica de Moçambique, but a lack of resources prevented additional MBM campaigns in the territory.
Thus, unlike Angola, Mozambique did not experience a sustained, large-scale oceanographic research programme conducted by these Portuguese institutions. The difference between the two territories is particularly significant: while Angola became the principal field of activity for the MEPA and MBM over more than a decade, research in Mozambique remained concentrated around the short 1957 campaign on Inhaca Island.
Source:
Parrinha, D., Brites Soares, L., Cartaxana, A. & Alves, M. J. (2024). “The zoological collections of Portuguese oceanographic campaigns in former colonial territories.” Natural History Collections and Museomics, 1, 1–34. DOI: 10.3897/nhcm.1.136860
**Note:**The articles I post here are originally written in Portuguese and then translated into English using AI. All the information I post here is legitimate, and I always provide the sources. Everything I post here is not propaganda or part of any political initiative or campaign.
This is the fourth article of a series of articles I will be publishing here about fishing during the Portuguese colonial period in Mozambique.
Check my first article:How Portugal Used Science to Modernize Fisheries in Colonial Mozambique : r/Colonialism
Check my second article: The Modernization of Fisheries in Mozambique during the 1960s : r/Colonialism
Check my third article:The Rise of Shrimp Fishing in Colonial Mozambique : r/Colonialism
During the Portuguese colonial period, Mozambique faced a persistent problem in its fisheries sector: domestic fish production was unable to meet the needs of the local population. Despite its long coastline and the growing efforts to modernize the fisheries sector from the 1950s onwards, Mozambique remained heavily dependent on imported fish.
At the beginning of the 1960s, Mozambique imported approximately 1,200 tonnes of frozen fish, 6,800 tonnes of semi-preserved fish and around 1,000 tonnes of canned fish, while domestic production remained below 3,300 tonnes, of which approximately 500 tonnes were crustaceans. During the 1960s, fish imports reached around 20,000 tonnes, increasing to approximately 25,000 tonnes in the following years.
We can therefore observe a significant difference between domestic production and imports. A document concerning the fisheries situation on Inhaca Island in 1957–1958 observed that the country's total fisheries production was approximately half the amount imported. For a territory with around 2,795 kilometres of coastline, this situation was presented as evidence of the limited development of the exploitation of fishery resources.
Other data that confirm these facts are the following: in 1961, Mozambique produced approximately 2,531 tonnes of fish, while imports reached around 19,300 tonnes. In 1971, domestic production had increased to approximately 7,483 tonnes, but imports remained very high, reaching around 19,700 tonnes. In 1974, production had reached 9,219 tonnes, while imports still amounted to approximately 16,200 tonnes.
Despite measures to make better use of Mozambique's coastal and fishery resources, these measures were not sufficient to eliminate Mozambique's dependence on imported fish.
To explain this situation, we can observe several factors:
Regarding the main suppliers, we can observe that in the 1963–1964 period, the Republic of South Africa supplied 46.6% of Mozambique's imported fresh and frozen fish, while Angola supplied 33.1% and the metropole 20.2%. Angola supplied virtually all of the dried fish imported, accounting for 99.2%. Norway supplied 72.4% of the cod imported by Mozambique, while the United Kingdom supplied another 20.1%. In the case of canned fish, the metropole was responsible for 80.3% of imports and Angola for 18.6%.
The data also reveal an increase in imports during the period of the Development Plans.
Recognizing the great opportunity and potential for exporting fish, companies and fishing enterprises were established over the years, some of which attempted to obtain privileged access to the sector.
From 1973 onwards, a reduction in imports was observed, related to the increase in domestic production and foreign exchange restrictions. The decrease in imports did not necessarily mean that Mozambique had solved its fish deficit. It also reflected the combination of increased domestic production and measures aimed at limiting the use of foreign currency for the importation of products.
The situation reveals a broader contradiction in Portuguese colonial economic policy. The Estado Novo promoted economic autarky, the protection of the domestic market and the idea that Portuguese territories should progressively produce what they consumed. However, in Mozambique, the fisheries sector remained dependent on supplies from abroad.
Source:
Cumbe, M. J. C. (2023). A História da pesca artesanal em Moçambique: Ilha de Chiloane (1892–1991) [PhD dissertation].
In 1657, Henrique Dias, leader of the Black Regiment during the Pernambuco Restoration and hero of the Battle of Guararapes, traveled personally to Lisbon. Besides receiving from Queen Luisa de Gusmão the title of Knight of the Order of Christ and Master of the Field for his services in the war against the Dutch in Pernambuco, Dias requested another favor from the Queen of Portugal: that she grant his son-in-law, Pedro do Val do Vezo, a Portuguese man, the title of Knight of the Order of Christ and a salary of 200,000 réis, so that he could marry Dona Guiomar Henrique, her daughter.
Queen Luisa de Gusmão and the Overseas Council approved Henrique Dias' request; however, his son-in-law could only receive the title of Knight after his father-in-law's death. The marriage of his daughter to a Portuguese nobleman represented a clear social ascension for Henrique Dias and his family within the Portuguese nobility. His son-in-law, Pedro de Val de Vezo, inherited Henrique Dias' titles, which included the Commandery of Soure and the title of Knight of the Order of Christ. His other daughter, Benta Henriques, married Captain Amaro Cardigo of the Regiment of Black and Mulatto Men. Cardigo also claimed from the crown the title of Knight of the Order of Santiago, which had been promised by Luisa de Gusmão to Henrique Dias' sons-in-law.
According to historian Fernanda Olival: "The Portuguese Crown did not show an attachment to the idea of purity of blood, something more common among other sectors of the elite of the time."
There is little documentation about Henrique Dias, one of the black heroes of the fight against the Dutch. Information only begins to appear in 1633, when he presented himself to General Matias de Albuquerque "to serve with some of his color in everything he determined," becoming the captain of the group and receiving the patent of governor of the crioulos, blacks, and mulattoes of Brazil.
It is known that he was born in Pernambuco, but the date of his birth is unknown. It is also unknown whether he was born a slave or a freedman, nor who his wife was. He had no sons, but four daughters, two of whom were named Guiomar and Benta.
He was granted by King John IV the commendation of the Mills of Soure, of the Order of Christ, which was vacant due to the death of Antônio Felipe Camarão, who had held it since 1641.
He spent his last years in Pernambuco, on June 7th or 8th, 1662, in Recife, and was buried at the expense of the Government in the Convent of Santo Antônio, in an unknown location.
Source(s):
.- Restauradores de Pernambuco. By José Antônio de Mello, 1967.
.- Henrique Dias: governador dos pretos, crioulos e mulatos do Estado do Brasil. By José Antônio de Mello, 1954.
Cumbe reports that, although we have official figures concerning fisheries, part of the catch was never recorded. In this article, we explain why this happened.
Artisanal fishing in Mozambique was carried out by African fishermen, using fishing methods that were not among the most advanced at the time, and was widely practised along the Mozambican coast as well as in inland waters.
The colonial administration recognized this problem, and it was estimated that the actual quantity could be more than 50% higher than the officially recorded figure. A large part of this fish was dried and subsequently distributed to inland markets.
This situation was particularly significant because artisanal fishermen did not necessarily land their catches at the same locations as industrial or semi-industrial fishermen. Industrial fishing generally passed through ports and other locations where state officials could record the landings. Artisanal fishermen, by contrast, often worked from small coastal communities, beaches, rivers, lakes, and other locations where there was little or no official supervision.
In addition to marine fishing, the problem became even more difficult inland, in freshwater fishing areas, where activities were poorly regulated and supervised.
The importance of these informal circuits should not be underestimated. Fish could be exchanged directly between fishermen, traders, and local populations, transported to inland settlements, dried or salted, and sold in local markets without passing through the ports and municipal markets that constituted one of the main bases for colonial statistical collection.This situation was not exclusive to the colony of Mozambique or to the Portuguese colonies. On the contrary, we can observe the same situation in other regions of Africa.
We can affirm that because these statistics were not included in official records, they provide distorted and incomplete pictures of the history of fisheries in Mozambique.
This problem continued after independence. Until 2002, official estimates stood at around 20,515 tonnes and did not adequately include artisanal fisheries. From 2003 onwards, Mozambique also began reporting small-scale fisheries catches to the FAO, and the reported figure rose to 79,451 tonnes.
Another problem affecting the recording of artisanal production also influenced political decisions. Statistical data were used to define priorities, guide investments, and assess the economic development of the sector. If a significant part of artisanal production was not recorded, the economic and social importance of this activity was also diminished in political decision-making.
Given these limitations, the Mission for Bioceanological and Fisheries Studies of Mozambique prepared, for 1972, a programme aimed at carrying out a more comprehensive collection of information in Lourenço Marques and António Enes and, if possible, also in Beira and Inhambane.
Source:
Cumbe, M. J. C. (2023). A História da pesca artesanal em Moçambique: Ilha de Chiloane (1892–1991) [PhD dissertation].
This is the fifth article of a series of articles I will be publishing here about fishing during the Portuguese colonial period in Mozambique.
Check my first article:How Portugal Used Science to Modernize Fisheries in Colonial Mozambique : r/Colonialism
Check my second article: The Modernization of Fisheries in Mozambique during the 1960s : r/Colonialism
Check my third article:The Rise of Shrimp Fishing in Colonial Mozambique : r/Colonialism
Check my fourth article:How Colonial Mozambique Became Dependent on Imported Fish : r/Colonialism
O acidente que ali sofreu não só marcou o fim da sua carreira militar como alterou profundamente o rumo da expansão portuguesa. Portugal via significativamente reduzidas as suas possibilidades de expansão para leste.
Foi realizado um estudo baseado nas características físicas atribuídas a D. Afonso Henriques e na análise da antiga Porta ( ainda lá existente) , onde se situou o acidente. Apesar das reconstruções efetuadas ao longo dos séculos, a porta conserva ainda elementos da original arquitetura almóada, visíveis na sua estrutura original.
Segundo esta reconstituição, baseada em fatos reais, D. Afonso Henriques caiu ao solo depois de sofrer uma grave fratura na perna ao embater na estreita Porta, a única entrada ocidental do castelo. Junto dele encontrava-se Geraldo Geraldes, o Sem Pavor, que, de acordo com esta hipótese, permaneceu ao lado do rei, sentado sobre as pedras existentes à direita da porta, profundamente abalado pelo sucedido.
Naquele momento, ambos compreenderam que muita coisa tinha acabado. Ainda assim, a captura seria preferível à possibilidade de o rei morrer durante a fuga devido à gravidade do ferimento.
A configuração do terreno ajuda a compreender o sucedido. A Porta é relativamente estreita , na saída, o caminho desce abruptamente, acompanhando a muralha e obrigando a uma curva muito apertada para a esquerda.
Confrome a disposição do local, o cavalo, impulsionado pela inclinação do terreno, escorregando, roçou violentamente na lateral direita da porta enquanto descrevia a curva. O impacto terá fraturado ( segundo a lógica da física) a perna direita do rei contra a porta existente, provocando a fratura que o incapacitou definitivamente. Em arquivos e estudos sobre as estâncias termais portuguesas, como os registos das Termas de Lafões (S. Pedro do Sul), onde consta que o rei ali se deslocou ainda em 1169 para tentar curar os terríveis danos e dores na perna direita provocados pelo ferrolho de Badajoz. [1] O que corrabora esta simulação. Esta reconstrução resulte da análise da topografia e da arquitetura do local, uma vez que as fontes medievais não descrevem com exatidão a dinâmica do acidente.
D. Afonso Henriques foi capturado por Fernando II de Leão, seu genro. Apesar da rivalidade política, o monarca leonês tratou-o com respeito e libertou-o pouco tempo depois. Essa libertação teve, contudo, um elevado custo para Portugal. O rei foi obrigado a devolver os territórios galegos de Límia e Toroño,( território que dista 50 kms da atual fronteira a norte de Portugal) conquistados anteriormente, bem como a entregar vinte cavalos preparados para a guerra e quinze mulas carregadas de ouro, um valor que estimo atualmente em 9 milhões de euros.
A libertação de Geraldo Sem Pavor implicou igualmente a restituição das importantes praças de Trujillo, Cáceres e Montánchez, formando um triângulo estratégico na atual Extremadura espanhola que pretendia cortar os abastecimentos a zonas fronteiriças. Estas cedências representaram uma pesada perda territorial e financeira para a Coroa portuguesa, sendo parte do resgate suportada pelos recursos da Igreja.
D. Afonso Henriques viveria ainda cerca de quinze anos. Contudo, nunca recuperou totalmente da lesão sofrida e ficou impossibilitado de voltar a montar a cavalo. Faleceu em Coimbra, onde permanece sepultado no Mosteiro de Santa Cruz.
Após o conflito, D. Afonso Henriques estabeleceu uma paz temporária com os Almóadas. Como demonstração de boa-fé, Geraldo Sem Pavor passou a servir aquele império islâmico como mercenário, acompanhado pelos seus cerca de trezentos homens mais leais.( Acordo de Sevilha )
Foi enviado apra Marrocos , porém, os Almóadas nunca confiaram plenamente na sua fidelidade. Suspeitando que poderia voltar a apoiar a Reconquista cristã, terão preparado uma armadilha para separar os seus homens. Quando ficou praticamente isolado, Geraldo foi capturado e decapitado.
Esta paz revelou-se apenas uma pausa estratégica num conflito que prosseguiria nas décadas seguintes.
Foi igualmente neste período que ocorreu um dos momentos mais importantes da diplomacia portuguesa. Em 1179, através da bula Manifestis Probatum, o Papa Alexandre III reconheceu oficialmente Portugal como reino soberano e D. Afonso Henriques como seu legítimo rei.Embora o papel do papado fosse muito diferente do das organizações internacionais modernas, o seu reconhecimento tinha enorme autoridade política e jurídica na Europa medieval, consolidando definitivamente a independência portuguesa.
A maioria dos historiadores classifica a campanha de Badajoz como um desastre militar. Contudo, importa analisar o contexto.
Grande parte da cidade havia sido conquistada por Geraldo Sem Pavor, graças às suas ações de surpresa. Restava apenas a alcáçova, a cidadela interior fortemente defendida, cuja tomada motivou a chegada de D. Afonso Henriques para reforçar o ataque. A situação alterou-se quando Fernando II de Leão enviou inesperadamente, um poderoso contingente em auxílio dos defensores muçulmanos. Perante a ameaça de ficarem cercados entre dois exércitos, tornou-se indispensável ordenar uma retirada imediata.
Foi precisamente durante essa retirada que ocorreu o acidente com Afonso Hneriques.
Assim, embora o resultado da campanha tenha sido desfavorável para Portugal, pode defender-se que o verdadeiro ponto de viragem não foi uma derrota em combate, mas um acidente pessoal que incapacitou permanentemente D. Afonso Henriques e condicionou a política externa portuguesa durante muitos anos.
Geraldo Geraldes, o sem Pavor- O misterioso cruzado dos templários.