⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ (5/5)

Definitely one of the most engrossing books I’ve read in months. I completed it within a week.

Vikram Sampath’s Waiting for Shiva explores the history of Varanasi, the Vishwanath Temple, and the legal dispute surrounding the Gyanvapi complex.

The book begins by examining the importance of the ancient city in Hindu mythology, drawing upon Hindu scriptures to explain why Kashi holds such profound significance for Hindus. Sampath combines and shows the mythological foundations of Kashi’s prominence with an account of its historical significance.

The book then moves into the medieval history of Varanasi, discussing how the Vishwanath Temple was desecrated on multiple occasions, and no, not only during Aurangzeb’s reign, but both before and after it as well. It also recounts how the temple was reconstructed during Akbar’s reign by Todar Mal and Narayana Bhatta before Aurangzeb had it destroyed.

The narrative subsequently moves into the colonial history of Varanasi and the origins of the legal dispute surrounding the Gyanvapi complex in British courts. Before delving into the legal proceedings however, Sampath takes a detour to explain the meaning and significance of Shiva Linga worship, once again drawing extensively upon Hindu scriptures.

The section dealing with the Gyanvapi litigation is especially compelling. It must have involved extensive examination of the legal documents and records associated with the case, and Sampath presents the complex and often convoluted history of the proceedings in such an accessible manner!! It is difficult to find such a comprehensive account of the case presented in such a clear and digestible form elsewhere.

The book then brings the narrative up to the present, discussing the current stage of the dispute and the major developments that have unfolded over the past five years.

Overall, the book is quite concise, containing fewer than 200 pages of actual reading material. A substantial portion of the total page count consists of photographs of the temple and its surroundings, along with images documenting the findings of the ASI survey at the site. These illustrations, however, considerably enhance the book and provide useful visual context.

So, who should read this book?

A Shaivite Hindu can read it to learn more about the history of the city that their deity has regarded as His eternal abode. A history enthusiast can read it for its account of Varanasi’s past, while anyone interested in Indian politics or in understanding the factual and legal history surrounding the Gyanvapi dispute can also benefit from it.

Overall, it was an excellent reading experience, and I would definitely recommend it to anyone interested in Varanasi, the Vishwanath Temple, or the Gyanvapi dispute!!!!

This is Part VI of a series on Savarkar’s social reform campaign in Ratnagiri. The previous five parts are:

Part I: Bringing ‘Untouchables’ into Public Life

Part II: Campaign Against Caste Discrimination in Schools

Part III: Promoting Inter-Caste Social Integration

Part IV: Breaking the Caste Monopoly Over the Janeu

Part V: Support to Ambedkar's Mahad Satyagraha

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Another major form of discrimination was the denial of temple entry to ‘untouchables.’

Temples were not only places of worship. They were also important centres of social, religious and political interaction. By keeping ‘untouchables’ out of temples, they were excluded from these activities, further weakening feelings of brotherhood, unity and social equality.

Savarkar continued to work for temple entry. However, while many of his other social reform efforts succeeded, this remained a particularly difficult issue because the Orthodox strongly opposed any change.

At the time, several temple-entry movements were taking place across the Bombay Presidency.

In Ratnagiri, where Savarkar was confined, the Vitthal Temple became the centre of his temple-entry campaign. People of different castes had already gathered in its precincts in 1925 to mourn the death of C. R. Das. In November 1929, Savarkar called for the complete and unconditional opening of the temple to all castes.

Because temple entry was such a sensitive issue across the Bombay Presidency, the city magistrate was also present to observe a public meeting organised by Savarkar.

In a fiery speech, Savarkar laid out all his arguments in favour of a total eradication of untouchability and an entry into the temple. At the end of it, he asked his audience if anyone had objections to raise. There was pin-drop silence and none objected.

As a result, hundreds of untouchables peacefully entered the Vitthal Temple without any agitation or confrontation.

For those who entered, every step into the temple represented a small blow against a centuries-old social practice. Singing songs in praise of their deity, they entered the temple in what was an deeply emotional moment, and many people were moved to tears.

Savarkar composed a special Marathi poem for the occasion, titled ‘Mala Devaache Darshan Gheudya’, meaning ‘Allow Me to See My God’. Everyone sang it after entering the temple.

YouTube Video of the poem

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Reference: Vikram Sampath, Savarkar: A Contested Legacy, Chapter 2, “Caste in Stone,” pp. 77–79.

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Part I: Bringing ‘Untouchables’ into Public Life

Part II: Campaign Against Caste Discrimination in Schools

Part III: Promoting Inter-Caste Social Integration

Part IV: Breaking the Caste Monopoly Over the Jneau

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Due to the widespread practice of untouchability in the 1920s, marginalised castes, then referred to as ‘untouchables’, were often denied access to public water sources for their daily needs.

The Bombay Legislative Council passed resolutions to address this discrimination, but they were largely ineffective and remained mostly on paper.

In protest against this discrimination, on 20 March 1927, Ambedkar and his followers marched to Chavdar Tale. This protest became known as the Mahad Satyagraha and marked an important moment in the struggle against untouchability. Ambedkar drank water from the lake to assert the right of the so-called untouchables to use public water sources. The act sparked strong opposition and caused a major uproar among members of other castes.

The next day, on 21 March 1927, orthodox Hindus performed a purification ritual at Chavdar Lake. They also unilaterally rejected the earlier Legislative Council resolution that had allowed marginalised castes to use the lake.

In response, Ambedkar launched another agitation and began enrolling people into the movement. Different social organisations offered varying levels of support, and even among non-Brahmin groups, not all castes supported the movement.

Savarkar, however, gave unconditional support to Ambedkar’s Mahad Satyagraha.

He stated:

> Untouchability must be condemned and abolished not only as the need of the hour but also as the command of true religion; not only as a policy or as an act of expediency but also as a matter of justice, not only as a matter of obligation but also as a service to humanity.

He declared that the pious and bounden duty of every Hindu was to restore full human rights to their co-religionists.

On 7 September 1927, writing in the Shraddhanand Savarkar said that Hindus should accept and support the right of ‘untouchables’ to take water from the Chavdar Tale in Mahad. In the same article he appealed to the untouchables:

> Don’t threaten to leave Hinduism if the so-called upper-caste Hindus oppose your just demand. The Hindu religion is not an exclusive preserve of upper castes alone. It belongs to you as much as it belongs to them

He further added in this article:

> If, on account of the high caste Hindus obstructing the legitimate rights of our untouchable brothers, the latter then resort to Satyagraha, how can we blame them in any way? Of course, we would prefer that such disputes are settled peacefully with negotiations rather than confrontations. I can say from my own experience that it is possible to convince the high caste people that the untouchability in public places and facilities such as drinking water is wrong and that it can be removed by appealing to them in the name of brotherly love. However, we are also aware of the fact that, if in some cases, the problem is not solved, the untouchables will have to resort to civil disobedience. This is not and should not be a norm but may regrettably become inevitable.

> We have been preaching that in public places such as schools, public tanks, water taps, municipalities, district councils and gatherings, we must allow the untouchables access, not only less or perhaps more than what Muslims have. It is their legitimate right. Therefore, we do not blame Dr. Ambedkar in any way for his movement for the right of untouchables to take water form public tanks.

> Muslims are allowed to take water from the same tank and wash their utensils and yet our untouchable brothers are forbidden to take water from it even in days of scarcity of water. Not only that, when they tried to exercise their legal rights to take water, they were beaten up. We cannot believe that this beating took place because of the rumours that they were about to enter Hindu temples.

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Primary Reference: Samagra Savarkar Vangmaya, Vol. 3, p. 485.

Secondary Reference: Vikram Sampath, Savarkar: A Contested Legacy, Chapter 2, “Caste in Stone”

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Part I: Bringing ‘Untouchables’ into Public Life

Part II: Campaign Against Caste Discrimination in Schools

Part III: Promoting Inter-Caste Social Integration

---

To break the Brahmin monopoly over Vedic knowledge, which had traditionally been kept inaccessible to other castes (Vedokta bandi), Savarkar taught the sacred Gayatri mantra freely to everyone.

In May 1929, he organized a function in Ratnagiri where he declared that anyone who considered himself a Hindu had the right to perform Vedic ceremonies, since the Vedas belonged to all Hindus. He also argued that everyone should have the right to wear the sacred thread (Janeu).

He distributed sacred threads to several members of the Mahar and Chamar communities. At the time, the sacred thread represented a major social distinction between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. By giving it to people considered “untouchable,” Savarkar directly challenged this caste-based exclusion.

One might ask why Savarkar, who advocated dismantling the caste system, supported the continued practice of wearing the sacred thread, which many saw as a symbol of caste oppression.

There were two possible approaches: either reject and abolish the symbol entirely, or make it available to everyone and thereby remove its discriminatory character.

Savarkar chose the second approach. Rather than advocating methods such as forcibly entering people’s homes and cutting off their sacred threads, as some social reformers elsewhere had done, he tried to preserve the religious significance and sentiments associated with the practice while removing its caste-based exclusivity.

The untouchable communities were deeply moved by these efforts. They invited Savarkar to preside over the Untouchables Conference at Malvan in 1928.

At the conference, everyone sang Vedic hymns together. Savarkar distributed sacred threads to the participants amid loud applause. He said:

> A battle royal has been raging for the last seven generations over the right of studying the Vedas. Here is the sacred thread. Take them. When non-Hindus are reading the Vedas, why should not the Hindu Mahars read them? The feud over this problem was useless. Let us expiate the sins we committed. We are all responsible for our political subjugation. That is now the past. At least now let us declare an oath that we shall rectify our past blunders and win back our wealth and glory. The people who regard untouchability, which has been a disgrace to humanity, as a part of their religion, are really the fallen people.

Savarkar’s speech deeply moved one of the leaders of the untouchables, Sergeant Ghatge. He stood up and declared:

> Now, who says that Mahars should convert and become Muslims? We Mahars and Chamars love the Hindu Dharma and will never abandon it. The Brahmins might convert to Islam, but we will not!

Savarkar’s approach was intended to create greater acceptance and inclusion within Hindu society, rather than leaving marginalized communities excluded from religious and social life.

After the Malvan conference, Pandurang Nathuji Rajbhoj, a prominent leader of the depressed classes from Poona, observed:

> I was really sceptical of the Savarkarian movement at the beginning. My contact and discussions with Barrister Savarkar and my personal observation have thoroughly convinced me of its far-reaching effect. I am extremely rejoiced to declare that this famous leader of the political revolutionaries is also an out and out social revolutionist!

---

Reference: Vikram Sampath, Savarkar: A Contested Legacy, Chapter 2, “Caste in Stone”

---

Part I: Bringing ‘Untouchables’ into Public Life

Part II: Campaign Against Caste Discrimination in Schools

Part III: Promoting Inter-Caste Social Integration

---

To break the Brahmin monopoly over Vedic knowledge, which had traditionally been kept inaccessible to other castes (Vedokta bandi), Savarkar taught the sacred Gayatri mantra freely to everyone.

In May 1929, he organized a function in Ratnagiri where he declared that anyone who considered himself a Hindu had the right to perform Vedic ceremonies, since the Vedas belonged to all Hindus. He also argued that everyone should have the right to wear the sacred thread (Janeu).

He distributed sacred threads to several members of the Mahar and Chamar communities. At the time, the sacred thread represented a major social distinction between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. By giving it to people considered “untouchable,” Savarkar directly challenged this caste-based exclusion.

One might ask why Savarkar, who advocated dismantling the caste system, supported the continued practice of wearing the sacred thread, which many saw as a symbol of caste oppression.

There were two possible approaches: either reject and abolish the symbol entirely, or make it available to everyone and thereby remove its discriminatory character.

Savarkar chose the second approach. Rather than advocating methods such as forcibly entering people’s homes and cutting off their sacred threads, as some social reformers elsewhere had done, he tried to preserve the religious significance and sentiments associated with the practice while removing its caste-based exclusivity.

The untouchable communities were deeply moved by these efforts. They invited Savarkar to preside over the Untouchables Conference at Malvan in 1928.

At the conference, everyone sang Vedic hymns together. Savarkar distributed sacred threads to the participants amid loud applause. He said:

> A battle royal has been raging for the last seven generations over the right of studying the Vedas. Here is the sacred thread. Take them. When non-Hindus are reading the Vedas, why should not the Hindu Mahars read them? The feud over this problem was useless. Let us expiate the sins we committed. We are all responsible for our political subjugation. That is now the past. At least now let us declare an oath that we shall rectify our past blunders and win back our wealth and glory. The people who regard untouchability, which has been a disgrace to humanity, as a part of their religion, are really the fallen people.

Savarkar’s speech deeply moved one of the leaders of the untouchables, Sergeant Ghatge. He stood up and declared:

> Now, who says that Mahars should convert and become Muslims? We Mahars and Chamars love the Hindu Dharma and will never abandon it. The Brahmins might convert to Islam, but we will not!

Savarkar’s approach was intended to create greater acceptance and inclusion within Hindu society, rather than leaving marginalized communities excluded from religious and social life.

After the Malvan conference, Pandurang Nathuji Rajbhoj, a prominent leader of the depressed classes from Poona, observed:

> I was really sceptical of the Savarkarian movement at the beginning. My contact and discussions with Barrister Savarkar and my personal observation have thoroughly convinced me of its far-reaching effect. I am extremely rejoiced to declare that this famous leader of the political revolutionaries is also an out and out social revolutionist!

---

Reference: Vikram Sampath, Savarkar: A Contested Legacy, Chapter 2, “Caste in Stone”

---

Part I: Bringing ‘Untouchables’ into Public Life

Part II: Campaign Against Caste Discrimination in Schools

Part III: Promoting Inter-Caste Social Integration

---

To break the Brahmin monopoly over Vedic knowledge, which had traditionally been kept inaccessible to other castes (Vedokta bandi), Savarkar taught the sacred Gayatri mantra freely to everyone.

In May 1929, he organized a function in Ratnagiri where he declared that anyone who considered himself a Hindu had the right to perform Vedic ceremonies, since the Vedas belonged to all Hindus. He also argued that everyone should have the right to wear the sacred thread (Janeu).

He distributed sacred threads to several members of the Mahar and Chamar communities. At the time, the sacred thread represented a major social distinction between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. By giving it to people considered “untouchable,” Savarkar directly challenged this caste-based exclusion.

One might ask why Savarkar, who advocated dismantling the caste system, supported the continued practice of wearing the sacred thread, which many saw as a symbol of caste oppression.

There were two possible approaches: either reject and abolish the symbol entirely, or make it available to everyone and thereby remove its discriminatory character.

Savarkar chose the second approach. Rather than advocating methods such as forcibly entering people’s homes and cutting off their sacred threads, as some social reformers elsewhere had done, he tried to preserve the religious significance and sentiments associated with the practice while removing its caste-based exclusivity.

The untouchable communities were deeply moved by these efforts. They invited Savarkar to preside over the Untouchables Conference at Malvan in 1928.

At the conference, everyone sang Vedic hymns together. Savarkar distributed sacred threads to the participants amid loud applause. He said:

> A battle royal has been raging for the last seven generations over the right of studying the Vedas. Here is the sacred thread. Take them. When non-Hindus are reading the Vedas, why should not the Hindu Mahars read them? The feud over this problem was useless. Let us expiate the sins we committed. We are all responsible for our political subjugation. That is now the past. At least now let us declare an oath that we shall rectify our past blunders and win back our wealth and glory. The people who regard untouchability, which has been a disgrace to humanity, as a part of their religion, are really the fallen people.

Savarkar’s speech deeply moved one of the leaders of the untouchables, Sergeant Ghatge. He stood up and declared:

> Now, who says that Mahars should convert and become Muslims? We Mahars and Chamars love the Hindu Dharma and will never abandon it. The Brahmins might convert to Islam, but we will not!

Savarkar’s approach was intended to create greater acceptance and inclusion within Hindu society, rather than leaving marginalized communities excluded from religious and social life.

After the Malvan conference, Pandurang Nathuji Rajbhoj, a prominent leader of the depressed classes from Poona, observed:

> I was really sceptical of the Savarkarian movement at the beginning. My contact and discussions with Barrister Savarkar and my personal observation have thoroughly convinced me of its far-reaching effect. I am extremely rejoiced to declare that this famous leader of the political revolutionaries is also an out and out social revolutionist!

---

Reference: Vikram Sampath, Savarkar: A Contested Legacy, Chapter 2, “Caste in Stone”

---

Part I: Bringing ‘Untouchables’ into Public Life

Part II: Campaign Against Caste Discrimination in Schools

Part III: Promoting Inter-Caste Social Integration

---

To break the Brahmin monopoly over Vedic knowledge, which had traditionally been kept inaccessible to other castes (Vedokta bandi), Savarkar taught the sacred Gayatri mantra freely to everyone.

In May 1929, he organized a function in Ratnagiri where he declared that anyone who considered himself a Hindu had the right to perform Vedic ceremonies, since the Vedas belonged to all Hindus. He also argued that everyone should have the right to wear the sacred thread (Janeu).

He distributed sacred threads to several members of the Mahar and Chamar communities. At the time, the sacred thread represented a major social distinction between Brahmins and non-Brahmins. By giving it to people considered “untouchable,” Savarkar directly challenged this caste-based exclusion.

One might ask why Savarkar, who advocated dismantling the caste system, supported the continued practice of wearing the sacred thread, which many saw as a symbol of caste oppression.

There were two possible approaches: either reject and abolish the symbol entirely, or make it available to everyone and thereby remove its discriminatory character.

Savarkar chose the second approach. Rather than advocating methods such as forcibly entering people’s homes and cutting off their sacred threads, as some social reformers elsewhere had done, he tried to preserve the religious significance and sentiments associated with the practice while removing its caste-based exclusivity.

The untouchable communities were deeply moved by these efforts. They invited Savarkar to preside over the Untouchables Conference at Malvan in 1928.

At the conference, everyone sang Vedic hymns together. Savarkar distributed sacred threads to the participants amid loud applause. He said:

> A battle royal has been raging for the last seven generations over the right of studying the Vedas. Here is the sacred thread. Take them. When non-Hindus are reading the Vedas, why should not the Hindu Mahars read them? The feud over this problem was useless. Let us expiate the sins we committed. We are all responsible for our political subjugation. That is now the past. At least now let us declare an oath that we shall rectify our past blunders and win back our wealth and glory. The people who regard untouchability, which has been a disgrace to humanity, as a part of their religion, are really the fallen people.

Savarkar’s speech deeply moved one of the leaders of the untouchables, Sergeant Ghatge. He stood up and declared:

> Now, who says that Mahars should convert and become Muslims? We Mahars and Chamars love the Hindu Dharma and will never abandon it. The Brahmins might convert to Islam, but we will not!

Savarkar’s approach was intended to create greater acceptance and inclusion within Hindu society, rather than leaving marginalized communities excluded from religious and social life.

After the Malvan conference, Pandurang Nathuji Rajbhoj, a prominent leader of the depressed classes from Poona, observed:

> I was really sceptical of the Savarkarian movement at the beginning. My contact and discussions with Barrister Savarkar and my personal observation have thoroughly convinced me of its far-reaching effect. I am extremely rejoiced to declare that this famous leader of the political revolutionaries is also an out and out social revolutionist!

---

Reference: Vikram Sampath, Savarkar: A Contested Legacy, Chapter 2, “Caste in Stone”

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Part I: Bringing ‘Untouchables’ into Public Life

Part II: Campaign Against Caste Discrimination in Schools

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From 1927 onwards, Savarkar made another daring attempt. On the occasions of Hindu festivals such as Dussehra or Makar Sankranti, Hindu Sabha representatives belonging to the untouchable communities such as Mahars, Chamars or Bhangis would accost the upper castes with their wishes:

> ‘We greet you on behalf of the Ratnagiri Hindu Sabha by offering you the sona leaves. Please allow us to at least come as far as you allow non-Hindus in your homes. Is it not an insult to regard the untouchables, who follow the same religion as you do, as being inferior to the non-Hindus?’

Many would be moved by this and Savarkar and his untouchable associates would be welcomed into homes. They would exchange the sona leaves symbolizing camaraderie, distribute sweets and shout, ‘Long live Hindu Dharma.’

Savarkar recounts that many people also shouted and abused them, throwing them away from their doorsteps with vile curses. But the group never gave up. They kept persisting in their attempts and played on the humanity of the oppressors. Gradually the resistance petered out. By 1930, despite the fact that names of people who exchanged the leaves with other castes and untouchables started getting published in newspapers, more than 90 per cent of households in Ratnagiri welcomed Savarkar’s team.

Savarkar then shifted his attention to another important demographic—women. Most often women hardly had any say in determining such matters. Here too, the women’s wing that included Savarkar’s wife Yamunabai sat with other women, convinced them and urged them to mix with women of other castes. The attempt began in 1925. Only five women (which included Yamunabai) of the upper castes were willing to participate. Untouchable women who were hesitant had to be induced through incessant pleas to give up their reluctance and meet the upper caste women. With time, hundreds of women began mixing with each other freely, and without any prejudices.

Even in places of public entertainment such as theatres and cinemas, untouchables were seated separately. When some of Savarkar’s plays were staged in Ratnagiri, he gave free passes to untouchables to occupy prominent front seats. This caused a lot of unease. The local magistrate too intervened and wondered if this would create a law-and-order situation. Savarkar assured him that it would be his responsibility to maintain amity. Finally, after long arguments with the audiences who had gathered to watch the play, everyone reconciled and sat together to enjoy the show.

Owners of public carriages and carts refused to seat untouchables, though they had no problems with non-Hindus. The Hindu Sabha actively campaigned with the drivers of these carriages and urged them to seat everyone without any discrimination. They even paid for the journeys of untouchables. Mock journeys were organized just to display to the rest of society that an untouchable was happily travelling around town in a public carriage! Yet again, after immense resistance, slowly this fortress too was breached by Savarkar.

In 1925, on the occasion of Hanuman Jayanti, a new temple was built by the Guravas in Shirgaon. Their community leader Mahadev Laxman requested Savarkar to inaugurate the temple after its consecration. Savarkar pleaded that the untouchable Mahars and Mangs too be allowed to circumambulate the temple. Laxman grudgingly agreed. The temple was thus thrown open to all castes.

Cutting across caste barriers, women performed the ritual of offering each other Haldi-Kumkum or turmeric and vermillion, as symbols of auspiciousness. It was on this occasion that the famous song composed by Savarkar ‘Tumhi amhi sakal Hindu bandhu bandhu’ (All of us Hindus are brethren) was sung. The importance of this act of letting all castes participate in the worship lies in the breaking of one of the seven shackles of Sparsha bandi where the application of turmeric and vermilion on the forehead meant touching a woman from the lower caste.

On 16 June 1925, when Congress leader Chittaranjan Das died, a memorial service was to be held at the Vitthal temple of Ratnagiri. Savarkar insisted that untouchables too must be allowed to participate in this memorial service. The organizers agreed and Mahar, Chamar and other castes joined this meeting.

In Shirgaon, a Satyanarayan pooja was performed in the house of a Chamar. Savarkar and his associate Vishnupant Damle accepted the holy offering or prasad from the hands of the untouchable, thereby breaking the traditional Roti bandi, which forbade upper castes from dining with untouchables.

At another Satyanarayan puja organized on 29 May 1927 by the non-Brahmin communities of Kunbi and Bhandari castes, Savarkar made a passionate plea to let his untouchable friends participate in the event too. Those who were sitting outside the house were finally allowed to come in and participate in the ceremonies. This was breaking the hierarchies among the lower castes themselves.

Similarly, in 1928, be it during the Gokulashtami celebrations in August or in a circus show in Ratnagiri, Savarkar used all opportunities to integrate the untouchable community with the rest of society.

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Reference: Vikram Sampath, Savarkar: A Contested Legacy, Chapter 2, “Caste in Stone”

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Part I: Bringing ‘Untouchables’ into Public Life

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In 1925, the Ratnagiri Hindu Sabha undertook the most challenging work of admitting children of untouchables to schools along with other children. This was to strike at the very root of the system by encouraging behavioural changes from childhood.

Hitherto, children of untouchables could not sit in the same classrooms as the rest of society. They squatted outside the rooms and heard the lectures, beyond the walls and sight of upper-caste children. The teachers never touched their notebooks or slates. Even when they wanted to punish one of them, they would throw a stick at them rather than go near and beat them up. There was not a single school in the towns of Ratnagiri or Malwan where children were taught together.

A half-hearted government circular of 1923 urged schools to intermix children of all castes. But given the societal taboos that remained, a circular merely on paper.

Hence, starting 1925, Savarkar decided to tackle this problem head-on. In Dapoli, Khed, Chiplun, Devarukh, Sangameshwar, Kharepatan and other places, he conducted a series of lectures, public debates and tours to convince and urge people to let children study together.

In public meetings he exposed the hypocrisy of his opponents:

> Can you prevent Christian children from attending public schools? No! You dare not, since you know the consequences. The British Government will reply with bullets. You insult the untouchables because they are ignorant and helpless. But you yield to the unjust demands of the Muslims because they are aggressive. When a Mahar becomes a Muslim or a Christian convert, you treat him as your equal. But as a Mahar, he will not receive the same treatment.

In the town of Ratnagiri, he pursued this crusade painstakingly, in school after school. Interestingly, the non-Brahmin communities such as the Marathas, Kulavadis, Bhandaris and others were more resistant to change than the Brahmins.

When the chairman of the School Board passed a resolution to allow children to study together, Savarkar faced severe opposition from all communities throughout the district. Brahmins, Marathas, Khots, Savkars, Patils and all communities protested to get the decision cancelled.

There were strikes, skirmishes, violent agitations, riots and even sabotage in Kotavade, Fonda, Kanakavali, Shiposhi, Kandalgaon, Adivare and other villages against Savarkar’s moves. This naturally terrified the School Board.

In 1929, the District Board passed a resolution that mixing of children in schools was not compulsory. But Savarkar refused to give up. On one hand, he wanted to bring about a change of heart among the people, and on the other, he wanted to take this struggle to the higher authorities and even the legislative council.

While Savarkar and his colleagues were labouring so hard for the cause of the children of the untouchables, their own parents were fearful or hesitant to participate wholeheartedly. The Hindu Sabha members paid the parents to send their children to school, provided textbooks, notebooks, pencils and slates to urge them to go. Despite that, they were reluctant. They kept making excuses.

During the rainy season, they would tell Savarkar that he must provide umbrellas first and only then they would send their children to school. But even when that was done, there was dereliction.

Finally, after seven long years of relentless struggle and several thousand rupees spent on this cause by the Hindu Sabha from the fund that was collected slowly, Savarkar’s efforts began to yield fruits. Children began to be taught together in a few schools. The movement then slowly spread to others by word of mouth.

Savarkar writes about how important this intermixing at the level of children was:

> High caste children come in contact with children from untouchable families at a very young age and this was very important. On the one hand, education helps to uplift the untouchable children. On the other hand, this early contact makes upper caste children realize that these untouchables whom their families despise, are just like them. Some of them can be as clever or even better than them. This removes all arrogance of superiority of birth. When this evil practice is uprooted from their minds at a very early age, it has a positive impact throughout their life. Hence we recommend every reformer to study our work and methodology that we adopted in these seven years.

Savarkar wrote several letters to those in positions of power on this matter and brought to their notice the names of schools that still continued with the abhorrent practice of discriminating children based on caste. He also made efforts to get untouchables employment in government.

On behalf of the Ratnagiri Hindu Sabha, he made a presentation to British officer Mr Lamington, ICS, who had the special responsibility of looking after the interests of repressed classes in Bombay Presidency. Savarkar told him in an appeal in 1932:

> Once the children are educated together, they will not accept the caste hierarchy in later life. They will not feel the need to observe caste divisions. Therefore the Government Regulations of 1923 should be strictly enforced. In addition, the Government must abandon the title of ‘Special Schools for Low-Caste Children’. This very title creates a feeling of inferiority among children attending the school.

An incident that underscores how important this was in Savarkar’s mind occurred in 1932. A visitor came to him with a plea to invite him to his village. Savarkar immediately asked him if there was a school in the village, whether untouchables were allowed to attend them and, if so, whether the children sit together and study. The visitor was flummoxed. He sheepishly answered that they sat separately.

Savarkar politely told him with folded hands: “Give my regards to the villagers. I have only one request to them. At least in the sacred house of Goddess Saraswati, the goddess of learning, they should not follow any discrimination. Once they accept this small request of mine, I will set aside all other work and readily come to your village.”

The district magistrate was to himself attest the beneficial results of Savarkar’s efforts: “It is the good result of Mr. Savarkar’s lectures that the untouchable boys have been allowed to sit mixed and get their education without any invidious distinction being made in their case.”

In 1928, when an untouchable teacher was transferred to a school that was attended largely by upper-caste children, all hell broke loose. The orthodox Hindus tried every means to get this order rescinded. Savarkar prevailed upon the School Board not to succumb to such pressures.

The Board finally threatened the opponents that it would shut the school down if such demands were made. This finally made them see sense and wind up their meaningless agitation.

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Reference: Vikram Sampath, Savarkar: A Contested Legacy, Chapter 2, “Caste in Stone”

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Savarkar gave this message on July 3, 1947.

This post was originally created by @dhamraitss on Instagram, please do follow her as she posts similar stuff regularly:

https://www.instagram.com/p/DLJIJL3oqo1/

This painting was created by Punjabi artist Kishan Chand Aryan, who survived the Rawalpindi massacres and was 28 years old at the time.

The following account is from Stern Reckoning book by G. D. Khosla, an Indian Civil Service officer who later became Chief Justice of the Punjab High Court. As a senior member of the colonial-era Indian administrative and judicial establishment, Khosla had firsthand administrative knowledge of the events and wrote his account soon after Partition.

Page 107:

> Conditions in the rural areas of Rawalpindi beggar description.

> On March 6, 1947, meetings were held in the village mosques and the Muslims were told that the Jumma Mosque at Rawalpindi had been razed to the ground by Hindus and Sikhs and that the city streets were littered with Muslim corpses. The audience were exhorted to avenge these wrongs.

> The village population of the district of Rawalpindi has a large proportion of Muslim military pensioners possessing firearms and other weapons. These men, incited in this manner, rose up against the non-Muslim residents and attacked one village after another.

> The modus operandi was almost invariably the same. A mob of Muslims armed with all kinds of weapons, shouting slogans and beating drums, approached a selected village and surrounded it from all sides. A few non-Muslim residents were immediately killed to strike terror throughout the village. The rest were asked to embrace Islam. If they refused or showed reluctance a ruthless assault was launched upon non-Muslim life and property.

> Some members of the mob started looting and burning their houses and shops. Others searched out young and good-looking girls and carried them away. Not infrequently young women were molested and raped in the open, while all around them frenzied hooligans rushed about shouting, looting and setting fire to houses.

> Most of the non-Muslims would leave their houses and run to the local Gurdwara or a house affording some measure of protection or defence and there men, women and children, huddled together, would hear the noise of carnage, see the smoke rising from their burning homes and wait for the end. The horror of what they saw or heard made them insensible to pain or suffering. Some women would commit suicide or suffer death at the hands of their relations with stoic indifference, others would jump into a well or be burnt alive uttering hysterical cries. The men would come out and meet death in a desperate sally against the marauders.

> Some villages were completely wiped out. Houses and shops were looted and then burnt down and demolished. Conversion saved the lives of many but not their property. Refusal to accept Islam brought complete annihilation. The men were shot or put to the sword. In some cases small children were thrown in cauldrons of boiling oil. In one village men and women who refused to embrace Islam were collected together and after a ring of brambles and firewood had been placed around them they were burnt alive. A woman threw her four-month old baby to save it from burning. The infant was impaled upon a spear and thrown back into the fire.

Veer Savarkar was among the early Indian political thinkers who warned about communal division and argued that Hindus needed to be united and militarily prepared to defend themselves.

Savarkar had correctly identified communal and Pan-Islamic movements as potential threats to India’s territorial unity. His response was based on Hindu consolidation, social reform, and military preparedness.

He strongly opposed the Khilafat movement, which placed religious interests above national interests. He also feared that its Pan-Islamic character could encourage foreign intervention in India.

In his book Hindutva (1923), Savarkar developed the idea of Hindu Sangathan, seeking to unite Hindus, Sikhs, Jains, Buddhists, and other Indic communities into a broader political identity.

He defined a Hindu as someone who regarded India as both their Pitribhu (fatherland) and Punyabhu (holy land), compare this with idea of Pan-Islamism where someone may reside in India but his loyalty may be extraterrestrial.

Savarkar considered caste discrimination and untouchability serious weaknesses within Hindu society. He argued that Hindus needed to overcome these divisions and stand together as a united community.

Savarkar criticised Congress’s approach to Hindu-Muslim unity, particularly its response to communal violence such as the Moplah rebellion. He believed that maintaining unity at all costs could prevent Hindus from recognising and responding to genuine threats.

For Savarkar, militarisation was therefore part of a broader programme of Hindu unity, social reform, political organisation, and national self-defence. If Hindu society haf then listened to him then we wouldn't have faced so much suffering in the partition.

Images in post are by: https://www.instagram.com/p/DQcWlyZjOfN/

The photograph was published in Life magazine on 9 September 1946, on page 38, as part of an article titled Vultures of Calcutta.

Reference:

1. Life magazine, 9 September 1946

2. Google Arts & Culture — “Aftermath of Calcutta Riots”

3. TIME — “Vultures of Calcutta: The Gruesome Aftermath of India’s 1946 Hindu-Muslim Riots”

The photograph was published in Life magazine on 9 September 1946, on page 38, as part of an article titled Vultures of Calcutta.

Reference:

1. Life magazine, 9 September 1946

2. Google Arts & Culture — “Aftermath of Calcutta Riots”

3. TIME — “Vultures of Calcutta: The Gruesome Aftermath of India’s 1946 Hindu-Muslim Riots”

The complete title of the book is Stern Reckoning: A Survey of the Events Leading Up to and Following the Partition of India, written by Gopal Das Khosla. The book was first published in 1949.

⭐⭐⭐⭐⭐ 5/5

Here is the PDF of this book

I read this book last year, around the same time in August. It is a detailed but relatively short account of the politics surrounding the Partition of India and the violence that followed.

The book is divided into separate chapters covering different events and regions. There is a chapter on Direct Action Day in Calcutta, which I particularly remember because I found the account horrifying to read. There are also chapters on the violence in Punjab, the Bihar riots, and other major events.

This structure makes the book easy to read selectively. If you are interested in a particular event or region, you can simply go to that chapter.

One of the things I found particularly useful was the detailed narration of events, along with tables showing the demographics of the people who died, including religious and other demographic details.

If you want to understand how Partition violence unfolded, the political events behind it, the role of different parties, and what happened in different regions, this is a very useful book to read.