u/Embarrassed_Term5536

Why is the strategy of retreating to shorten the front lines, and then counterattacking in critical sectors, the strategy of Wehrmahcht post Kursk , not considered a sane and sort of workable strategy to at least hold Eastern front? from collapsing?, given manpower shortages of USSR

So, I am reading Pritt Buttar book" The Reckoning" detailing the late winter early autumn offensives in southern front around Kiev, Brody, Dubno, of soviet Army in 1943-1944.

From the offensives, its clear that the Fortress strategy of Hitier was the most harmful and dangerous order by Hitler that very rapidly degraded, not only the precious panzer divisions in trying to relieve the encircled garrisons, but to also taking away thier freedom at operational level, especially when its clear that southern front is at its breaking point, and needs to shorten its front line ASAP, or it wasn't far away from another Stalingrad along the banks of Southern Bug and Dviena.

I know this has been discussed thousand times , but I can't just understand why all modern discourse seems to hesitate to blame Hitler from absolute collapse of eastern front in 1944 onwards post Kursk? Even in encircled state with weak, hungry demoralised state, creme le creme tank armies of Soviet UNION under efficient commanders are unable to break German encirclement after repeated attacks. Even at this stage, Germans enjoy a healthy quality in not only the training of Tank crews , but of numerical superiority and qualitative superiority in artillery supporting the operational needs of infantry and combined arms instead of just bombardment at beginning of assault.

The unreliable Tigers and Panthers (at this stage) is unstoppable whenever they are able to reach the frontline despite heavy investment by advancing Soviet armies into anti tank guns.

Commanders at every level of every Army, battalion commanders, regiment commanders, ss army commanders, every commander wants to retreat the untenable positions when Soviet tank (and sometimes cavalry corps) have bypassed their flanks , there was no point in holding the position. Everyone wanted to retreat, because they knew what would happen if theu don't, they would be encircled, and they may or may not break out but they 100 percent would have to abandon all thier heavy weapons, would require substantial resources in form of relief forces and would 100 % stop existing as effective fighting force).

No seriously, read about these campaigns from the perspective of not only soldiers fighting, but from local commanders to army commanders, the repeat of events all the time, predictably, was extremely STRATEGICALLY harmful for German war aims.

On other hand, despite cards stacked against them, these well trained troops stopped the ultimate collapse of Southern front, but all the well trained forces were attrited. 3rd, 11th , 14 th Panzer army were left not even 34 tanks between them at March 1944. And unfortunately, no reinforcements were coming.

Soviet Army was deeply operationally efficient at this stage now. They often attacked at the junction of two armies that defenders were dispersed in opposite directions. The air power was finally in thiet favour. But extreme manpower shortages plagued their grand aims.

Anyway, It's clear that retreating was the only choice. Nikolov bridgehead was a stupid fantasy of Hitler that bled his units dry in trying to defend it , and the front facing Malinokvsky's 3rd UKR front faced the brunt when Odessa was captured in a dash. Hitler was actively harming the war aims in Eastern front. His most experienced war hardened troops were dying in droves, experienced tank crews dying in droves.

Why is Hitler defended when he ordered his troops to stand fast? I want to steer the discussion post Kursk. Thier was only one viable strategy, that had a good chance of working, retreat and counterattacking the forward probing elements of Soviet Tank armies. Shortening the front line and giving jist a tiny bit of rest and replenishment to troops worked wonders for their fighting capacity, even at this stage of war.

Why Hitler's stupid decisions to stand fast has so many defenders among both military historians and WW2 enthusiastic is beyond me. Conditions on the ground, troops understood better than the high command on Berlin. No kidding, he believed that troops were cowards, and not adhering to Nazism when casualities reached more than 60 -70 percent in manpower in almost all divisions after breakout from encirclements, that of any sane commander wouldn't have let form in first place.

Many say that military commanders too supported Hitier's decisions when it's not true. There always was request from chief of staff, OKH that retreat should be permitted, because Manstein put his request with authority and pleaded with conviction. But H wasn't to be convinced. And its not that he didn't allowed the retreat, but allowed it if the fortess was to be held on .

I want to limit this discussion post Kursk to the conclusion of Bagration, in this time period

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u/Embarrassed_Term5536 — 4 days ago

Tamil Nadu's Skepticism Of Industries Has A Real Costf

swarajyamag.com

Tamil Nadu's Skepticism Of Industries Has A Real Cost

K Balakumar

9 - 12 minutes

We will start with the obvious.

Tamil Nadu today is one of India's most industrialised regions. Its factories produce automobiles for global markets, its garments are worn across continents, its engineering goods shipped to dozens of countries, and its electronics assembled for the world's largest technology companies.

According to the Economic Survey of Tamil Nadu 2025–26, the state clocked a robust economic growth of 11.2 per cent in 2024–25, the highest among major Indian states. The manufacturing sector expanded by 14.74 per cent, more than triple the national average. One in seven Indian factory workers is employed in Tamil Nadu. The state remains a national leader in electronics and electric-vehicle manufacturing and has around 40,000 registered factories, the highest number in India.

Data from the Annual Survey of Industries shows Tamil Nadu also leads the country in factory employment, accounting for roughly 15 per cent of India's industrial workforce. Manufacturing contributes around 24 per cent of the state's Gross State Value Added, significantly higher than the national average.

The automobile ecosystem centred around Chennai alone produces roughly a quarter of India's passenger vehicles. Coimbatore, Tiruppur, and Hosur anchor specialised manufacturing clusters that power exports and employment. Industry overall contributes roughly one-third of the state's economy, alongside agriculture and services.

Yet if one listens to political discourse in Tamil Nadu, a very different picture emerges.

Factories are often viewed with suspicion. Infrastructure projects trigger protests. Industrial expansion is frequently framed as a threat to farmers, land, water, and identity. Election speeches and political debates increasingly reflect a vocabulary in which industry appears less as an engine of growth and more as a potential adversary.

What explains this contradiction? For this, one needs to look beyond economics to the deeper currents of Tamil Nadu's political and cultural imagination.

The politics of suspicion

Over the past decade, Tamil Nadu has seen repeated resistance to large industrial and infrastructure projects. Opposition has surfaced against hydrocarbon exploration in the Cauvery Delta, industrial corridors, mining and energy projects, and the expansion of industrial estates.

Few controversies illustrate this tension more dramatically than the closure of the Sterlite Copper smelter in Thoothukudi. For over two decades, the plant was among India's largest copper producers, supplying a significant share of the country's refined copper and supporting a network of ancillary industries. At its peak, it provided thousands of direct and indirect jobs.

But the facility was also the subject of persistent allegations of environmental violations. These concerns culminated in large protests in 2018. Police firing during demonstrations left 13 people dead, turning the issue into a political flashpoint. The state government subsequently ordered the plant's permanent closure.

The economic consequences were significant. India, which had earlier exported copper, suddenly had to import the metal after domestic smelting capacity shrank. A study supported by NITI Aayog estimated the consolidated economic loss from the closure at roughly ₹14,749 crore, around 0.72 per cent of Tamil Nadu's GDP.

Yet the Sterlite debate rarely unfolded as a technical discussion about environmental regulation or industrial compliance. Instead, it often became a moral narrative in which the framing was industry versus people.

Another example is the proposed eight-lane Chennai–Salem expressway. The project aimed to strengthen freight connectivity between northern Tamil Nadu and the western industrial belt, reducing travel time and improving logistics for manufacturing clusters. But it quickly ran into resistance from farmers and activists concerned about land acquisition and ecological impact. Once again, infrastructure necessary for industrial competitiveness became politically difficult to implement.

Industrial development, a bad word

The same pattern is visible in the prolonged protests against the proposed Parandur greenfield airport for Chennai. Despite compensation offers reportedly reaching 3.5 times market value, the project has been made out by opponents as an assault on local identity and agricultural land.

Similar local protests have also emerged against SIPCOT industrial expansions in districts like Tiruvannamalai.

Perhaps the most symbolic example is the controversy over hydrocarbon exploration in the Cauvery Delta. Energy exploration proposals in districts such as Nagapattinam and Thanjavur triggered intense resistance from farmers and environmental activists who feared damage to fertile agricultural land.

In response, the state government declared the Cauvery Delta a Protected Special Agricultural Zone, effectively restricting many forms of industrial activity.

To be sure, the environmental concerns are not trivial. Tamil Nadu is densely populated and ecologically fragile. But the tone of public debate often goes beyond caution into something broader. It becomes a political narrative in which industry itself is framed as suspect.

When that narrative dominates, every project risks becoming politically combustible.

The cultural roots of the narrative

This ambivalence toward industry is not entirely new. Tamil society has long celebrated the farmer as a moral ideal while rarely romanticising the industrialist.

The roots of this cultural memory run deep. Classical Tamil literature placed agriculture at the centre of ethical life. One of the most frequently cited couplets from the Thirukkural declares: "Only those who live by the plough truly live; the rest subsist by depending on them."

In this worldview, agriculture is not merely an occupation but the foundation of society itself. That cultural reverence has endured across centuries. Even today, political speeches frequently invoke the farmer as the civilisational backbone of Tamil society.

Industry, by contrast, is historically recent. Factories arrived only in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and never acquired the same moral aura as agriculture.

Dravidian political rhetoric

The ideological framework of the Dravidian movement further reinforced this. In its rhetoric, the worker, the peasant, and the oppressed individual became powerful representations of their version of social justice. The industrialist, however, rarely fit comfortably into this narrative.

Entrepreneurs were often portrayed as beneficiaries of older caste hierarchies or as figures associated primarily with wealth accumulation. Whether or not this perception was always accurate, it shaped the political vocabulary of the state. The distinction persists in subtle ways even today.

Cinema and the moral imagination

Tamil cinema has also hammered down these archetypes. In countless films, the moral hero is a farmer, labourer, or oppressed villager. The antagonist is frequently the greedy landlord, corrupt businessman, or exploitative factory owner.

Over decades, this larger idea has seeped into popular imagination. Given cinema's enormous cultural influence in Tamil Nadu, these moral stereotypes have helped shape social attitudes toward wealth and enterprise.

The invisible industrialist

The result is a peculiar paradox. Tamil Nadu has produced some of India's most important manufacturing enterprises. Yet the founders of these businesses have rarely become cultural icons. Industrialists remain largely invisible in the state's public imagination compared to political leaders or film stars. Whenever this publication has profiled or run obituaries on its industrialists, the feedback received is often: "We didn't know these details about this man and his industry."

This stands in contrast to several other Indian states. In Gujarat, entrepreneurship is a matter of cultural pride. In Maharashtra, industry is seen as an institutional pillar of development. In Karnataka, especially around Bengaluru, entrepreneurship is closely associated with technological innovation.

To be fair, all states witness criticism of corporations from time to time. But the baseline political discourse in these regions generally treats industry as a legitimate partner in development rather than a morally suspect force.

The stakes for Tamil Nadu

Narratives matter. Where business is socially admired or politically normalised, industry finds a more comfortable ecosystem. Where rhetoric remains ambivalent, investors and entrepreneurs often sense hesitation, even when government policy is technically supportive.

Tamil Nadu's industrial success has survived this contradiction so far. But as competition among Indian states for manufacturing investment intensifies, the alignment between economic policy and political narrative will matter more.

If the political cost of supporting a factory becomes higher than the economic benefit of the jobs it creates, capital usually migrates.

The state's ambition of building a $1-trillion economy cannot rest on an agriculture-only foundation. A region with a Gross Enrolment Ratio of nearly 47 per cent in higher education, almost double the national average, cannot ask its engineers and technicians to return to the plough.

For Tamil Nadu's development story to remain coherent, its political discourse may eventually have to expand its moral vocabulary.

The farmer will always remain a civilisational hero in Tamil society. But the entrepreneur, the builder of factories, supply chains, and industrial towns, is also deserving of that recognition.

u/Embarrassed_Term5536 — 11 days ago