u/ManLikeRed

[original article translated from italian, il programma communista 1980, No. 7; April 5, 1980 edition]

In the moment when the European imperialists are trying to erect a new lightning rod against the possible reactions of the exploited masses of the Middle East to the Israeli-Egyptian peace — a peace that openly hands the Palestinians over to the State of Israel — it is useful to recall how the revolutionary proletariat regards the question of Israel and what perspective it points out to the magnificent revolt of the exploited Palestinian masses.

The direct penetration of imperialism into the Fertile Crescent zone dates from the dismemberment of the Ottoman Empire. English imperialism did help to raise the banner of pan-Arabism in an anti-Ottoman function at the end of the First World War, but it had already divided the booty with French imperialism: the latter received the northern part, later divided into two in order to break the anti-colonial revolt — Lebanon and Syria; the former received the South, equally divided into two — Palestine and Transjordan. With the Second Imperialist War, the anti-colonial thrust was enough to eliminate French imperialism in the region, which was by then disputed between the Americans and the British. The Holy Imperialist Alliance, Russia included, presided over the creation of the State of Israel, which was also useful for getting rid of millions of Jews martyred in Central Europe, turning these populations into an instrument in the service of Anglo-Saxon imperialist aims, of which America would after 1956 be the sole beneficiary.

From a political and military point of view, Israel is a mercenary state that pursues a twofold aim: to protect the West’s oil supply routes, and to maintain the imperialist order in the region by combating the unifying tendencies of the wave of anti-imperialist emancipation of the Arab world. It is clear that today Israel is no longer the only policeman, and all the Arab states, even the most “progressive,” know how to shoot with equal ferocity at the exploited masses, as the counter-revolutionary intervention of Syria in Lebanon demonstrates, thus reducing the interest that Israel represents for imperialism.

From a social point of view, Israel is the prototype of the colonial state, and even if the bloody expropriation of the Palestinian populations has ended, the state remains in the hands of a true bourgeois-colonial caste, protected by the Zionist privilege, crowned by the right that links nationality… to the Jewish religion!

40% of the Palestinians, about one and a half million, live in Israel or in Gaza and the West Bank. Less than 10% are still tied to the land, and more than 60% of those who have the fortune to find work are workers in agriculture, construction and, secondarily, industry. They work for the most part in Israel, subjected to a barbarous oppression: the residents have in theory the same rights as the Jews, a little like the Algerians who in colonial Algeria had the same rights as the French. Those who live in the West Bank and Gaza do not even have the benefit of this hypocrisy: they are simply deprived of every political and social right and subjected to an exploitation that this discrimination makes even more unbearable, living, moreover, under the permanent state of siege that reigns in these occupied regions; in short, they suffer the open terrorism of the colonizer-state.

As for the 60% of the Palestinians who have had to emigrate in the new hijra, they are in the majority workers. In the Gulf countries they represent a constant threat to the security of the oil supplies of the imperialist countries, which pushes the latter to “find a solution to the Palestinian problem,” that is, to try to defuse the formidable social bomb that it represents.

Let us suppose that, as is now suggested by French imperialism and its European allies, the Palestinians of Gaza and the West Bank are granted “self-determination” and that, in the best of hypotheses, one does not arrive at a state federated with Jordan but at a new formally independent state, yet alongside Israel. What would that mean? The majority of the population would be forced to cross the frontier every day in order to go and work in Israel; it would therefore continue to suffer the daily oppression of Zionism. Alongside the 500,000 Palestinians of Israel, whose situation would remain unchanged, one would have a dormitory-state that would perhaps offer a bone to gnaw on to the Palestinian bourgeoisie transformed into an armed night-watchman of the Israeli bourgeoisie, but nothing to the exploited and poor masses, except — something not to be neglected — one more reason to fight also against their own bourgeoisie without allowing themselves to be paralyzed by a “national unity” in which they would find no advantage.

It is clear that the recognition by the established order of a Palestinian state resulting from a “concordat” and not from the victory of arms implies the complete disarmament of the Palestinian masses and the respect by the PLO of the Israeli frontiers — an order that would be guaranteed by the imperialisms and by all the states of the region against the revolt of the oppressed masses.

Just imagine if the Algerians had “self-determined” by constituting an Arab state that left a settler-state existing at its side! Fortunately the Algerian revolution drove out the pieds-noirs, the French who had long been settled in Algeria and who dominated its economic life! By contrast we have before our eyes “self-determinations” of this kind. Ireland obtained independence but the Protestants kept their lands and all their privileges: the oppression continues, as does the reinforcement of the English troops against the Irish and against the English working class, but the Irish revolt, fortunately, also continues! South Africa grants “self-determination” to the Bantus, and even Rhodesia becomes black, but as long as white South Africa remains standing, Zimbabwe will be its slave. And it is a solution of this type that the PLO now accepts, advancing as its sole condition for the “recognition of the State of Israel” the recognition by Israel of such a Palestinian state!

The colonial oppression perpetrated by Israel in the region cannot in reality end except with the total destruction of the Zionist privilege to which the State of Israel is indissolubly bound, and with the birth on its ruins of a state that suppresses every discrimination based on religion, race or nationality. The destruction of this privilege, inseparable from the national and religious oppression of the Palestinian populations, is the indispensable condition for the unification of the working class of the whole Middle East region, but also of the working class of the imperialist metropolises of Europe, of Russia and of America.

The Arab bourgeoisies, and the Palestinian bourgeoisie in particular, have definitively renounced calling the imperialist order and its Zionist pillar into question. What they seek is only to give this order a lasting form.

The revolt of the exploited Palestinian and Arab masses must ineluctably collide with the State of Israel and, for the same reason, with all the present Arab states, however progressive they may call themselves. From this struggle will be born the Workers’ and Peasants’ Republic of the Middle East that will finish not only with the Jewish privilege, but with the privileges of all the dominant classes of the region.

This struggle is the struggle of the working class of the entire world.

il programma communista 1980, No. 7; April 5, 1980 edition

The sandstorm of masses of reaction is now close to an epilogue, some settled by a squall of state brutality some by a drizzle of disillusionment with their political identity, but everyone has experienced something astonishing for first time in their lives, still quite nothing compared to the masses of mass who gave up their lives before 'them' and 'they' cannot amount to anything that is yet to come in scarlet future that awaits.

Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce. — Marx (Eighteenth Brumarie of Louis Bonaparte)

##Tragedy

Georgy Gapon was a russian orthodox priest and activist, a member of Tsar's own conter-revolutionary safety valve 'police' socialists meant to act and defuse proletarian anger whenever and wherever necessary, they were quite effective in making the backward masses and working classes of Russia submissive to Tsar and his sycophantic goons. It's direct opposition were marxists and social democratic workers groups.

Gapon had links to Social revolutionaries (SR) and due to this he had sort of double agent role in Russia. During days of the Russo-Japanese war Gapon suddenly became more influential and wealthy activist often attracting more poor working class and backward masses into his assembly.

>That Father Gapon is an agent-provocateur is a surmise that would seem to be borne out by the fact that he is a member and one of the ringleaders of the Zubatov society. Furthermore, the foreign newspapers, like our own correspondents, note the fact that the police deliberately allowed the strike movement to spread as widely and freely as possible, and that the government generally (and Grand Duke Vladimir in particular) wanted to provoke bloody reprisals under conditions most favourable to itself. —Lenin

In 1905, during the rise of Putilov Steel Work Gapon intervened tookover the huge protest of 8000 workers, he forced them to be submissive and constantly preached it's mass that Tsar was appointed by divine right and hence cannot be challenged doing so would be equal to sin. Later on, January 22, 1905 he organised a 'peaceful' march in St. Petersberg, consisting mostly of those workers. To his own surprise, the turnout reached 1,50,000 people — including men, women, children and the elderly (which was more than he could chew).

Nevertheless he led them infront of Tsar's Palace and personally presented a petition to Nicholas II

>"We, working men of St. Petersburg, our wives and children, and our parents... have come to you, O Tsar, in quest of justice and protection." > >"We have no strength left... The awful moment has come when death is better than the prolongation of our unendurable tortures." > > "Demolish the wall between yourself and the people, and let them govern the country in conjunction with yourself." > >"Point, Sire, to either of them [liberty or the tomb]; we will take it, even though it lead to death."

The Tsar's forces responded sooner by open firing and unleashing cavalry charge on unarmed crowd resulting in approximately 3000 deaths but official record only reported 333 deaths.

>The revolutionary intelligentsia and the class-conscious proletarians, who would have been the most likely to provide themselves with arms, were bound to keep aloof from the Zubatov movement, to give it a wide berth. The government thus had its hands free to play a winning game. The demonstration, so they reckoned, would be made up of the most peaceful, least organised, and most back ward workers; it would be child’s play for our soldiery to handle them, and the proletariat would be taught a whole some lesson; an excellent excuse would be furnished for shooting down anybody and everybody in the streets; at Court the victory of the reactionary (or Grand Ducal) party over the liberals would be complete; the harshest repressions would follow. —Lenin

###What happened to Gapon after the massacre?

Gapon fled with the help of his SR friend and later declared

>'There is no God anymore! There is no Tsar!"

He later escaped to west Europe to meet with other revolutionary opposition to Tsar, including Lenin. At that time Lenin excused his actions and thought that he wasn't a snitch.. which unfortunately would later proved true.

Later in same year he returned to Russia quietly and re-established contact with the Tsarist secret police while maintaining ties with the Socialist Revolutionaries (SR). His traitorous action would be soon discovered which would lead to his eventual assassination.

##Farce

>I have said that the present movement, i.e. the present struggle, is bound to end in some sort of compromise or complete failure. > >I said that, because in my opinion, this time the real revolutionary forces have not been invited into the arena. This is a struggle dependent upon the middle class shopkeepers and a few capitalists. Both these, and particularly the latter, can never dare to risk its property or possessions in any struggle. The real revolutionary armies are in the villages and in factories, the peasantry and the labourers. But our bourgeois leaders do not and cannot dare to tackle them. The sleeping lion once awakened from its slumber shall become irresistible even after the achievement of what our leaders aim at. — Bhagat Singh(to young political workers, 1931)

For anyone following current political trends, Marxist or not — what I am referring to needs no introduction. A lot has happened in past months since our far-sighted decision to stay away from the 'masses of reaction', who refuse to see beyond the selfish goal of a failed examination or recognize other tragedies that attribute to their problems, such as the role of the organized backwardness of the RSS in pulling back educational and overall progressive development of all social relations of this country.

It has been months into the said 'movement' but yet a majority of these people have not developed any sort consciousness regarding the bourgeois bureaucratic structure that stays behind even after they manage to remove one 'puppet', and hilariously not the 'master puppeteers' who will replace one with other and yay! Revolution will be achieved and go back home. For Marxists it's no surprise as we all know nature of the middle class and middle upper class background of most participants who only seek superficial changes, thrills of adventure and whether they seek anti-incumbency is also doubtful.

As of 22 July when I'm writing, the leadership of the 'masses of reaction' are already showing (not surprisingly) signs of compromise and are about to officially declare 'end of the revolution' any moment from now, revolution of peanuts I assume.

Then what after that?

###Wangchuk:

Certain liberals and role-playing 'socialist' cretins suffering from myopia and amnesia (and possibly bourgeoisie privileges) have already declared the current ringleader as their messiah and sometimes as 'second Bhagat Singh™', sometimes as 'pioneer in education reform' and sometimes as 'revolutionary™'; their short term memory loss also prevents them to see the the fact that their messiah is staunch supporter of the NEP 2020 which opened gateway for privatization of education making it less affordable for underprivileged working class students and those who were already suffering from the social stigma of caste based discrimination, needless to say also led to the introduction of communal, unscientific and caste hindu centric topics in educational curriculum.

###Dipke:

Another of their glorious ringleader on other hand is epitome of 'reaction', who has a history of reacting to 'reactions' perpetrated by thugs of mainstream television media that constantly sprays venom into the minds of their audiences against the largest minority of the nation; say be it fanning 'corona jihad' narrative which led to the persecution of muslim proletariats across the nation or say be it military oppression of Kashmiri Muslims all in the name of Nationalism, the nationalism that preserves essence of Manu, the nationalism that preserves essence of Savarkar and Hedgewar.

Perhaps this is the reason they refused to share their hands of solidarity for the demolition of Ali Jauhar University, Rampur or attack on Christian backed schools by agents of hindutva fascism.

And according to some liberals, leftists who share this position are 'traitor' for pointing out their facade and not standing behind the dubious leaders of 'masses of reaction', holy Kernskey!

I want to say this is such 'manchild' behaviour we as individual thinkers are not going to gain anything by constantly bickering and getting butthurt over this realisation on how role-playing left got played by the reactionaries only to be spat on face by them yesterday, all wasted efforts of cheerleading and helping them gain popularity at the expense of their own political identity only to get sidelined.

I feel sorry and amused by this comedic development of events, but contrary to all the mishap it is not the time to feel low by this (expected) betrayal.

##What is to be done now?

>Cast aside the youthful dreams of a revolution within ten years of Gandhi's utopian promises of Swaraj in One Year. It requires neither the emotion nor the death, but the life of constant struggle, suffering and sacrifice. Crush your individuality first. Shake off the dreams of personal comfort. Then start to work. Inch by inch you shall have to proceed. It needs courage, perseverance and very strong determination. No difficulties and no hardships shall discourage you. No failure and betrayals shall dishearten you. No travails (!) imposed upon you shall snuff out the revolutionary will in you. Through the ordeal of sufferings and sacrifice you shall come out victorious. And these individual victories shall be the valuable assets of the revolution. — Bhagat Singh

[Note: this is strictly for those who are non-communist by thought, although it won't amount to anything even if communists decide to take part in this bourgeois protest]

It was clearly evident in 20th July protest how fraudlent and coward the leaders of the CJP were. Not only did they hold secret meetings with ruling fascist government, their face of protest went in for 'peaceful concession' and their leadership went into efficient hiding as soon as they put forward inexperienced masses of students on the sacrificial altar of fascist brutality, results were devastating but it was a necessary lesson.

Most of the protestors despite hailing from different class identity can clearly see the ineffectiveness and lax leadership of CJP now, hence this explains why people in protest have distanced away from them and have now abandoned the ridiculousness of Gandhian cuckoldery, some of them have taken matters in their own hand now, every punch by fascist enforcers is now being greeted with 'newton's 3rd laws of motion'.

The movement has now indeed crossed the barrier of one reaction as soon as social democratic and liberal parties opened their own fronts within the movement alongside left parties, and extended the broader topic of solidarity to persecution of minorities and saffronisation of education system.

But it's also sad that left front that put their efforts in popularising this mass gathering are again getting sidelined by their liberal political allies.

>Now, insurrection is an art quite as much as war or any other, and subject to certain rules […] the short experience of 1848 had made the Germans pretty well acquainted with them. Firstly, never play with insurrection unless you are fully prepared to face the consequences of your play. Insurrection is a calculus with very indefinite magnitudes, the value of which may change every day; the forces opposed to you have all the advantage of organization, discipline, and habitual authority: unless you bring strong odds against them you are defeated and ruined. Secondly, the insurrectionary career once entered upon, act with the greatest determination, and on the offensive. The defensive is the death of every armed rising; […] in the words of Danton, […] de l’audace, de l’audace, encore de l’audace! [Audacity, audacity, and once more audacity!]” — Engels, Revolution and Counter-revolution in Germany

The movement will not result in anything significant for working class movement or mass class consciousness but it would be challenging for it to continue once the leadership of reactionary centrists declares it's end today or tomorrow.

Just don't let it happen I say, and pretty much everyone from socialist or non-socialist background knows this fact that if we all back away from it now the message will be delivered to broader masses comprising of proletariats that the political opposition to fascism is ineffective and weak and they cannot put their trust on anyone other than the regime itself.

For populist left front that is only way, they will not magically gain the centre leadership of the protest but it's good to stay away from gappons of our time.

###Conclusion:

• CJP leadership is opportunist and it cannot lead this mass movement, non leftists people should move away from it's leadership towards political fronts whichever suits them and left should stick with itself.

• no mass class consciousness is going to be achieved by it, let alone be solidarity for workers of noida and other protests that are still being held captive by the bourgeoisie authority.

• no revolutionary changes are going to be achieved by this protest other than fanning another anti-incumbency wave in bourgeoisie elections.

The sandstorm of masses of reaction is now close to an epilogue, some settled by a squall of state brutality some by a drizzle of disillusionment with their political identity, but everyone has experienced something astonishing for first time in their lives, still quite nothing compared to the masses of mass who gave up their lives before 'them' and 'they' cannot amount to anything that is yet to come in scarlet future that awaits.

Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as tragedy, the second time as farce. — Marx (Eighteenth Brumarie of Louis Bonaparte)

##Tragedy

Georgy Gapon was a russian orthodox priest and activist, a member of Tsar's own conter-revolutionary safety valve 'police' socialists meant to act and defuse proletarian anger whenever and wherever necessary, they were quite effective in making the backward masses and working classes of Russia submissive to Tsar and his sycophantic goons. It's direct opposition were marxists and social democratic workers groups.

Gapon had links to Social revolutionaries (SR) and due to this he had sort of double agent role in Russia. During days of the Russo-Japanese war Gapon suddenly became more influential and wealthy activist often attracting more poor working class and backward masses into his assembly.

>That Father Gapon is an agent-provocateur is a surmise that would seem to be borne out by the fact that he is a member and one of the ringleaders of the Zubatov society. Furthermore, the foreign newspapers, like our own correspondents, note the fact that the police deliberately allowed the strike movement to spread as widely and freely as possible, and that the government generally (and Grand Duke Vladimir in particular) wanted to provoke bloody reprisals under conditions most favourable to itself. —Lenin

In 1905, during the rise of Putilov Steel Work Gapon intervened tookover the huge protest of 8000 workers, he forced them to be submissive and constantly preached it's mass that Tsar was appointed by divine right and hence cannot be challenged doing so would be equal to sin. Later on, January 22, 1905 he organised a 'peaceful' march in St. Petersberg, consisting mostly of those workers. To his own surprise, the turnout reached 1,50,000 people — including men, women, children and the elderly — which was more than he could chew.

Nevertheless he led them infront of Tsar's Palace and personally presented a petition to Nicholas II

>"We, working men of St. Petersburg, our wives and children, and our parents... have come to you, O Tsar, in quest of justice and protection." > >"We have no strength left... The awful moment has come when death is better than the prolongation of our unendurable tortures." > > "Demolish the wall between yourself and the people, and let them govern the country in conjunction with yourself." > >"Point, Sire, to either of them [liberty or the tomb]; we will take it, even though it lead to death."

The Tsar's forces responded sooner by open firing and unleashing cavalry charge on unarmed crowd resulting in approximately 3000 deaths but official record only reported 333 deaths.

>The revolutionary intelligentsia and the class-conscious proletarians, who would have been the most likely to provide themselves with arms, were bound to keep aloof from the Zubatov movement, to give it a wide berth. The government thus had its hands free to play a winning game. The demonstration, so they reckoned, would be made up of the most peaceful, least organised, and most back ward workers; it would be child’s play for our soldiery to handle them, and the proletariat would be taught a whole some lesson; an excellent excuse would be furnished for shooting down anybody and everybody in the streets; at Court the victory of the reactionary (or Grand Ducal) party over the liberals would be complete; the harshest repressions would follow. —Lenin

###What happened to Gapon after the massacre?

Gapon fled with the help of his SR friend and later declared

>'There is no God anymore! There is no Tsar!"

He later escaped to west Europe to meet with other revolutionary opposition to Tsar, including Lenin. At that time Lenin excused his actions and thought that he wasn't a snitch.. which unfortunately would later proved true.

Later in same year he returned to Russia quietly and re-established contact with the Tsarist secret police while maintaining ties with the Socialist Revolutionaries (SR). His traitorous action would be soon discovered which would lead to his eventual assassination.

##Farce

>I have said that the present movement, i.e. the present struggle, is bound to end in some sort of compromise or complete failure. > >I said that, because in my opinion, this time the real revolutionary forces have not been invited into the arena. This is a struggle dependent upon the middle class shopkeepers and a few capitalists. Both these, and particularly the latter, can never dare to risk its property or possessions in any struggle. The real revolutionary armies are in the villages and in factories, the peasantry and the labourers. But our bourgeois leaders do not and cannot dare to tackle them. The sleeping lion once awakened from its slumber shall become irresistible even after the achievement of what our leaders aim at. — Bhagat Singh(to young political workers, 1931)

For anyone following current political trends, Marxist or not — what I am referring to needs no introduction. A lot has happened in past months since our far-sighted decision to stay away from the 'masses of reaction', who refuse to see beyond the selfish goal of a failed examination or recognize other tragedies that attribute to their problems, such as the role of the organized backwardness of the RSS in pulling back educational and overall progressive development of all social relations of this country.

It has been months into the said 'movement' but yet a majority of these people have not developed any sort consciousness regarding the bourgeois bureaucratic structure that stays behind even after they manage to remove one 'puppet', and hilariously not the 'master puppeteers' who will replace one with other and yay! Revolution will be achieved and go back home. For Marxists it's no surprise as we all know nature of the middle class and middle upper class background of most participants who only seek superficial changes, thrills of adventure and whether they seek anti-incumbency is also doubtful.

As of 22 July when I'm writing, the leadership of the 'masses of reaction' are already showing (not surprisingly) signs of compromise and are about to officially declare 'end of the revolution' any moment from now, revolution of peanuts I assume.

Then what after that?

###Wangchuk:

Certain liberals and role-playing 'socialist' cretins suffering from myopia and amnesia (and possibly bourgeoisie privileges) have already declared the current ringleader as their messiah and sometimes as 'second Bhagat Singh™', sometimes as 'pioneer in education reform' and sometimes as 'revolutionary™'; their short term memory loss also prevents them to see the the fact that their messiah is staunch supporter of the NEP 2020 which opened gateway for privatization of education making it less affordable for underprivileged working class students and those who were already suffering from the social stigma of caste based discrimination, needless to say also led to the introduction of communal, unscientific and caste hindu centric topics in educational curriculum.

###Dipke:

Another of their glorious ringleader on other hand is epitome of 'reaction', who has a history of reacting to 'reactions' perpetrated by thugs of mainstream television media that constantly sprays venom into the minds of their audiences against the largest minority of the nation; say be it fanning 'corona jihad' narrative which led to the persecution of muslim proletariats across the nation or say be it military oppression of Kashmiri Muslims all in the name of Nationalism, the nationalism that preserves essence of Manu, the nationalism that preserves essence of Savarkar and Hedgewar.

Perhaps this is the reason they refused to share their hands of solidarity for the demolition of Ali Jauhar University, Rampur or attack on Christian backed schools by agents of hindutva fascism.

And according to some liberals, leftists who share this position are 'traitor' for pointing out their facade and not standing behind the dubious leaders of 'masses of reaction', holy Kernskey!

I want to say this is such 'manchild' behaviour we as individual thinkers are not going to gain anything by constantly bickering and getting butthurt over this realisation on how role-playing left got played by the reactionaries only to be spat on face by them yesterday, all wasted efforts of cheerleading and helping them gain popularity at the expense of their own political identity only to get sidelined.

I feel sorry and amused by this comedic development of events, but contrary to all the mishap it is not the time to feel low by this (expected) betrayal.

##What is to be done now?

>Cast aside the youthful dreams of a revolution within ten years of Gandhi's utopian promises of Swaraj in One Year. It requires neither the emotion nor the death, but the life of constant struggle, suffering and sacrifice. Crush your individuality first. Shake off the dreams of personal comfort. Then start to work. Inch by inch you shall have to proceed. It needs courage, perseverance and very strong determination. No difficulties and no hardships shall discourage you. No failure and betrayals shall dishearten you. No travails (!) imposed upon you shall snuff out the revolutionary will in you. Through the ordeal of sufferings and sacrifice you shall come out victorious. And these individual victories shall be the valuable assets of the revolution. — Bhagat Singh

[Note: this is strictly for those who are non-communist by thought, although it won't amount to anything even if communists decide to take part in this bourgeois protest]

It was clearly evident in 20th July protest how fraudlent and coward the leaders of the CJP were. Not only did they hold secret meetings with ruling fascist government, their face of protest went in for 'peaceful concession' and their leadership went into efficient hiding as soon as they put forward inexperienced masses of students on the sacrificial altar of fascist brutality, results were devastating but it was a necessary lesson.

Most of the protestors despite hailing from different class identity can clearly see the ineffectiveness and lax leadership of CJP now, hence this explains why people in protest have distanced away from them and have now abandoned the ridiculousness of Gandhian cuckoldery, some of them have taken matters in their own hand now, every punch by fascist enforcers is now being greeted with 'newton's 3rd laws of motion'.

The movement has now indeed crossed the barrier of one reaction as soon as social democratic and liberal parties opened their own fronts within the movement alongside left parties, and extended the broader topic of solidarity to persecution of minorities and saffronisation of education system.

But it's also sad that left front that put their efforts in popularising this mass gathering are again getting sidelined by their liberal political allies.

>Now, insurrection is an art quite as much as war or any other, and subject to certain rules […] the short experience of 1848 had made the Germans pretty well acquainted with them. Firstly, never play with insurrection unless you are fully prepared to face the consequences of your play. Insurrection is a calculus with very indefinite magnitudes, the value of which may change every day; the forces opposed to you have all the advantage of organization, discipline, and habitual authority: unless you bring strong odds against them you are defeated and ruined. Secondly, the insurrectionary career once entered upon, act with the greatest determination, and on the offensive. The defensive is the death of every armed rising; […] in the words of Danton, […] de l’audace, de l’audace, encore de l’audace! [Audacity, audacity, and once more audacity!]” — Engels, Revolution and Counter-revolution in Germany

The movement will not result in anything significant for working class movement or mass class consciousness but it would be challenging for it to continue once the leadership of reactionary centrists declares it's end today or tomorrow.

Just don't let it happen I say, and pretty much everyone from socialist or non-socialist background knows this fact that if we all back away from it now the message will be delivered to broader masses comprising of proletariats that the political opposition to fascism is ineffective and weak and they cannot put their trust on anyone other than the regime itself.

For populist left front that is only way, they will not magically gain the centre leadership of the protest but it's good to stay away from gappons of our time.

###Conclusion:

• CJP leadership is opportunist and it cannot lead this mass movement, non leftists people should move away from it's leadership towards political fronts whichever suits them and left should stick with itself.

• no mass class consciousness is going to be achieved by it, let alone be solidarity for workers of noida and other protests that are still being held captive by the bourgeoisie authority.

• no revolutionary changes are going to be achieved by this protest other than fanning another anti-incumbency wave in bourgeoisie elections.