
u/Acceptable-Hat3706

Policy Tracker — Quick Digest (2026-09-25)
0 new executive order(s)/proclamation(s), 4 enacted/passed bill(s), 34 other major bill(s), 2 minor/routine bill(s). Full analysis in the full report above.
⚡ Enacted/Passed Bills
- H.R. 1276 [Became Law] (589d old) (introduced 2025-02-13) (Rep. Comer, James [R-KY-1]) — To remove restrictions from a parcel of land in Paducah, Kentucky.: This law removes 2012 federal deed restrictions from a small (3.62-acre) property in Paducah, Kentucky—a former Army Reserve Center site—giving the city more flexibility to use or transfer the land. However, it keeps some conditions: the city can only transfer the land to the Oscar Cross Boys & Girls Club of Paducah, and if that organization ever wants to sell it, they must first offer it back to the federal government for free. source
- H.R. 2069 [Became Law] (563d old) (introduced 2025-03-11) (Rep. Moore, Barry [R-AL-1]) — Stop Secret Spending Act of 2025: This new law requires federal agencies to publicly report spending done through 'other transaction agreements' (OTAs)—a type of contract that bypasses normal federal procurement rules and has been increasingly used by agencies like the Defense Department—on USAspending.gov, the government's public spending transparency website. Previously, this spending category wasn't tracked there, creating a growing blind spot in public oversight of federal money. source
- H.R. 2196 [Became Law] (556d old) (introduced 2025-03-18) (Rep. Hudson, Richard [R-NC-9]) — National Emergency Medical Services Memorial Extension Act: This law gives the National Emergency Medical Services Memorial Foundation more time—resetting a 7-year clock—to complete plans for a monument in Washington, DC honoring EMS workers. Congress originally approved the memorial concept in 2018, but establishing a monument (private fundraising, design approval, site selection) often takes longer than the standard authorization window allows, making this kind of extension routine. source
- H.R. 5334 [Became Law] (379d old) (introduced 2025-09-11) (Rep. Panetta, Jimmy [D-CA-19]) — Lindsey O. Graham Sanctioning Russia and Iran Act of 2026: This law, named after the late Senator Lindsey Graham, imposes sweeping economic sanctions on Russia to increase pressure over its war in Ukraine. It mandates sanctions on top Russian officials, major banks, and the energy sector, bans new U.S. investment in Russia, and—most significantly—imposes tariffs up to 100% on countries that continue buying large amounts of Russian oil and gas after the law takes effect, extending economic pressure to Russia's remaining trading partners. source
Major Bills
- H.R. 10012 [Referred to Committee] (57d old) (introduced 2026-07-30) (Veterans' Affairs Committee, Energy and Commerce Committee +1 more) (Rep. Williams, Roger [R-TX-25]) — Veterans Medicare Premium Transparency Act: This bill requires the annual Medicare handbook and Medicare.gov to clearly explain that veterans enrolled in VA health care are considered to have creditable prescription drug coverage and that their VA enrollment months count for Medicare purposes, preventing late enrollment penalties. Many veterans may not know that VA coverage satisfies Medicare's requirements, leading some to pay unnecessary lifetime premium penalties when they later enroll in Medicare Part B or D. source
- H.R. 10159 [Referred to Committee] (29d old) (introduced 2026-08-27) (Senate Armed Services Committee, House Armed Services Committee) (Rep. Hudson, Richard [R-NC-9]) — To authorize the Secretary of the Army to convey to the State of North Carolina a certain parcel of real property located at Fort Bragg, North Carolina, on which the State shall construct a veterans' State home, and for other purposes.: This bill authorizes the Army to transfer 20 acres of land on Fort Bragg to North Carolina so the state can build a veterans' nursing home or assisted living facility. North Carolina must pay all conveyance costs, and if the state doesn't use the land for a veterans' home, the federal government can take it back. source
- H.R. 10160 [Referred to Committee] (29d old) (introduced 2026-08-27) (Veterans' Affairs Committee) (Rep. Kean, Thomas H. [R-NJ-7]) — Vet CENTERS for Mental Health Act of 2026: This bill requires the VA to establish a minimum number of Vet Centers in each state, based on either geographic size (one center per 30,000 square miles) or veteran population (one per 55,000 veterans), whichever results in more centers. Vet Centers provide counseling and mental health services to veterans. source
- H.R. 10172 [Referred to Committee] (29d old) (introduced 2026-08-27) (Veterans' Affairs Committee) (Del. Norton, Eleanor Holmes [D-DC-At Large]) — To amend title 38, United States Code, to extend eligibility for survivors' and dependents' educational assistance to the dependent parent of a person who dies of a service-connected disability or has a total and permanent service-connected disability, and for other purposes.: This bill would extend VA educational benefits to the dependent parents of service members who die or become totally disabled due to service-connected causes. Currently, these benefits (known as Chapter 35) are available only to spouses and children. source
- H.R. 10184 [Reported by Committee] (25d old) (introduced 2026-08-31) (Financial Services Committee, Oversight and Government Reform Committee +2 more) (Rep. Barr, Andy [R-KY-6]) — Consumer Financial Protection Accountability and Reform Act of 2026: This sweeping bill would fundamentally restructure the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau by moving it to annual congressional appropriations, requiring the agency to define 'abusive' acts through rulemaking before enforcement (with a moratorium until complete), raising bank supervision thresholds from $10 billion to $50 billion in assets, mandating extensive cost-benefit analysis by OMB for new rules, creating a Senate-confirmed Inspector General, and imposing numerous procedural constraints on enforcement. It also creates safe harbors for small-dollar bank loans and limits civil penalties to recent examination periods. source
- H.R. 10204 [In Committee] (24d old) (introduced 2026-09-01) (Rep. Griffith, H. Morgan [R-VA-9]) — Legislative Branch Agencies Clarification Act: This bill restructures how the Librarian of Congress, the Director of the Government Publishing Office, and the Register of Copyrights are appointed and supervised. The Librarian and GPO Director would be chosen by a bipartisan congressional commission (currently appointed by the President with Senate approval), and could only be removed by a vote of House and Senate leaders. source
- H.R. 10212 [Referred to Committee] (24d old) (introduced 2026-09-01) (Veterans' Affairs Committee) (Rep. Mace, Nancy [R-SC-1]) — PEPTIDES for Veterans Act: This bill directs the VA to review federal regulations on peptides, study whether peptide-based therapies are safe and effective for veterans with conditions like chronic pain and PTSD, and if the study is positive, run a voluntary 5-year pilot program to test the therapies. The process would take several years: 180 days for the review, 18 months for the study, and up to 5 years for the pilot if it moves forward. source
- H.R. 10240 [Referred to Committee] (22d old) (introduced 2026-09-03) (Education and Workforce Committee, Oversight and Government Reform Committee +4 more) (Rep. McClellan, Jennifer L. [D-VA-4]) — Behavioral Health Crisis Services Expansion Act of 2026: This bill requires all major insurance programs (Medicare, Medicaid, private insurance, TRICARE, VA, federal employee plans) to cover immediate mental health and substance use crisis services, including mobile crisis teams, crisis stabilization facilities, and mental health urgent care. Crisis facilities would provide short-term observation and stabilization (average stay under 150 hours) and must accept anyone in crisis regardless of ability to pay. source
- H.R. 10260 [Referred to Committee] (22d old) (introduced 2026-09-03) (Armed Services Committee, Veterans' Affairs Committee) (Rep. Finstad, Brad [R-MN-1]) — Reducing Arbitrary Barriers to Apprenticeship Act of 2026: This bill increases GI Bill housing benefits for veterans in apprenticeships and on-the-job training by paying 100% of the housing allowance for the entire program instead of declining to 80%, then 60%, then 40% over two years. It also waives the 120-hour monthly work requirement for construction apprenticeships, recognizing that weather and project cycles make hours variable. source
- H.R. 10280 [Referred to Committee] (22d old) (introduced 2026-09-03) (Education and Workforce Committee, Oversight and Government Reform Committee +4 more) (Rep. Matsui, Doris O. [D-CA-7]) — 9-8-8 Implementation Act of 2026: This is a comprehensive bill to build out America's 988 Suicide and Crisis Lifeline system, authorizing over $1.5 billion for crisis call centers, mobile crisis teams, and stabilization facilities, plus workforce training funding and a national suicide prevention media campaign. It also mandates that Medicare, Medicaid, and private insurance cover crisis response services, removes a Medicaid funding barrier (the 'IMD exclusion') that has blocked payment for certain mental health facilities, and creates a federal panel to improve coordination between 911 and 988 systems so mental health crisis calls get appropriate responses instead of automatic police dispatch. source
- H.R. 10305 [Reported by Committee] (17d old) (introduced 2026-09-08) (Transportation and Infrastructure Committee) (Rep. Perry, Scott [R-PA-10]) — Strengthening Oversight in Public Buildings Act: This bill improves government oversight of federal buildings by requiring agencies to share utilization data with the Government Accountability Office (GAO) and a building reform board, and by requiring a public list of which agencies can lease office space independently outside the normal process. It also lets the General Services Administration temporarily keep a building longer than planned if it's needed as temporary ('swing') space during other building sales or renovations, as long as the cost doesn't exceed savings generated elsewhere. source
- H.R. 10326 [Referred to Committee] (15d old) (introduced 2026-09-10) (Senate Judiciary Committee, House Judiciary Committee) (Rep. Van Drew, Jefferson [R-NJ-2]) — PROOF Act (Preventing Rip-offs and Obtaining Oversight of Funds Act): This bill requires state agencies to share data with the Department of Justice when investigating fraud in federal programs like Medicaid, SNAP, unemployment benefits, and pandemic relief funds (PPP-adjacent programs, rental assistance, school relief grants, and more). It's designed to help federal investigators catch fraud that's been hard to detect due to disconnected state and federal data systems—a documented problem especially with pandemic-era spending. source
- H.R. 10334 [Reported by Committee] (15d old) (introduced 2026-09-10) (Rep. Estes, Ron [R-KS-4]) — EFIN Verification Act of 2026: This bill requires the IRS to build a real-time system that checks whether a tax preparer's electronic filing ID (EFIN) is valid and authorized before any tax return can be e-filed. This prevents fraud where stolen or suspended EFINs are used to file fake returns and claim refunds. source
- H.R. 10356 [Reported by Committee] (11d old) (introduced 2026-09-14) (Ways and Means Committee, Energy and Commerce Committee) (Rep. Fischbach, Michelle [R-MN-7]) — Empowering Moms Act: This bill directs HHS to build a comprehensive, searchable website (moms.gov) where pregnant women, new mothers, and parents of young children can find local support resources — health care, financial assistance, childcare, mental health services, and more — by ZIP code, with grants to help states build similar local systems. However, the bill excludes any organization that provides abortion services (except in cases of rape, incest, or life-threatening conditions) from being listed as a resource or receiving grant funding, even if that organization also provides many other services covered by the directory. source
- H.R. 10357 [Reported by Committee] (11d old) (introduced 2026-09-14) (Rep. Smith, Jason [R-MO-8]) — Digital Asset Tax Certainty Act: This bill overhauls how federal taxes treat cryptocurrency and other digital assets, addressing widely-criticized problems like having to calculate capital gains taxes on tiny transaction fees. It creates simplified accounting options for actively traded crypto, clarifies that stablecoins pegged to the dollar generally don't trigger taxable gains/losses in routine transactions, extends tax-free securities-lending treatment to crypto, and applies existing tax-avoidance prevention rules (like the wash sale rule that stops people from claiming a loss while immediately buying back the same asset) to digital assets for the first time. source
- H.R. 10371 [Reported by Committee] (11d old) (introduced 2026-09-14) (Small Business Committee) (Rep. McIver, LaMonica [D-NJ-10]) — Ensuring SBA Implementation of GAO Recommendations Act of 2026: This bill requires the Small Business Administration's veterans business office to fix its compliance with an existing 1999 law requirement to report certain information, after a government watchdog (GAO) found SBA wasn't following that requirement. SBA has 60 days to develop policies ensuring compliance. source
- H.R. 1266 [In Committee] (590d old) (introduced 2025-02-12) (Rep. Panetta, Jimmy [D-CA-19]) — Combating Illicit Xylazine Act: This bill adds xylazine (an animal sedative known as 'tranq' that's increasingly mixed into the illicit fentanyl supply, worsening overdose risk) to Schedule III of federal drug law, making illegal manufacturing or distribution a federal crime while protecting legitimate veterinary use. Veterinarians, pharmacies filling vet prescriptions, and animal-control programs are exempted from new registration requirements. source
- H.R. 2004 [In Committee] (564d old) (introduced 2025-03-10) (Rep. Lieu, Ted [D-CA-36]) — Tyler's Law: This bill, named after a person who apparently died from a fentanyl overdose, requires HHS to study how often hospital emergency rooms actually test for fentanyl specifically when treating overdose patients (versus testing for older, more common drugs), including the costs, benefits, and privacy implications of such testing. Based on that study, HHS must then issue guidance on whether hospitals should make fentanyl testing routine practice. source
- H.R. 2140 [In Committee] (560d old) (introduced 2025-03-14) (Rep. Matsui, Doris O. [D-CA-7]) — Diesel Emissions Reduction Act of 2025: This bill extends the authorization for the Diesel Emissions Reduction Act (DERA) program through 2029. DERA provides EPA grants, rebates, and loans to help replace or upgrade older diesel engines—like school buses, trucks, and construction equipment—with cleaner technology, reducing harmful pollution. source
- H.R. 2317 [Referred to Committee] (549d old) (introduced 2025-03-25) (Energy and Natural Resources Committee, Agriculture Committee +1 more) (Rep. Amodei, Mark E. [R-NV-2]) — Northern Nevada Economic Development and Conservation Act of 2026: This is a large package bill affecting federal land across northern Nevada, transferring thousands of acres from federal ownership to the state, several counties, and cities for purposes like economic development, flood control, recreation, and fire prevention. In exchange for this development-oriented land transfer, the bill also designates about 12,392 acres as new protected wilderness and transfers roughly 2,600 acres into trust for the Washoe Tribe of Nevada and California. source
- H.R. 2406 [Referred to Committee] (547d old) (introduced 2025-03-27) (Commerce, Science, and Transportation Committee, Natural Resources Committee) (Rep. Bonamici, Suzanne [D-OR-1]) — National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration Sexual Harassment and Assault Prevention Improvements Act of 2025: This bill strengthens protections against sexual harassment and assault for NOAA personnel, especially fisheries observers who often work alone on private commercial fishing vessels at sea. It removes a legal requirement that such conduct be 'forcible' to be considered unlawful, broadening what counts as a violation. source
- H.R. 2978 [In Committee] (522d old) (introduced 2025-04-21) (Rep. Nunn, Zachary [R-IA-3]) — GUARD Act (Guarding Unprotected Aging Retirees from Deception Act of 2026): This bill lets state, local, and tribal police use existing federal grant money to investigate elder financial fraud and cryptocurrency scams like 'pig butchering' (where victims are gradually lured into fake crypto investments). It allows agencies to hire fraud investigators, get specialized training on blockchain tracing tools, and designate liaisons with banks to share fraud information faster. source
- H.R. 309 [In Committee] (624d old) (introduced 2025-01-09) (Rep. Nehls, Troy E. [R-TX-22]) — National Law Enforcement Officers Remembrance, Support, and Community Outreach Act: This bill authorizes $6 million per year for 7 years in federal grants to support the National Law Enforcement Museum's programs honoring officers who died in the line of duty, educating the public about law enforcement history, and addressing officer safety and wellness. In exchange for the funding, the museum must offer free admission to active/retired officers and fallen officers' families, plus weekly free admission for the public, and submit to annual federal financial audits. source
- H.R. 3276 [Referred to Committee] (505d old) (introduced 2025-05-08) (Environment and Public Works Committee, Natural Resources Committee) (Rep. Dingell, Debbie [D-MI-6]) — Local Communities & Bird Habitat Stewardship Act of 2026: This bill formally establishes in law the Urban Bird Treaty Program, which the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service already runs to help cities protect birds and their habitats—things like reducing window-collision hazards, controlling invasive species, and engaging communities in bird conservation and education. It creates a competitive grant program for cities, tribes, nonprofits, and universities to do this work, ensuring grants are fairly distributed across small, medium, and large cities. source
- H.R. 3657 [In Committee] (484d old) (introduced 2025-05-29) (Rep. Schrier, Kim [D-WA-8]) — Hydropower Licensing Transparency Act: This bill (now awaiting the President's signature after passing both chambers) requires FERC to report to Congress every year on the status of pending hydropower dam licensing and relicensing applications that have been in process for at least 3 years. The report must include details like docket numbers, expected decision dates, upcoming meetings, and what actions are still needed from everyone involved—the utility company, FERC, tribes, and other agencies. source
- H.R. 3925 [Referred to Committee] (471d old) (introduced 2025-06-11) (Indian Affairs Committee, Natural Resources Committee) (Rep. Obernolte, Jay [R-CA-23]) — Yuhaaviatam of San Manuel Nation Land Exchange Act: This bill authorizes a land swap between the San Manuel Band of Mission Indians and the U.S. Forest Service in Southern California, exchanging roughly 1,460 acres of tribal land for about 1,475 acres of National Forest land near San Bernardino. As part of the deal, the tribe must agree to preserve the historic Arrowhead Landmark, a well-known natural feature in the San Bernardino Mountains. source
- H.R. 4093 [Reported by Committee] (458d old) (introduced 2025-06-24) (Ways and Means Committee, Energy and Commerce Committee) (Rep. Bean, Aaron [R-FL-4]) — Apples to Apples Comparison Act of 2025: This bill requires Medicare officials to publish much more detailed spending data broken down by county, enrollment type (traditional Medicare vs. Medicare Advantage), and dozens of other categories, and requires the independent Medicare Payment Advisory Commission (MedPAC) to annually compare spending between Medicare Advantage and traditional Medicare beneficiaries. However, the bill specifically instructs MedPAC not to adjust its comparison for the fact that healthier people tend to enroll in Medicare Advantage plans—a factor that MedPAC's own past research has found significantly affects cost comparisons. source
- H.R. 4219 [Referred to Committee] (455d old) (introduced 2025-06-27) (Environment and Public Works Committee, Natural Resources Committee) (Rep. Case, Ed [D-HI-1]) — National Wildlife Refuge System Invasive Species Strike Team Act of 2025: This bill creates dedicated 'strike teams' within each region of the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service to quickly detect and respond to invasive species threatening national wildlife refuges, before those species become established and much harder (and more expensive) to control. Teams can only work on nearby non-federal land if the landowner requests it, protecting property rights. source
- H.R. 4467 [In Committee] (436d old) (introduced 2025-07-16) (Rep. Thompson, Bennie G. [D-MS-2]) — Vicksburg National Military Park Boundary Modification Act: This law transfers about 7 acres within Vicksburg National Military Park in Mississippi to the state government, without charge, so Mississippi can build a visitor interpretive center. The land must be used to support public access and the park's educational mission, and the federal government retains authority to restrict its use if needed to protect the park's resources or visitor experience. source
- H.R. 4931 [In Committee] (413d old) (introduced 2025-08-08) (Rep. Murphy, Gregory F. [R-NC-3]) — National Park System Long-Term Lease Investment Act: This bill lets the National Park Service extend existing leases for park concessions and facilities (like lodges or restaurants) without requiring a new competitive bidding process, but only for lessees who have held their lease at least 5 years and have a clean compliance record, and only for one extension—any further extension after that still requires competitive bidding. This aims to give reliable, long-term park operators more certainty to invest in facility improvements without fear of losing their lease to a competing bid, while maintaining a legal cap ensuring leases eventually return to competitive bidding and don't exceed maximum length limits. source
- H.R. 5063 [Referred to Committee] (392d old) (introduced 2025-08-29) (Energy and Natural Resources Committee, Natural Resources Committee) (Rep. Kiggans, Jennifer A. [R-VA-2]) — Safe Beaches, Safe Swimmers Act: This bill lets the Interior Department partner with local governments to provide lifeguards at federal beaches and swim areas (in national parks, wildlife refuges, and other federal lands) when there's a genuine staffing shortage of federal lifeguards—not just routine sick days or vacations, but sustained gaps that would leave a beach unmonitored. The federal government must fully reimburse local governments for providing this coverage. source
- H.R. 5109 [Referred to Committee] (387d old) (introduced 2025-09-03) (Rep. Carter, Troy A. [D-LA-2]) — Transportation Worker Identification Credential Efficiency Act (TWICE Act): This bill requires the Transportation Security Administration to develop guidelines helping people leaving prison get the security credential (TWIC card) needed for jobs at ports and on ships. It would let incarcerated individuals start their TWIC application process before release and get help navigating the appeals process if initially denied due to their criminal record. source
- H.R. 5182 [Referred to Committee] (382d old) (introduced 2025-09-08) (Senate Judiciary Committee, House Judiciary Committee) (Rep. Goldman, Daniel S. [D-NY-10]) — To make improvements in the enactment of title 54, United States Code, into a positive law title and to correct related technical errors.: This bill fixes typos, citation errors, and other technical mistakes in Title 54 of the U.S. Code, which contains the laws governing the National Park Service and historic preservation programs. It restores a few provisions that were accidentally deleted when Title 54 was first organized into official law in 2014, and repeals a handful of very old, now-redundant statutes that Title 54 already replaced. source
- H.R. 5345 [In Committee] (375d old) (introduced 2025-09-15) (Rep. Kustoff, David [R-TN-8]) — Improving Social Security's Service to Victims of Identity Theft Act: This bill requires the Social Security Administration to give every identity theft victim (someone whose Social Security number was misused for fraud, or whose card was lost in the mail) a single point of contact—a dedicated, specially trained SSA staff team responsible for their case from start to finish, coordinating across different SSA departments to resolve the problem. This replaces what has often been a frustrating, fragmented process for victims. source
Minor/Routine Bills
- H.R. 10213 (Rep. Miller, Max L. [R-OH-7]) — Names the VA outpatient clinic at 6374 Alder Lane in Medina, Ohio, after Leland John Codding. Routine commemorative bill. source
- H.R. 10306 (Rep. Posey, Bill [R-FL-8]) — Renames the post office at 120 4th Avenue in Indialantic, Florida, in honor of Harry T. and Harriette V. Moore. Routine commemorative bill. source
Medical Facilities Impacted by the One Big Beautiful Bill Act
I have researched the nationwide health facility closures and state-level impacts following the passage of the One Big Beautiful Bill Act (OBBBA) in July 2025.
I compiled all the collected facility names, regional aggregates, state trigger law details, operational statuses, and affected bed/job count.
Key Findings Across the Compiled Mapping Dataset
- Nationwide At-Risk Hospital List (Public Citizen / NASHP Cost Tool Analysis): Identified 446 hospitals nationwide operating on negative profit margins that rely heavily on Medicaid revenue. More than 1 in 4 hospitals in Connecticut, California, New York, Massachusetts, and Washington are at heightened risk of closure or major service reductions.
- Congressional Monthly Tracking (Wyden-Pallone Reports): Over 254 hospitals and health clinics across 42 states have closed, cut specialty departments, or laid off staff since July 2025.
- Specific Rural Facility Closures & At-Risk Hospitals:
- Maine: Calais Community Hospital (Calais), Cary Medical Center (Caribou), Northern Light Maine Coast Hospital (Ellsworth), and Northern Light AR Gould Hospital / Aroostook Medical Center (Presque Isle).
- Kentucky: 35 rural hospitals facing severe funding shortfalls due to cuts in state-directed Medicaid payments.
- Ohio: 11 rural hospitals at risk of closure due to state statutory trigger laws terminating Medicaid expansion.
- State Statutory Trigger Laws & Coverage Rollbacks: States including Idaho, Ohio, Utah, and South Dakota have enacted or updated statutory trigger laws that automatically scale back Medicaid expansion coverage, reduce provider payment rates, or eliminate optional benefits when federal matching funds decrease below 90%.
American Ideas https://americanideas.start.page
[Effortpost] Comparative Analysis of Ranked-Choice Voting Architectures & The "Center-Squeeze" Phenomenon: Why Hare/IRV Fails the Median Voter and How Bottom-Two-Runoff (BTR) Fixes It
Executive Summary & Introduction
Ranked-Choice Voting (RCV) is frequently promoted as a panacea for American political polarization, designed to end vote-splitting, eliminate the "spoiler effect," and ensure majoritarian outcomes [1, 2]. However, social choice theorists, voting scientists, and public choice economists have long pointed out that the standard form of RCV deployed across the United States—technically known as Hare Instant-Runoff Voting (IRV)—possesses a major structural vulnerability: the Center-Squeeze Phenomenon [3, 4, 5].
Under standard IRV, a broadly acceptable consensus candidate who would defeat every opponent in head-to-head match-ups (the Condorcet Winner) can be eliminated in early rounds simply because they lack a concentrated base of first-preference votes [3, 6, 7]. This dynamic squeezes moderate candidates between ideologically intense wings, sometimes rewarding extreme candidates and triggering public pushback [5, 8].
This analysis breaks down the mathematical mechanics of the center squeeze, examines real-world case studies like the 2009 Burlington Mayoral Election and the 2022 Alaska Special Congressional Election, and compares IRV against superior alternative architectures like Bottom-Two-Runoff (BTR-RCV) and Condorcet-Hare Hybrids [3, 7, 9].
1. The Mechanics of the Center-Squeeze Pathology
To understand why standard RCV can fail the median voter, one must examine its exact elimination criterion:
\text{Elimination Rule (Standard Hare IRV): } \text{Eliminate the candidate with the fewest } \mathbf{1\text{st-preference}} \text{ votes.}
The Blind Spot of Hare IRV
In each round of tabulation, standard IRV evaluates only first-choice preferences [3, 7]. It completely ignores second-, third-, and lower-preference rankings during the elimination decision [3, 7].
Imagine a polarized electorate divided into Left (L), Center (C), and Right (R):
- L voters rank: L > C > R
- R voters rank: R > C > L
- C voters rank: C > \text{either } L \text{ or } R
​
[Left Wing (L)] <======== [Center (C)] ========> [Right Wing (R)]
Passionate Base Broad Consensus Passionate Base
High #1 Votes High #2 Votes High #1 Votes
In this scenario, candidate C is the median voter's preference and the Condorcet Winner—a strict majority of L voters prefer C over R, and a strict majority of R voters prefer C over L [3, 6, 8]. However, because L and R voters cast their first-choice votes for their respective ideological wings, candidate C receives the lowest total of first-preference votes in Round 1 [3, 8].
Under Hare IRV rules, candidate C is eliminated first [3, 7]. Their votes are redistributed, and the election concludes as a forced choice between the two outer extremes [3, 5, 8]. This creates a centrifugal ("center-fleeing") dynamic that penalizes consensus-building candidates [5, 8].
2. Empirical Evidence: Case Studies in IRV Center-Squeeze
While social choice flaws are often dismissed as theoretical curiosities, Cast Vote Record (CVR) data confirms that center-squeeze failures have altered major American elections [3, 6, 10].
Case Study A: The 2009 Burlington, Vermont Mayoral Election
The 2009 Burlington mayoral election remains the classic textbook example of IRV center-squeeze [3, 7, 10]:
- The Candidates: Kurt Wright (Republican), Bob Kiss (Progressive), and Andy Montroll (Democrat/Centrist) [3, 7].
- Round 1 First-Preferences:
- Kurt Wright (R): 3,297 votes (32.9%)
- Bob Kiss (Prog): 2,981 votes (28.8%)
- Andy Montroll (D): 2,063 votes (23.0%) [3, 7]
Because Montroll had the fewest top-choice votes (2,063), standard IRV eliminated him in the semi-final round [3, 7]. Bob Kiss went on to defeat Kurt Wright in the final round (4,313 to 4,061) [3, 7].
The Pairwise Matrix (What Voters Actually Preferred):
When researchers analyzed the full ballot images, they discovered that Andy Montroll was the undisputed Condorcet Winner [3, 7, 10]:
- Montroll vs. Kiss: Montroll won 4,064 to 3,476 (+588 margin / 54% majority) [3, 7]
- Montroll vs. Wright: Montroll won 4,597 to 3,664 (+933 margin / 56% majority) [3, 7]
Montroll was preferred head-to-head over every candidate in the race by clear majorities [3, 7]. Yet IRV knocked him out first among the top three [3, 7]. Discontent over this non-majoritarian result led Burlington voters to repeal IRV in 2010 [3, 7, 11] (though the city re-adopted RCV in 2021) [12].
Case Study B: The August 2022 Alaska Special U.S. House Election
A similar dynamic unfolded in Alaska's top-four RCV special election [6, 8, 13]:
- The Candidates: Mary Peltola (Democrat), Sarah Palin (Republican), and Nick Begich III (Conservative/Centrist) [6, 13].
- Round 1 First-Preferences:
- Mary Peltola (D): 75,799 votes (39.7%)
- Sarah Palin (R): 58,974 votes (30.9%)
- Nick Begich III (R): 53,810 votes (27.8%) [6, 13]
Begich was squeezed into 3rd place in first-choice votes and eliminated [6, 13]. Peltola defeated Palin in the final round with 51.5% of active votes [6, 13].
However, Cast Vote Record analysis proved Nick Begich was the true Condorcet Winner [6, 13]:
- Begich vs. Peltola: Begich won 52.5% to 47.5% [6, 13]
- Begich vs. Palin: Begich won 61.4% to 38.6% [6, 13]
Begich was preferred by a majority of Alaskans over both Peltola and Palin, but IRV's first-choice elimination rule discarded him in Round 1 [6, 13].
3. The Fix: Bottom-Two-Runoff (BTR-RCV) & Condorcet Hybrids
Social choice scholars have designed several alternative tabulations that maintain the simple ranked ballot while completely eliminating the center-squeeze flaw [3, 7, 9].
What is Bottom-Two-Runoff (BTR-RCV)?
Conceived by Rob LeGrand and formalized by election scholars, Bottom-Two-Runoff (BTR-RCV) modifies the elimination step [3, 7, 14]:
\text{Elimination Rule (BTR-RCV): } \text{Identify the } \mathbf{\text{two candidates}} \text{ with the lowest 1st-choice votes, run a } \mathbf{\text{head-to-head runoff}} \text{ between them, and eliminate the pairwise loser.}
Standard Hare IRV Bottom-Two-Runoff (BTR-RCV)
----------------------- ----------------------------------
Identify candidate with Identify TWO candidates with
fewest 1st-choice votes. fewest 1st-choice votes.
│ │
▼ ▼
AUTOMATICALLY ELIMINATE. Run head-to-head pairwise runoff
between the bottom two.
│
▼
ELIMINATE THE PAIRWISE LOSER.
Why BTR-RCV Guarantees Condorcet Consistency
A Condorcet Winner by definition defeats every candidate in a direct head-to-head match-up [3, 6, 7]. Under BTR-RCV rules:
- Even if the Condorcet Winner receives low initial first-preference support and falls into the bottom two, they face the other bottom candidate in a pairwise runoff [3, 7].
- Because they are the pairwise champion, they are guaranteed to win that head-to-head runoff [3, 7].
- Therefore, a Condorcet Winner can never be eliminated under BTR-RCV [3, 7].
Re-Running Burlington 2009 Under BTR-RCV Rules
If Burlington had used BTR-RCV in 2009:
- In the semi-final round, Montroll (2,063 #1 votes) and Kiss (2,981 #1 votes) would form the bottom two [3, 7].
- BTR-RCV executes a virtual head-to-head runoff between Montroll and Kiss [3, 7].
- Because 4,064 voters preferred Montroll over Kiss (vs. 3,476 for Kiss), Kiss loses the runoff and is eliminated [3, 7].
- Transferred votes flow to Montroll, allowing Montroll to advance to the final round and defeat Kurt Wright (4,597 to 3,664) [3, 7].
Result: The true majority choice (Montroll) wins [3, 7].
4. Systematic Comparison of Voting Architectures
The table below summarizes how standard IRV compares against BTR-RCV, advanced Condorcet-Hare hybrids, and cardinal voting systems across major social choice and administrative criteria [3, 7, 9, 15]:
| System Architecture | Condorcet Consistent? | Immune to Center Squeeze? | Monotonicity Preserved? | Precinct Summable? | Strategy Resistance | Computational Complexity |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Plurality (FPTP) | ❌ No [15] | ❌ No (Severe spoilers) [15] | ✅ Yes [15] | ✅ Yes (O(1)) [15] | ❌ Extremely Low [15] | O(m \cdot n) [15] |
| Standard Hare IRV | ❌ No [3, 6] | ❌ No (High vulnerability) [3, 5] | ❌ No [3, 10] | ❌ No (Requires Central CVR) [3, 7] | ✅ High [9, 10] | O(m \cdot n) [16] |
| Bottom-Two-Runoff (BTR-RCV) | ✅ Yes [3, 7] | ✅ Fully Immune [3, 7] | ❌ No [3, 7] | ✅ Yes (N \times N Matrix) [3, 7] | ✅ High [9, 10] | O(m \cdot n) [16] |
| Benham Method / Smith-IRV | ✅ Yes [9] | ✅ Fully Immune [9] | ❌ No [9] | ✅ Yes (N \times N Matrix) [3, 7] | ✅ Very High [9] | O(m^2 \cdot n) [16] |
| Ranked Pairs / Schulze | ✅ Yes [7, 15] | ✅ Fully Immune [5, 7] | ✅ Yes [15] | ✅ Yes (N \times N Matrix) [3, 7] | ⚠️ Moderate (Burying risk) [9] | O(m^3) [16] |
| Approval / STAR Voting | ⚠️ Partial [17] | ✅ High [17] | ✅ Yes [17] | ✅ Yes [17] | ⚠️ Moderate [17] | O(m \cdot n) [17] |
5. Administrative & Policy Takeaways for Reformers
Beyond mathematical fairness, alternative RCV architectures solve critical operational problems that currently plague election administrators [2, 3, 18]:
- Restoring Precinct Summability & Auditability:
- The Problem with IRV: Standard Hare IRV lacks precinct summability [3, 7]. Because elimination order depends on global vote counts across all rounds, individual precincts cannot publish final subtotals [3, 7]. All raw Cast Vote Records (CVRs) must be transmitted to a central hub, creating centralization delays and software configuration risks (such as the 2022 Oakland school board tabulation error) [3, 7, 19, 20].
- The BTR/Condorcet Advantage: BTR-RCV and Condorcet hybrids restore precinct-level N \times N preference matrices [3, 7]. Precincts can tally and publish pairwise subtotals locally on election night, which central authorities simply add together [3, 7].
- Empirical Performance in Practice (Deshpande et al. 2025/2026 Research):
- Large-scale computational analysis across 110 real-world RCV elections (including NYC 2021, Alaska 2024, and Portland 2024) reveals that RCV significantly increases electoral competitiveness, dropping victory margins by 9.2 to 11.4 percentage points compared to plurality elections [16].
- The study proved that ballot exhaustion alters outcomes in less than 3% of races, confirming that preference transfers function robustly in practice despite incomplete voter rankings [16].
Conclusion: The Path Forward
Standard Hare IRV is a meaningful upgrade over First-Past-The-Post, but its elimination mechanics make it vulnerable to center-squeeze pathologies that penalize consensus candidates and alienate voters [3, 5, 7].
For election reformers and policymakers, Bottom-Two-Runoff (BTR-RCV) offers the ideal "drop-in" upgrade:
- It uses the exact same ranked ballot that voters already understand [3, 7].
- It maintains the intuitive round-by-round elimination structure [3, 7].
- It mathematically guarantees that the Condorcet Winner always wins [3, 7].
- It restores precinct-level transparency and auditability [3, 7].
References & Academic Bibliography
- [1] Bipartisan Policy Center, "Reform Meets Reality: How Ranked Choice Voting Impacts Election Administration," BPC Report (2024).
- [2] Clear Ballot, "Defining Ranked Choice Voting for Voters and Election Officials," Clear Ballot White Paper (2023).
- [3] Robert Bristow-Johnson, "The Failure of Instant Runoff Voting to Accomplish the Very Purpose for Which It Was Adopted: An Object Lesson in Burlington Vermont," Constitutional Political Economy, Vol. 34, No. 3, pp. 378–389 (2023). [https://doi.org/10.1007/s10602-023-09393-1\]
- [4] Samuel Merrill, "A Comparison of Efficiency of Multicandidate Electoral Systems," American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 28, No. 1, pp. 23–48 (1984).
- [5] Wikipedia, "Center Squeeze," Wikipedia Social Choice Archive. [https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Center\_squeeze\]
- [6] Adam Graham-Squire & David McCune, "A Mathematical Analysis of the 2022 Alaska Special Election for US House," arXiv preprint (arXiv:2209.04764v3, 2022).
- [7] Author Anonymous, "Comparative Analysis of Bottom-Two-Runoff Ranked-Choice Voting and Social Choice Architectures," Markdown Monograph (2025).
- [8] Nathan Atkinson & Scott C. Ganz, "The Flaw in Ranked-Choice Voting: Rewarding Extremists," The Hill (Oct. 30, 2022).
- [9] James Green-Armytage, "Four Condorcet-Hare Hybrid Methods for Single-Winner Elections," Voting Matters, Issue 29, pp. 1–14 (2011).
- [10] Adam Graham-Squire & David McCune, "An Examination of Ranked Choice Voting in the United States, 2004–2022," Representation, Vol. 59, pp. 1–19 (2023). [arXiv:2301.12075v2]
- [11] Courtney Lamdin, "Can Once-Maligned Ranked-Choice Voting Make a Comeback in Burlington?" Seven Days Vermont (Feb. 24, 2021).
- [12] Ballotpedia, "Burlington, Vermont, Question 4, Ranked-Choice Voting Amendment (March 2021)," Ballotpedia Guide.
- [13] Jeanne N. Clelland, "Ranked Choice Voting And Condorcet Failure in the Alaska 2022 Special Election: How Might Other Voting Systems Compare?" arXiv preprint (arXiv:2303.00108, 2023).
- [14] Rob LeGrand, "Bottom-Two-Runoff IRV Definition and Mechanics," Electowiki / Social Choice Archive (2006).
- [15] Comprehensive Taxonomy, "Comprehensive Taxonomy and Comparative Analysis of RCV Systemic Variations," Social Choice Technical Report (2025).
- [16] Sanyukta Deshpande, Nikhil Garg, & Sheldon Jacobson, "Simpler Than You Think: The Practical Dynamics of Ranked Choice Voting," arXiv preprint (arXiv:2407.13661 / 2025/2026 Update).
- [17] Aaron Hamlin, "The Limits of Ranked-Choice Voting," Center for Election Science (2018/2026).
- [18] MIT Election Lab, "Ranked Choice Voting: Instant Runoff Voting Use in the United States," MIT Research Explainer.
- [19] David McCune & Ismar Volić, "Ranked Choice Bedlam in a 2022 Oakland School Director Election," NSF PAR / arXiv preprint (arXiv:2303.05985v1, 2023).
- [20] Fredric D. Woocher & Beverly Grossman Palmer, "Woocher v. Alameda County Registrar of Voters," Superior Court of California Court Filings (2023).
Unexpected common-sense tools for strengthening, stabilizing, and saving American free enterprise
The true genius of the American economic experiment has never been unbridled, rules-free laissez-faire, but rather the understanding that a free market is most productive when it is guided by clear "rules of the road" that keep competition fair, open, and honest. As we navigate modern fiscal and social strains, there is a growing, mistaken assumption that enacting structural reforms like universal single-payer healthcare and progressive corporate tax reform represents an abandonment of free-market capitalism. In reality, the exact opposite is true. These two policies are not vehicles for replacing the market; they are the ultimate, common-sense tools for strengthening, stabilizing, and saving American free enterprise from its own worst distortions and inefficiencies. By stripping away crushing administrative overhead, unlocking the locked potential of the American workforce, and requiring the largest corporate beneficiaries of public investments to contribute their fair share, we can rebuild a highly competitive, dynamic, and resilient economy from the ground up.
To see how universal healthcare saves free enterprise, one must first look at the devastating, non-productive tax that the current multi-payer system inflicts on American businesses. By 2024, the United States devoted a staggering 18% of its GDP to health-related expenditures—double the average of other developed nations—yet it consistently lagged behind its peers in clinical outcomes and equity. This is not a failure of private medical talent, but of a hyper-fragmented, for-profit insurance bureaucracy. While administrative overhead is just 2.2% for public Medicare, it reaches as high as 12.4% in the private commercial insurance sector. The resulting billing and insurance-related waste acts as a massive anchor on private enterprise. American physician practices currently spend an average of $82,975 per doctor every single year merely interacting with private insurers, compared to just $22,205 under Canada’s centralized single-payer system. Transitioning to a single-payer model would eliminate this redundant administrative friction, yielding $284 billion in annual system-wide savings and completely erasing the $35 billion in bad debt that hospitals currently absorb each year. For private employers, removing the burden of negotiating, purchasing, and administering complex private insurance plans represents an unprecedented reduction in corporate overhead.
Beyond slashing corporate overhead, universal healthcare is a powerful catalyst for labor market dynamism and entrepreneurship. Under the status quo, the close linkage between health insurance and employment creates a severe market inefficiency known as "job lock," wherein workers remain in positions for which they are overqualified or poorly matched simply because they cannot risk losing their family's health coverage. This artificial barrier is estimated to reduce annual labor turnover among prime-age workers by 15% to 25%, choking off the natural flow of talent. By decoupling healthcare from employment, a single-payer system completely eliminates job lock, allowing workers to confidently seek out positions that maximize their skills, drive corporate innovation, and boost national productivity. Furthermore, because the high start-up cost of private health benefits is a premier deterrent to self-employment, guaranteeing universal, publicly financed healthcare dramatically lowers the barrier to entry for new small businesses, driving a massive surge in American entrepreneurship and competitive market vitality.
This economic liberation extends directly to the American worker's paycheck. Under our current system, the rising cost of private premiums has acted as a silent siphon on middle-class earnings, with the share of employee compensation consumed by healthcare premiums rising from 1.1% in 1960 to 8.4% by 2018. Macroeconomic modeling by the Congressional Budget Office confirms that when employers are freed from purchasing private health benefits, these corporate savings are passed directly back to employees in the form of higher taxable cash wages, shifting non-wage compensation into direct purchasing power. On a public health level, replacing commercial insurance with universal coverage eliminates the cost barriers to preventive care that currently lead to $55 billion in missed opportunities and preventable chronic disease treatment costs. By shifting care from expensive emergency rooms to scheduled, high-value primary care, a single-payer system coordinates the management of chronic conditions before they escalate into acute clinical emergencies, ensuring a healthier, far more productive workforce for American employers.
For this market-strengthening architecture to succeed, however, it must be supported by a sustainable, progressive revenue model that requires the primary beneficiaries of the American system to pay their fair share. Over the last half-century, the corporate contribution to our national ledger has been hollowed out by special interest lobbying and a web of complex tax shelters. Corporate tax revenues, which averaged 27.6% of all federal revenues in the 1950s, dropped precipitously to just 10.4% by the 2000s. Today, systemic tax avoidance has reached absurd levels: the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP) documented that 55 of the nation's largest S&P and Fortune 500 corporations paid an effective federal income tax rate of under 5 percent between 2018 and 2022 despite posting massive, consistent profits. Even more egregiously, Tesla reported over $10.8 billion in total U.S. profits from 2022 through 2024, yet paid a meager 0.4 percent in federal corporate income taxes over those three years combined.
This systemic hollowing out of the tax code is not a victory for the free market; it is a profound market distortion that undermines the very foundations of private enterprise. Billionaires and multinational corporations do not generate their fortunes in a vacuum. They rely daily on the federal government's investments in the advanced technologies their businesses are built upon, the public infrastructure used to transport their goods, the public education system that trains their workforces, and the legal system that establishes and enforces their property rights. Yet, under current rules, a lack of robust corporate taxation allows wealthy stock-owners and foreign investors—who own roughly 40% of American corporate shares—to escape contributing to the public investments that make their wealth possible in the first place. Raising the statutory corporate tax rate to 30% and aggressively closing loopholes is an essential strategy to tax this income at its source, ensuring that private enterprise actively reinvests in the public goods that sustain its own long-term profitability.
This progressive revenue must be directed toward the primary engines of long-term economic growth: public education, workforce training, and basic scientific research. Unlike private R&D, which is understandably focused on short-term, product-directed commercialization, basic scientific research is driven by curiosity and yields massive, long-term societal breakthroughs. Historically, the social returns on basic research are substantially higher than private returns, representing a classic "market failure" that only robust public funding can resolve. By investing corporate tax revenues back into our public universities, national laboratories, and basic research agencies, the federal government holds a highly diversified portfolio of scientific inquiry that fuels future technological progress. This public-private partnership is a historical, bipartisan cornerstone of American prosperity; from the birth of the internet to modern biotechnology, public science has consistently "grown the economic pie" and laid the groundwork for entirely new private-sector industries.
Ultimately, true social democracy does not seek to stifle capital, but to civilize and coordinate it. When we guarantee universal healthcare as a basic social right, we remove the paralyzing anxiety of medical debt, lower the operational overhead of our businesses, and foster a highly mobile, entrepreneurial labor force. When we reform our corporate tax code to fund basic science and education, we build the intellectual and physical infrastructure necessary for the next generation of private-sector breakthroughs. Far from being a socialist threat, this dual-pronged policy package represents the ultimate modernization of the American capitalist machine. It is a return to our most fundamental economic truth: that a free market thrives best when the well-being of American business, its capital markets, and its everyday people are seamlessly and structurally aligned.
Policy Tracker Digest — 2026-09-12
0 new executive order(s)/proclamation(s), 2 new bill(s) analyzed.
Facts are drawn from official source text. Perspectives are attributed to named sides, not asserted as neutral truth. The "Assessment" line in each entry is American Ideas' own reasoned take, explicitly opinion, not settled fact. Verify against primary sources before acting on anything here.
Bills
H.R. 8866 (119th Congress): Build to Scale Reauthorization Act of 2026
Bill · 2026-05-15 · source · confidence: high
Plain-language summary This bill renews and slightly tweaks a small federal grant program ("Build to Scale") that gives money to regional nonprofits and state organizations to help startups get funding and technical support, especially outside major tech hubs. It authorizes $50 million a year through 2030, makes running the program mandatory rather than optional for the Commerce Department (once Congress actually appropriates the money), and directs extra outreach to rural and economically struggling areas. Bipartisan support, no organized opposition — a low-drama technical renewal.
Assessment (Opinion) American Ideas' own reasoned take: this is a routine, technical reauthorization of an existing, seemingly uncontroversial small grant program, evidenced by its bipartisan/bicameral companion-bill structure and lack of visible opposition. Too early to assess real-world efficacy pending appropriations and Commerce's implementing regulations.
S. 5198 (119th Congress): Build to Scale Reauthorization Act of 2026
Bill · 2026-07-30 · source · confidence: high
Plain-language summary Senate companion to H.R. 8866, renewing the same "Build to Scale" grant program. Adds one requirement the House version lacks: Commerce must publicly announce the funding opportunity within 90 days of enactment.
Assessment (Opinion) American Ideas' own reasoned take: functionally the same low-controversy technical reauthorization as its House companion, with one modest efficacy-positive addition (the 90-day notice requirement).
Policy Tracker — Quick Digest (2026-09-12)
0 new executive order(s)/proclamation(s), 2 new bill(s).
Bills
Executive Order 14423: Establishing the United States Space Academy
Executive Order 14423: Establishing the United States Space Academy
Executive Order · 2026-08-28 · source · confidence: high
Plain-language summary This executive order doesn't create a new 'Space Academy' by itself. It sets up a presidential commission, led by NASA's Administrator, to study and recommend within 120 days how a new federal academy for space-related careers (styled after the military service academies) could be built, including where it would be located, what it would teach, and what legal and legislative steps would be needed. Any actual academy would still need Congress to authorize and fund it. Reasonable people disagree on whether this is a smart long-term investment in the space workforce or an unnecessary new bureaucracy layered on top of existing NASA, university, and military training pipelines that already exist.
What it does
- Establishes the Presidential Commission on the United States Space Academy, chaired by NASA's Administrator, with two Vice Chairs (Science/Tech and Economic Policy advisors) and NASA's Deputy Administrator as Executive Director. Members also include the Secretary of War, Chief of Staff, OMB Director, National Security Advisor, and Secretary of the Air Force (or designees).
- Within 120 days, the Commission must recommend a governance framework, curriculum, graduate service obligations, applicant prerequisites, site selection process, and an implementation strategy.
- Creates only a study/advisory commission — no academy, funding, or degree-granting authority yet. Implementation needs presidential approval and likely congressional action.
Cost: No official CBO/OMB estimate. Near-term cost is limited to staff time for the commission and report; an eventual academy (if built) would be a major, multi-hundred-million-dollar undertaking based on comparable service academies.
Governance impact: Standard, low-controversy use of presidential authority to convene a study commission. Congress would still need to authorize and fund any actual academy. Commission leadership is concentrated in NASA/DoD/EOP officials with no required outside academic or congressional seats.
Framing: Supporters (administration) frame it as securing U.S. leadership in space via a dedicated talent pipeline. Critics' specific reaction to this order wasn't found in available reporting; the general critique category (cost, redundancy with existing NASA/university/military pipelines) is noted without attribution to a specific source.
Assessment (opinion, not fact): Low-risk, low-cost planning step. Its real significance hinges entirely on the 120-day report and whether Congress funds what follows — too early to say if this becomes a real institution or a shelved study.
Unexpected common-sense tools for strengthening, stabilizing, and saving American free enterprise
The true genius of the American economic experiment has never been unbridled, rules-free laissez-faire, but rather the understanding that a free market is most productive when it is guided by clear "rules of the road" that keep competition fair, open, and honest. As we navigate modern fiscal and social strains, there is a growing, mistaken assumption that enacting structural reforms like universal single-payer healthcare and progressive corporate tax reform represents an abandonment of free-market capitalism. In reality, the exact opposite is true. These two policies are not vehicles for replacing the market; they are the ultimate, common-sense tools for strengthening, stabilizing, and saving American free enterprise from its own worst distortions and inefficiencies. By stripping away crushing administrative overhead, unlocking the locked potential of the American workforce, and requiring the largest corporate beneficiaries of public investments to contribute their fair share, we can rebuild a highly competitive, dynamic, and resilient economy from the ground up.
To see how universal healthcare saves free enterprise, one must first look at the devastating, non-productive tax that the current multi-payer system inflicts on American businesses. By 2024, the United States devoted a staggering 18% of its GDP to health-related expenditures—double the average of other developed nations—yet it consistently lagged behind its peers in clinical outcomes and equity. This is not a failure of private medical talent, but of a hyper-fragmented, for-profit insurance bureaucracy. While administrative overhead is just 2.2% for public Medicare, it reaches as high as 12.4% in the private commercial insurance sector. The resulting billing and insurance-related waste acts as a massive anchor on private enterprise. American physician practices currently spend an average of $82,975 per doctor every single year merely interacting with private insurers, compared to just $22,205 under Canada’s centralized single-payer system. Transitioning to a single-payer model would eliminate this redundant administrative friction, yielding $284 billion in annual system-wide savings and completely erasing the $35 billion in bad debt that hospitals currently absorb each year. For private employers, removing the burden of negotiating, purchasing, and administering complex private insurance plans represents an unprecedented reduction in corporate overhead.
Beyond slashing corporate overhead, universal healthcare is a powerful catalyst for labor market dynamism and entrepreneurship. Under the status quo, the close linkage between health insurance and employment creates a severe market inefficiency known as "job lock," wherein workers remain in positions for which they are overqualified or poorly matched simply because they cannot risk losing their family's health coverage. This artificial barrier is estimated to reduce annual labor turnover among prime-age workers by 15% to 25%, choking off the natural flow of talent. By decoupling healthcare from employment, a single-payer system completely eliminates job lock, allowing workers to confidently seek out positions that maximize their skills, drive corporate innovation, and boost national productivity. Furthermore, because the high start-up cost of private health benefits is a premier deterrent to self-employment, guaranteeing universal, publicly financed healthcare dramatically lowers the barrier to entry for new small businesses, driving a massive surge in American entrepreneurship and competitive market vitality.
This economic liberation extends directly to the American worker's paycheck. Under our current system, the rising cost of private premiums has acted as a silent siphon on middle-class earnings, with the share of employee compensation consumed by healthcare premiums rising from 1.1% in 1960 to 8.4% by 2018. Macroeconomic modeling by the Congressional Budget Office confirms that when employers are freed from purchasing private health benefits, these corporate savings are passed directly back to employees in the form of higher taxable cash wages, shifting non-wage compensation into direct purchasing power. On a public health level, replacing commercial insurance with universal coverage eliminates the cost barriers to preventive care that currently lead to $55 billion in missed opportunities and preventable chronic disease treatment costs. By shifting care from expensive emergency rooms to scheduled, high-value primary care, a single-payer system coordinates the management of chronic conditions before they escalate into acute clinical emergencies, ensuring a healthier, far more productive workforce for American employers.
For this market-strengthening architecture to succeed, however, it must be supported by a sustainable, progressive revenue model that requires the primary beneficiaries of the American system to pay their fair share. Over the last half-century, the corporate contribution to our national ledger has been hollowed out by special interest lobbying and a web of complex tax shelters. Corporate tax revenues, which averaged 27.6% of all federal revenues in the 1950s, dropped precipitously to just 10.4% by the 2000s. Today, systemic tax avoidance has reached absurd levels: the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy (ITEP) documented that 55 of the nation's largest S&P and Fortune 500 corporations paid an effective federal income tax rate of under 5 percent between 2018 and 2022 despite posting massive, consistent profits. Even more egregiously, Tesla reported over $10.8 billion in total U.S. profits from 2022 through 2024, yet paid a meager 0.4 percent in federal corporate income taxes over those three years combined.
This systemic hollowing out of the tax code is not a victory for the free market; it is a profound market distortion that undermines the very foundations of private enterprise. Billionaires and multinational corporations do not generate their fortunes in a vacuum. They rely daily on the federal government's investments in the advanced technologies their businesses are built upon, the public infrastructure used to transport their goods, the public education system that trains their workforces, and the legal system that establishes and enforces their property rights. Yet, under current rules, a lack of robust corporate taxation allows wealthy stock-owners and foreign investors—who own roughly 40% of American corporate shares—to escape contributing to the public investments that make their wealth possible in the first place. Raising the statutory corporate tax rate to 30% and aggressively closing loopholes is an essential strategy to tax this income at its source, ensuring that private enterprise actively reinvests in the public goods that sustain its own long-term profitability.
This progressive revenue must be directed toward the primary engines of long-term economic growth: public education, workforce training, and basic scientific research. Unlike private R&D, which is understandably focused on short-term, product-directed commercialization, basic scientific research is driven by curiosity and yields massive, long-term societal breakthroughs. Historically, the social returns on basic research are substantially higher than private returns, representing a classic "market failure" that only robust public funding can resolve. By investing corporate tax revenues back into our public universities, national laboratories, and basic research agencies, the federal government holds a highly diversified portfolio of scientific inquiry that fuels future technological progress. This public-private partnership is a historical, bipartisan cornerstone of American prosperity; from the birth of the internet to modern biotechnology, public science has consistently "grown the economic pie" and laid the groundwork for entirely new private-sector industries.
Ultimately, true social democracy does not seek to stifle capital, but to civilize and coordinate it. When we guarantee universal healthcare as a basic social right, we remove the paralyzing anxiety of medical debt, lower the operational overhead of our businesses, and foster a highly mobile, entrepreneurial labor force. When we reform our corporate tax code to fund basic science and education, we build the intellectual and physical infrastructure necessary for the next generation of private-sector breakthroughs. Far from being a socialist threat, this dual-pronged policy package represents the ultimate modernization of the American capitalist machine. It is a return to our most fundamental economic truth: that a free market thrives best when the well-being of American business, its capital markets, and its everyday people are seamlessly and structurally aligned.
Fact-Checking the FGA's Highly Critical Report on Ranked-Choice Voting (RCV) — What's True, What's False, and What's Misleading?
Effortpost:
Hey all,
Ranked-Choice Voting (RCV) has become one of the most hotly contested election reform topics in the United States. In October 2023, the Foundation for Government Accountability (FGA) published a highly critical paper titled "Ranked-Choice Voting: Trashed" (authored by Madeline Malisa and Michael Greibrok) [1] and a subreddit member kindly shared it with me. In my continuing efforts to learn, improve democracy, and hold civil discourse, I did some research and analysis of the claims within this paper.
The report paints RCV as a chaotic "scheme of the Left" designed to disenfranchise voters, delay results, and engineer progressive victories. Because several states have since banned RCV (with the total count of states banning it reaching 19 as of September 2026, most recently Indiana and Ohio) [2], I wanted to do a deep-dive, objective fact-check of the FGA's major claims.
How much of the FGA’s report is backed up by actual math and election records, and how much is partisan spin? Let’s look at the data.
Claim 1: Ballot Exhaustion — "Legitimate Ballots are Trashed"
>
The FGA's Data Points:
- Maine 2018 (2nd Congressional District): 8,253 ballots were exhausted [1, 10].
- Alaska 2022 Special House Election: Nearly 15,000 ballots were non-transferable [1, 3].
- Sandy, Utah 2021 Mayoral Election: Over 18% of ballots (4,000+) were exhausted in a race decided by just 21 votes [1].
- New York City 2021 Democratic Mayoral Primary: 140,000 ballots (nearly 15%) were exhausted [1].
- San Francisco 2010 (District 10 Supervisors): 9,503 ballots were exhausted, exceeding the 8,200 ballots that decided the winner [1].
Fact-Check: HIGHLY ACCURATE data, but MISLEADING framing.
- The Math: The numbers cited by the FGA are mathematically correct and verified by official election records. For example, in the Alaska 2022 Special Election, the official tabulation report confirms exactly 11,243 exhausted ballots and 3,412 blank ballots, totaling 14,997 non-transferable ballots [3]. In NYC's 2021 Democratic primary, exactly 14.9% of ballots were exhausted before the final round [1, 4]. The 2010 San Francisco District 10 anomaly is also factually correct: because San Francisco limited voters to only three rankings despite having a massive field of 21 candidates, more ballots were exhausted (9,503) than remained active to elect the winner (8,200) [1, 4].
- The Context: Calling these ballots "trashed" is a rhetorical stretch. Academically, "ballot exhaustion" occurs when a voter chooses not to rank further candidates (voluntary truncation) or when a jurisdiction limits the number of rankings allowed (structural truncation). These ballots were counted for the voter's preferred candidates in earlier rounds until those candidates were eliminated. It is functionally identical to voting for a losing third-party candidate in a standard plurality election.
- The Trade-off: RCV actually protects overall participation compared to traditional two-round runoff systems. Traditional runoffs require voters to return to the polls for a second election, causing turnout to drop by an average of nearly 40% [4]. Under RCV, the decline in participation (via voluntary ballot truncation) is less than 10% [4]. Furthermore, a 2024 study proved that even if exhausted ballots were mathematically completed, they would be highly unlikely to alter RCV election outcomes, proving the system is robust [5].
Claim 2: Electoral Outcomes — "Winners Lose and Losers Win"
>
The FGA's Data Points:
- Maine 2018 (2nd Congressional District): Republican Bruce Poliquin led in the first round (46.3% vs. 45.6%) but lost to Democrat Jared Golden (50.6%) after preferences were distributed [1, 10].
- Alaska 2022 Special House Election: Republican candidates received nearly 60% of the first-round vote combined, but the Democrat (Mary Peltola) won [1, 3, 6].
Fact-Check: ACCURATE data, but HIGHLY EXCEPTIONAL cases.
- The Math: The individual election details are correct. In Alaska, Mary Peltola won the special election with 51.5% of the final-round vote, despite the two Republican candidates (Sarah Palin and Nick Begich III) capturing 59.8% of first-round votes combined [3, 6]. This happened because 28.7% of Begich's voters ranked Peltola as their second choice, while only 50.3% ranked Palin, and 21.0% opted not to rank anyone else [7].
- The Context: The claim that first-round leaders "often" lose is mathematically false. According to comprehensive historical data from FairVote, come-from-behind victories are extremely rare, occurring in only 32 out of over 500 single-winner RCV races (6% of all races, or 9% of races that go to multiple rounds) [4]. In 94% of RCV elections, the first-round leader wins [4].
- The Social Choice Twist: Ironically, the FGA missed a genuine mathematical pathology in the Alaska race. The Cast Vote Record proves that Nick Begich was the "Condorcet winner" (he would have defeated Peltola head-to-head 52.5% to 47.5%, and Palin 61.4% to 38.6%) [6]. He was eliminated in the first round due to a phenomenon called "center squeeze", where a moderate consensus candidate is squeezed out early because RCV only evaluates first-choice support in the initial rounds [6, 8]. So a "winner" did lose, but it was the third-place finisher (Begich), not the first-round leader, who was theoretically the most preferred candidate of the entire electorate [6, 8].
Claim 3: Operational Vulnerabilities — "Errors and Delayed Results"
>
The FGA's Data Points:
- NYC Mayoral Primary 2021: 135,000 "test ballots" were accidentally counted in a preliminary RCV round, throwing the race into chaos [1].
- Oakland School Board 2022 (District 4): A software configuration error declared the wrong candidate (Nick Resnick) the winner instead of the actual winner (Mike Hutchinson) [1, 9].
Fact-Check: FULLY ACCURATE.
- The NYC Fumble: In the 2021 NYC Democratic Primary, the Board of Elections mistakenly included 135,000 test ballots in a preliminary RCV run. This was an egregious human administrative error, not an algorithmic defect, but it did cause a massive delay and a public relations disaster [1, 4].
- The Oakland Debacle: In the 2022 Oakland School Board District 4 race, the Alameda County Registrar of Voters improperly configured their Dominion voting machines. The software failed to "advance" ballots where a voter had skipped a ranking, causing 235 valid ballots to be suspended [9, 10]. In an extremely tight race, this incorrect setting certified Nick Resnick as the winner [9, 10]. Once audited by RCV advocacy groups, the error was exposed, and Mike Hutchinson was declared the rightful winner by a judge in March 2023 [9, 11].
- The Real Issue (Centralization Delays): Because RCV requires centralized data from all polling precincts to run the elimination algorithm, results cannot be finalized until all ballots (including overseas and absentee) are physically processed and aggregated [4]. In Maine, centralization typically takes 4 to 5 days, and in Alaska, it takes 15 days [4]. These structural delays are a valid point of criticism.
Claim 4: Partisan Dynamics — "A Partisan Plot of the Left"
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Fact-Check: PARTIALLY ACCURATE regarding political support, FALSE regarding electoral effects.
- The Politics: It is true that RCV advocacy is heavily funded and promoted by center-left and progressive reform organizations, while RCV bans have been passed almost exclusively by Republican-led legislatures (19 states have banned RCV as of September 2026) [2, 12].
- The Empirical Reality: However, academic research from the MIT Election Lab and other independent institutions shows that RCV does not have a systematic partisan bias [13]. It does not inherently favor Democrats or Republicans. In fact, the Virginia Republican Party successfully used RCV to select their candidates in their 2021 and 2022 conventions and primaries [12]. Nonpartisan groups advocate for RCV because it protects against vote-splitting and can help third-party or independent candidates run without acting as "spoilers."
Conclusion: The Reddit TL;DR
The FGA’s report is a classic case of accurate data paired with highly partisan framing.
- Are ballots "trashed" (exhausted)? Yes, thousands of ballots are excluded from final-round tallies. But RCV still preserves significantly more voter participation than traditional two-round runoffs, where turnout routinely crashes by 40% [4].
- Do frontrunners lose? Almost never. The first-round leader wins 94% of the time [4]. In the rare cases they do lose, it's a feature, not a bug, designed to find a candidate with broad consensus—though mathematical anomalies like "center squeeze" (as seen in Alaska 2022) are real issues [6, 8].
- Are there administrative delays and errors? Absolutely. The Oakland 2022 and NYC 2021 fumbles are fully documented, embarrassing, and prove that RCV introduces significant operational vulnerabilities [9, 10].
- Is it a Democratic plot? No. Independent studies show RCV has a neutral effect on partisan outcomes, and Republicans have used it successfully to unite their own party in primaries [12, 13].
What do you think? Does RCV's promise of ending vote-splitting and promoting consensus candidates outweigh its administrative complexity and potential for mathematical anomalies? Let's discuss!
Bibliography & Sources
- [1] Madeline Malisa & Michael Greibrok, "Ranked-Choice Voting: Trashed," Foundation for Government Accountability (FGA), Oct. 31, 2023.
- [2] Ballotpedia, "Ranked-choice voting (RCV)" (September 2026 Update, showing 19 state bans including Indiana SB 12 and Ohio SB 63).
- [3] Alaska Division of Elections, "State of Alaska 2022 Special General Election RCV Tabulation Official Results," August 16, 2022.
- [4] MIT Election Lab, "Ranked Choice Voting: Instant Runoff Voting Use in the United States."
- [5] Deshpande et al., "arXiv:2403.15400v2 [cs.CY] 6 May 2024" (Analyzing demographic disparities and preference completion models in RCV).
- [6] arXiv preprint, "Ranked Choice Voting And Condorcet Failure in the Alaska 2022 Special Election: How Might Other Voting Systems Compare?" (arXiv:2305.17741v3).
- [7] Markdown Treatise, "Systemic Evaluation of Ranked-Preference, Plurality, and Condorcet Electoral Frameworks: Mathematical Criteria, Empirical Paradoxes, and Public Policy Realities."
- [8] Wikipedia, "Center squeeze" & "2009 Burlington, Vermont mayoral election".
- [9] NSF PAR / arXiv preprint, "Improving the Computational Efficiency of Adaptive Audits of IRV Elections / Ranked Choice Bedlam in a 2022 Oakland School Director Election" (arXiv:2303.05985v1).
- [10] Court Filings, Woocher & Grossman Palmer v. Alameda County Registrar of Voters (Legal briefs regarding the 235 skipped-ranking ballots in the Oakland 2022 OUSD District 4 contest).
- [11] Ballotpedia, "Nick Resnick - Ballotpedia" & "Mike Hutchinson (California) - Ballotpedia".
- [12] Wikipedia, "Ranked-choice voting in the United States".
- [13] MIT Election Lab, "Post-election audits" & "Post-Election Audits and Ranked Choice Voting 2024".
Beyond the Gridlock: How the Common Citizen Can Implement RCV
caycecwill.substack.comThe Armed Ballot: A Systemic Treatise on Insulating American Elections from Law Enforcement, the Military, and Secret Services
In a constitutional republic, the structural boundaries between state coercive power and the democratic franchise are not mere administrative guidelines—they are the vital guardrails that protect self-governance from collapsing into autocracy. The Framers of the U.S. Constitution harbored a profound, overriding fear that a president or a ruling national faction might someday seize direct control over the administration of local elections. To guard against this existential danger, they purposely decentralized the electoral system, placing primary responsibility for administering elections with the states rather than a centralized national executive.
A democratic state's character is fundamentally fragile. Its survival does not rest on paper promises alone, but on a "thick normative infrastructure" backed by formal, robust checks and balances. If we allow the executive branch to deploy its coercive apparatus—ranging from federal prosecutors and intelligence agencies to military forces and border patrol—to oversee, audit, or police our ballot boxes, we dismantle the very mechanisms designed to keep the sovereign power of the vote independent of the state.
An analysis of empirical data, historical precedents, and emerging statutory proposals reveals three systemic risks that require the absolute insulation of the election process from all law enforcement, military, and state security services:
1. The Threat of Federal Executive Overreach and Voter Intimidation
Electoral security is frequently weaponized as a partisan narrative to justify centralizing voter data under federal executive control. Recent legislative pushes—such as the Safeguard American Voter Eligibility (SAVE) Act and its derivatives—seek to mandate that all fifty states turn over their unredacted voter registration rolls to federal databases administered by the Department of Homeland Security (DHS).
This federalization of voter files poses catastrophic risks to both civil liberty and administrative integrity:
- Partisan Manipulation and Privacy Breaches: Transmitting highly sensitive, personal voter data to a federal executive agency creates severe cybersecurity vulnerabilities and invites direct partisan manipulation. Under these proposed frameworks, the federal government is granted unchecked authority to store, share, and monitor voter databases without transparent auditing guidelines.
- Intimidation at the Ballot Box: Centralizing executive oversight over local precincts creates a hostile operational environment for local administrators and voters. This is illustrated by real-world actions, such as federal executive orders directing the Department of Justice to aggressively investigate local registrars, and the high-profile FBI raid on the Fulton County, Georgia, election offices to seize ballots under the guise of investigating previously debunked fraud claims.
- The Specter of Armed Policing: The danger is magnified by threats from political actors to deploy immigration enforcement officers (such as ICE) or civilian militias to "surround" local polling places and monitor ballot drop boxes. Legally, voter intimidation explicitly includes physically blocking entrances, questioning voters about their citizenship, or demanding papers unnecessarily. Introducing formal, armed state security actors into the precinct systematically disenfranchises vulnerable communities, transforming the polling site from a space of civic participation into an arena of state surveillance.
2. The Destructive Toll of Criminalizing Election Administration
One of the most insidious methods of executive overreach is the introduction of severe criminal penalties targeting the everyday citizens and nonpartisan civil servants who manage local voting infrastructure.
Under proposed federal mandates, local election workers are exposed to direct federal criminal liability—including up to five years in federal prison—if they register a voter who does not possess the exact, newly mandated forms of physical citizenship documentation, even if that applicant is a fully eligible, natural-born U.S. citizen.
- Administrative Chokeholds: In practice, local election offices are already severely underfunded, understaffed, and struggling with the recruitment and retention of election workers. Forcing these local offices to act as physical verification registries for federal agencies without additional funding creates massive backlogs and delays.
- The Chilling Effect of Prosecutorial Fear: When nonpartisan local employees face the threat of federal indictment and incarceration, they are structurally incentivized to interpret documentation rules in an overly restrictive, hostile manner. Fearing personal liability or civil lawsuits, registrars routinely reject valid registrations from eligible citizens who merely have a discrepancy (such as a married woman whose current ID does not match her birth certificate, a demographic group representing 69 million women). This administrative defensive posture drives out dedicated career public servants, replacing open voter access with an aggressive, security-state bureaucracy.
3. The Partisan Timing of Public Integrity Investigations
When law enforcement and investigative bodies are not strictly insulated from the political calendar, their vast discretionary powers are inevitably weaponized to alter election outcomes.
Proponents of executive-led election audits argue that the Justice Department and FBI must maintain an active, unhindered presence during campaign seasons to investigate potential corruption or irregularities. However, empirical economic and legal research demonstrates that prosecutors routinely manipulate their discretion to serve career incentives.
- The Timing Discrepancy: Extensive administrative data compiled from federal public corruption cases reveals a stark partisan discontinuity in the timing of indictments around elections. While final conviction rates remain statistically identical across political parties, prosecutors are significantly more likely to file public corruption charges against opposition-party figures in the weeks immediately preceding an election compared to co-partisans of the sitting president.
- Systemic Acceleration: Approximately 66% of partisan public corruption indictments filed within 24 weeks of an election target opposition-party figures. Case files show that the time elapsed between receiving a case and filing charges is dramatically shorter for opposition defendants during pre-election windows, indicating that prosecutors actively accelerate their investigations to drop high-profile indictments before voters head to the polls.
- The Career Advancement Pipeline: This weaponization of investigative timing is directly reinforced by professional incentives: local prosecutors who file relatively more pre-election cases against opposition figures are statistically promoted to higher political appointments, such as U.S. Attorneys and federal judgeships, at a much higher rate. This proof of systemic bias demonstrates that when the state’s criminal investigative machinery is permitted to actively intercede in the political process, justice is subordinated to partisan entrenchment.
The Tactical Remedies: Erecting the Firewall
To preserve the democratic character of our elections, we must enact a series of legislative and structural firewalls designed to sever the coercive power of the state from the ballot box:
- Statutory Insulation of Election Staff: We must pass comprehensive protections—such as those codified in the Freedom to Vote Act—to insulate nonpartisan state and local election officials from any federal executive, prosecutorial, or partisan interference.
- Enforce and Codify DOJ Quiet Periods: The informal guidelines within the Justice Manual—which strictly prohibit federal prosecutors from selecting the timing of indictments, subpoenas, or public statements to influence an upcoming election—must be codified into binding statutory law with severe administrative penalties for violations.
- Prohibit Federal Database Purges: Legislate a strict ban on states using federal public benefit databases (like the DHS SAVE system) as real-time, automated ledgers to purge voters from local registration rolls. Systematic list maintenance must rely on objective, state-level evidence, and any purges must incorporate strict notice and due-process guidelines at least six months prior to an election.
- Adopt the Global Anti-Abuse Standard: Adopt international democratic benchmarks (such as those outlined by International IDEA) that strictly prohibit the deployment of public resources—including state-controlled media, government vehicles, and administrative or military personnel—for any campaigning or monitoring activities.
- Legislatively Limit Executive Immunity: To neutralize the supreme threat of executive branch weaponization, Congress must pass narrow legislative definitions of "official acts". This ensures that any president who directs a subordinate to use federal law enforcement (like the FBI or DOJ) to seize ballots, intimidate local registrars, or fabricate claims of voter fraud is held fully accountable under criminal conspiracy laws.
American democracy cannot survive if the ballot box is monitored by the barrel of a gun or the threat of federal prosecution. True electoral integrity does not come from the heavy-handed intervention of state security forces; it comes from protecting our decentralized, community-run voting systems and ensuring that the ultimate arbiter of power remains the uncoerced citizen alone.
[Effortpost] Unrigging the Republic: A Complete Breakdown & Strategy Guide to the 22 Reforms of the "American Ideas" Blueprint
Public trust in American institutions has plunged to historic lows. Everyday citizens increasingly feel left behind, economically unmoored, and deeply cynical, convinced that the U.S. political system is systematically rigged in favor of wealthy donors, entrenched politicians, and powerful special interests.
When we ask how to fix this, most political discourse defaults to "personalism"—the idea that we simply need to elect "better people" with more honesty, rigor, or common sense. But swapping the players on a rigged board does not fix the game. The root of our political pathology is not just "bad politicians"; it is the undemocratic, structural flaws baked into our constitutional and legislative architecture.
The "American Ideas" blueprint outlines 22 core proposals designed to radically democratize American politics. However, a flat list of 22 massive ideas can feel like a random wish-list. To succeed, these reforms must be approached through a strict, logical "order of operations" across 6 distinct phases, solving the strategic problem of where reform must actually begin to avoid immediate political bottlenecks.
Here is the structural and strategic breakdown of all 22 reforms and how they systematically unrig the nation.
Phase 1: The Foundational Dependency (Citizen Action)
Widespread structural reform is an academic fantasy unless we first build the collective political power required to install lawmakers who are actually willing to pass these changes.
- Point 22: Vote. Vote in every election, from your township to the national level.
- The Problem: The United States has one of the lowest voter turnout rates among developed nations, driven by unnecessary barriers and deep-seated civic apathy.
- The Strategy: Grassroots mobilization is the engine that drives all 21 other reforms. To break the cycle of apathy, we must move away from top-down corporate campaigning and embrace decentralized organizing frameworks like the "Snowflake Model" (Distributed Leadership). In this structure, power is distributed through multiple tiers of self-starting, interdependent teams of volunteers who are empowered as autonomous co-owners of the campaign. Rather than merely pushing statistics, organizers use Public Narrative (the Story of Self, Us, and Now) to communicate shared values and build deep relational commitments. By hosting intentional 1:1 meetings, organizers steadily move neighbors up a "Ladder of Engagement"—from passive supporters signing a petition, to active volunteers, team members, and eventually campaign leaders.
Phase 2: Unlocking the Legislature (Procedural)
Once a reform-minded majority is voted into office, they face an immediate, institutional roadblock: the United States Senate.
- Point 7: Eliminate the legislative filibuster.
- The Problem: Currently, the Senate's 60-vote cloture rule causes extreme partisan gridlock. The "toxic trifecta" of the silent filibuster, the two-track calendar, and intense polarization has rendered the modern Senate a standstill. By eliminating the incentive to publically deliberate on the Senate floor, this procedural rule precludes compromise and completely undermines the Senate's original constitutional design.
- The Strategy: The Senate must invoke the "Nuclear Option"—establishing a new parliamentary precedent by a simple majority vote to eliminate the legislative filibuster under Senate Rule 22. This is the critical, non-negotiable dependency for passing the rest of the blueprint's statutory reforms without requiring an impossible supermajority.
Phase 3: Fixing Electoral Mechanics & Representation (State-Level & Statutory)
With the legislative bottleneck cleared in Congress, the focus must immediately shift to high-impact statutory reforms that change who gets elected, who they are accountable to, and how districts are drawn. Many of these can also be advanced directly by citizens at the state level through direct democracy ballot initiatives, bypassing reluctant state legislatures entirely.
- Point 1: Adopt Ranked Choice Voting (RCV) universally.
- The Problem: Traditional first-past-the-post (winner-take-all) voting fuels intense partisan polarization, penalizes third-party candidates, and forces voters to pick the "lesser of two evils" out of fear of the "spoiler effect".
- The Strategy: RCV ensures candidates must win a true majority of support, encouraging positive, consensus-building campaigns, increasing overall voter turnout, and enabling a far more diverse pool of candidates to run successfully. Citizens can coordinate local campaigns to place RCV directly on state and municipal ballots via citizen-initiated measures.
- Point 21: Set voting districts according to independent, impartial, and non-partisan algorithms.
- The Problem: Partisan gerrymandering allows politicians to "choose their voters" rather than the other way around. By using sophisticated software to "pack and crack" cohesive communities, political map-drawers insulate seats from shifting voter sentiment and drive legislative polarization.
- The Strategy: Transfer map-drawing authority to independent citizen redistricting commissions that are bound to use neutral computational benchmarks. The CMU "I-Cut-You-Choose" (and "Choose-and-Freeze") protocol offers a game-theoretic solution. Under this protocol, Party A divides a state into equal-population districts, Party B "freezes" one district, Party A redraws the remaining territory, and they alternate back-and-forth. Mathematical proofs demonstrate this subgame perfect equilibrium prevents both parties from concentrating specific populations against their will. Furthermore, automated simulations utilizing Markov Chain Monte Carlo (MCMC) algorithms can swap minor percentages of precincts from enacted maps to achieve mathematical symmetry, dramatically reducing partisan bias.
- Point 4: Declare election days national holidays.
- The Problem: Conflicting work schedules, rigid hourly employment, and "being too busy" are consistently cited as the top reasons registered voters fail to turn out on Election Day.
- The Strategy: Declaring Election Day a national public holiday establishes a uniform, accessible floor for ballot access, ensuring working-class and hourly wage earners have a dedicated "day on" to exercise their civic duty.
- Point 14: Provide minimum public funding for local, state, and federal elections.
- The Problem: The modern campaign finance system forces candidates to spend a massive portion of their working hours on "call time" dialing wealthy donors, effectively giving corporate interests and millionaire networks a veto over who can run for office.
- The Strategy: Implement opt-in public financing systems, such as Democracy Vouchers or small-donor matching. Under Seattle's "My Voice Voucher" program, eligible residents are issued $25 vouchers to donate directly to the participating candidates of their choice. Preliminary research shows this program significantly broadens the donor base to include more women, people of color, and non-wealthy residents, forcing candidates to rely on actual constituents rather than external elites. Opt-in public funding in states like Maine and New York City has successfully shifted legislative incentives and allowed working-class leaders to run competitive campaigns without corporate backing.
- Point 12: No campaign advertising during the "off season".
- The Problem: The American electorate is subjected to a perpetual, multi-billion-dollar campaign cycle that breeds intense voter fatigue and allows special interests to flood the airwaves with unregulated dark money between election years.
- The Strategy: Restricting campaign advertising to strictly defined, brief pre-election windows (similar to successful international democratic frameworks) dramatically limits the influence of dark money, lowers total campaign costs, and gives the public a necessary break from continuous political messaging.
- Point 9: Increase the number of representatives in Congress.
- The Problem: Capping the House of Representatives at 435 seats since 1929 has caused average congressional districts to balloon from 35,000 constituents in 1790 to over 770,000 constituents per member today. This massive size disconnects representatives from their local communities, raises the cost of campaigning, and heavily distorts the Electoral College.
- The Strategy: Substantially expand the size of the House (e.g., to 585 seats) through simple federal legislation. This reform requires no constitutional amendment, instantly makes representatives accessible to average citizens, lowers the financial barrier to run for office, and rebalances representation within the Electoral College.
Phase 4: Restoring Ethics & Accountability (Statutory)
Once the legislature has been structurally reformed to represent the actual electorate, the government must aggressively enforce internal ethics standards to eliminate corruption and conflicts of interest.
- Point 10: Legislate blind trusts and ban stock trading for all three branches of government.
- The Problem: Public officials frequently hold and trade individual corporate stocks in sectors they directly regulate or oversee, creating severe conflicts of interest and eroding public trust.
- The Strategy: Mandate that all federal officials place their assets in blind trusts managed by independent trustees, strictly preventing politicians from trading individual stocks while in office.
- Point 11: Limit the healthcare options and salaries of elected officials to the median of their districts.
- The Problem: An elite political class has insulated itself from the economic and medical hardships faced by the citizens they represent, driving deep public cynicism.
- The Strategy: Tying politicians' salaries and healthcare options directly to the median income and average healthcare programs of their home districts creates an immediate, common-sense incentive for lawmakers to actively improve local economic and healthcare conditions.
- Point 8: Enforce the emoluments clause.
- The Problem: The constitutional ban on federal officials accepting foreign gifts, luxurious favors, or personal financial benefits has been weakly enforced, allowing foreign entities to buy influence.
- The Strategy: Codify strict statutory penalties and oversight mechanisms to aggressively enforce the Emoluments Clause, ensuring public servants remain solely accountable to the American public.
- Point 16: Reform the Supreme Court (ethics standards and term limits).
- The Problem: The nine justices of the Supreme Court are the only state or federal judges in the country who are not bound by a written, enforceable code of ethical conduct, leading to unchecked luxury gifts and severe recusal scandals.
- The Strategy: Enact legislative reforms (such as the SCERT Act) that mandate a binding, enforceable code of ethics for the high court, establish strict gift and stock trading bans, require written public explanations for recusal decisions, and institute staggered, single 18-year term limits to lower the political stakes of vacancies.
Phase 5: Policy Re-Prioritization (Statutory)
With a representative, ethical, and unblocked democratic process in place, the nation can finally execute sweeping, popular statutory re-allocations of public resources and national identity.
- Point 19: Reprioritize and mandate public Education spending equal to Defense, dollar for dollar.
- The Problem: The federal budget systematically prioritizes defense contractors over future generations, spending a massive fraction of public resources on the military-industrial complex while public education and civic literacy face chronic underfunding.
- The Strategy: Legislate a progressive budget mandate that reallocates hundreds of billions of dollars away from bloated defense outlays and redirects them to fund K-12 public education, STEM standards, and basic scientific research dollar-for-dollar with national defense.
- Point 20: Return corporate tax rates to the pre-Reagan era.
- The Problem: Decades of corporate tax cuts and complex accounting loopholes have allowed major S&P 500 corporations (such as Tesla) to pay effective federal income tax rates as low as 0.4% on billions in profit, starving the nation of revenue for public goods.
- The Strategy: Return corporate tax rates to historical, pre-Reagan baselines and close permissive loopholes (such as accelerated depreciation and offshore tax deferral). This forces multi-national corporations to reinvest their profits directly into domestic worker wages, benefits, and local infrastructure rather than hoarding cash or funding stock buybacks.
- Point 17: Remove “In God We Trust” from our money and re-implement “E Pluribus Unum”.
- Point 18: Remove “under God” from the Pledge of Allegiance.
- The Problem: Cold War-era religious additions, implemented in the 1950s as ideological weapons against the Soviet Union, replaced our historical mottos and created a exclusionary, highly polarized national identity.
- The Strategy: Revert to the nation's original de facto motto, "E Pluribus Unum" (Latin for "Out of many, one"), which was chosen for the Great Seal in 1782 to symbolize thirteen distinct colonies uniting into a single, cohesive republic. Restoring our secular, pluralistic foundations honors a diverse, multicultural society and firmly upholds the First Amendment's separation of church and state.
Phase 6: The Constitutional Amendments (High Difficulty)
The final phase addresses the deepest, most permanent structural overhauls. These require a Constitutional Amendment (requiring a two-thirds majority in Congress and ratification by three-fourths of the states). Because a hyper-polarized, gerrymandered Congress funded by corporate PACs would never pass them, these high-difficulty amendments are placed last—their success is entirely dependent on winning the prior five phases.
- Point 13: Overturn Citizens United, remove corporate “rights,” and eliminate corporate donations.
- The Problem: The Supreme Court’s deeply flawed jurisprudence treats money as speech and corporations as natural "persons," allowing an elite class of donors to flood our elections with unlimited, untraceable dark money.
- The Strategy: Pass a constitutional amendment stating that money is not speech and that corporations are legal fictions, not natural people with constitutional rights in elections, permanently banning corporate political donations.
- Point 6: Eliminate the Electoral College.
- The Problem: The Electoral College allows a candidate to win the presidency while losing the national popular vote, systematically devaluing millions of individual votes and forcing presidential campaigns to ignore most of the country.
- The Strategy: Amend the Constitution to establish a direct popular vote, ensuring that every American voter's voice is equal, regardless of the state they live in.
- Point 5: Eliminate Presidential Immunity.
- The Problem: Recent judicial rulings expanding executive immunity undermine democratic accountability, forfeit critical checks on executive power, and distort the Founders' original design of an accountable executive.
- The Strategy: Pass an amendment clearly establishing that no president is above the law, restoring criminal accountability for all actions taken while in office.
- Point 15: Reasonable term limits for all three branches.
- The Strategy: Establish a 12-year maximum limit for Congress (two 6-year terms for Senators and three 2-year terms for Representatives), maintain the 8-year limit for the President, and institute staggered, single 18-year terms for Supreme Court justices to prevent lifelong political entrenchment.
- Point 2: Codify medical and healthcare rights constitutionally.
- Point 3: Codify women's bodily autonomy constitutionally.
- The Problem: Access to healthcare and basic reproductive freedom are constantly vulnerable to shifting state legislatures and shifting Supreme Court majorities.
- The Strategy: Constitutionally guarantee healthcare and bodily autonomy as fundamental, inalienable human rights, shielding deeply personal medical decisions from government overreach forever.
The Takeaway: Trust the Process
You cannot jump straight to overturning Citizens United or abolishing the Electoral College when Congress is locked down by dark money and the Senate filibuster. The "American Ideas" Sequential Blueprint is a structural chain reaction.
We organize locally using relation-based models to elect reform-minded majorities (Phase 1), eliminate the filibuster (Phase 2), unrig our district maps and campaigns (Phase 3), aggressively outlaw political self-enrichment (Phase 4), reprioritize our federal budget around our families (Phase 5), and use that newly restored, trust-backed democracy to lock in our fundamental human rights forever (Phase 6).
Protect Faith. Limit Government. Defend the First Amendment.
Protect Faith. Limit Government. Defend the First Amendment. 🗽🦅#LimitedGovernment #FirstAmendment #ReligiousLiberty #FaithAndFreedom #ConstitutionalConservatism #EPluribusUnum #ProtectTheConstitution #AmericanIdeas
Unrigging Government From Local Roots
Democracy is ours to defend and improve! https://americanideas.start.page