u/No_Philosophy8349

The history of the Anglican community in Moscow dates back to the 16th century, when British merchants were first granted the right to practice their faith. Before the Great Fire of 1812, services were held in the building of the Dutch Reformed Church (I’ll make a post about it later) in the German Quarter (Nemetskaya Sloboda).

In 1825, Emperor Alexander I authorized the establishment of an official Anglican church in Moscow. In 1828, the community purchased a mansion in Bolshoy Chernyshevsky Lane (now Voznesensky Lane), which was converted into a chapel. By the 1870s, the congregation had grown significantly, and in 1882, construction of the new stone church began.

Today, it remains an active church, with services conducted exclusively in English.

On October 30, 1965, Literaturnaya Gazeta published an article by Kaliningrad authors opposing the demolition of the Royal Castle, a move supported by the regional leadership. This deeply angered Nikolai Konovalov, the First Secretary of the Kaliningrad Regional Committee (the de facto head of the region), who summoned Valentin Erashov, the secretary of the regional Writers' Union and a signatory of the article. The conversation, which at times grew heated, lasted an hour and a half. After the meeting, Erashov created a detailed transcript of the discussion and kept it in his private archive for 25 years. In 1990, he handed it over to the Kaliningradsky Komsomolets newspaper, and the text was made public. New Kaliningrad has decided to publish the document today, more than half a century later, as it provides answers to many questions regarding the Soviet-era policy on preserving historical monuments in the region and the principles behind Kaliningrad’s urban development.

There are three participants in the conversation. At the time, Nikolai Konovalov is 57 years old, and he has been leading the region for four years out of the 23 he spent in the chair of the First Secretary of the Regional Committee. The writer Valentin Erashov is 38. He has been heading the regional Writers' Union for about a year at the time of the meeting. The third participant is Dmitry Nikitin, the ideological secretary of the Kaliningrad Regional Committee and a subordinate of Konovalov.

'During the times delicately referred to as the "stagnation," one could and should have protested and beaten one’s head against the wall. The wall would not crumble, the forehead would ache, but the sense of personal freedom of spirit and will was more important than the bruises. A wall—any wall—collapses sooner or later, and shaking it beforehand is necessary and, in any manifestation, not useless. Moscow, as we know, burned down because of a penny candle,' Erashov would later write, while submitting the transcript of his conversation with the chief proponent of the demolition of the Königsberg Castle for publication.

Konovalov (rising from his desk, walking over to meet Yerashov, extending his hand): — Hello. Please, have a seat.

Nikitin: — Hello.

(Erashov shakes hands and sits down.)

Konovalov (standing behind his desk): We have invited you here for an unpleasant conversation. We read the letter about the castle in the Literary Gazette. What kind of fool — and I’m putting it mildly, you can insert any other word you like! — could have written and published such a thing! To preserve, to restore a fascist castle, a nest of Prussian reaction — and this is demanded by Soviet people, by Communists! By artists! It’s idiocy! It plays right into the hands of West German revanchists; they are showering us with expressions of gratitude now. No, what kind of fool could have written such a letter!

(He sits down.) We are listening.

Erashov: — First of all, Nikolai Semyonovich, if you intend to continue this conversation in such a tone, I will get up and leave. I will not allow anyone to insult me. Especially since you know perfectly well that out of respect for your age, I cannot respond to you in the same tone.

Konovalov: — I did not insult you. Look, I have a witness here (turning to Nikitin). Did I insult him? (Nikitin shakes his head in the negative.)

Erashov: — Well, if, in your opinion, calling a person a fool and an idiot is not an insult... I think otherwise.

Konovalov: — I did not call you a fool.

Erashov: Yes. You just asked what kind of fool and idiot wrote such a letter. But those people’s signatures are in the newspaper, and you summoned me here, which means you know who wrote it and whom you are calling a fool. In short, I will not continue this conversation in such a tone.

Konovalov: Well, I was just deeply outraged by that letter; I couldn’t help myself. Fine, let’s talk calmly. Let’s agree on this: there are no regional committee secretaries here, nor a member of the Party Central Committee. There are three Communists; let’s talk as equals, as Communists.

Erashov: Now, that I’d be happy to do. Let’s talk as Communists.

Konovalov: Then tell us, how could you bring yourself to defend a fascist castle?

Erashov: As far as I recall, there were no fascists in the fourteenth century, not even a trace of them; there were only the "knight-dogs." But they weren't the ones who built the castle anyway—it was Lithuanian, Prussian, and Czech peasants. It is well known that material wealth is created by the people...

Konovalov: It is a fascist castle, and we are going to blow it up.

Erashov: That is your business. Of course, if you want to, you will blow it up. But what is the point? It would be an act of barbarism.

Konovalov: This is the residence of the Prussian kings; from here, they oppressed the people. Let’s blow it up and build new houses on this site. So that not a trace of the German spirit remains here.

Erashov: The castle hadn't been a royal residence for nearly a century, even under the Germans; it was a museum. But even if it had remained a residence—is that really the point? We are interested in it as a monument of material culture. If we follow your logic, we would have to blow up the Kremlin and the Winter Palace—the former residences of Russian emperors—blow up St. Basil's Cathedral and the Dormition Cathedral, the monument to Peter the Great, the 'Bronze Horseman,' and much more. By the way, such proposals were actually made—regarding St. Basil's Cathedral, for instance. They wanted to clear the approach roads. But even Stalin had the sense not to allow it.

If we are to eradicate the 'German spirit' in Kaliningrad, then we must blow up every surviving building, including the Regional Party Committee building where we are currently speaking (1 Dmitry Donskoy St.). After all, it is the former Ministry of Finance of East Prussia. And may I ask, then—what do you intend to do with the ruins of the Cathedral, built in the 13th–14th centuries, and Kant’s grave? After all, that is also the cathedral where Prussian kings were crowned, and Kant, if I recall correctly, was not a Marxist...

Konovalov: We might save the Cathedral. As for Kant, that’s a different matter; he was a scientist, and we are protecting his grave.

Erashov: I don’t see the consistency. Kings lived in the castle, and they’re planning to blow it up. They were crowned in the Cathedral — and you might save the Cathedral. You really ought to be consistent to the end.

Konovalov: We’ll gather photographs of the castle ruins, take pictures of its most dilapidated parts, and send them to Literaturnaya Gazeta. Let them see what it is they’re defending.

Erashov: But others will have photos of the best-preserved parts of the castle. Those could be sent to the right places, too.

Nikitin: It’s strange how the editor of Literaturnaya Gazeta let you lead him by the nose. I studied with him at the Academy of Social Sciences; I’ll give him a call...

Erashov: I don’t think Alexander Chakovsky studied at that academy. He’s a professional writer, not a party functionary, although, if I recall, he did work for the Central Committee.

Nikitin: Ah, right, it was the editor of Sovetskaya Kultura who studied with me. But it doesn’t matter, I’ll call Chakovsky anyway.

Konovalov: Tell me, do you listen to Radio Free Europe?

Erashov: No, I don’t listen to it. My radio is pretty lousy. It only picks up Kaliningrad and Moscow.

Konovalov: Well, I do listen.

Erashov: That’s very interesting...

Konovalov: So, they’re shouting: "Thanks to Mr. Erashov for standing up in defense of a national shrine of the German people." They’re spreading such slander about us now, dragging our names through the mud because of your letter.

Erashov: They’ve been slandering us all along: if things are bad here — they slander us; if things are good — they slander us just the same. If we had only cared about their opinion, we shouldn’t have carried out the Revolution in '17 — that’s exactly when their smear campaign began. And you know better than I do what kind of fabrications they keep publishing about the Kaliningrad region. So, why do we live and work — for ourselves, or looking over our shoulders, worrying about what bad things they might say about us over there? Lenin loved to repeat the words of Nekrasov: "We hear signs of approval not in the sweet rumble of praise, but in the wild cries of malice." Personally, I couldn't care less what they say about me. Let me quote another favorite expression of Marx: "Stand straight. And don't worry that your shadow is crooked.

Konovalov: But they keep slandering and slandering. What do you think we should do about this castle now?

Erashov: I think there’s only one thing left to do: preserve it, which is what should have been done in the first place.

Nikitin (jumping up): My mother, taking part in a 'subbotnik' to clean up this fascist nest?! I will never allow it!

Erashov: What does your mother have to do with this, Dmitry Nikolayevich? No one is going to ask her. It’s done much more simply: you call General Ambaryan. He’ll assign a regiment of soldiers, and it’ll be taken care of—that’s how it was always done for those 'beautification' subbotniks.

Konovalov: And why did you have to write to the newspaper? You should have come to us and talked it over.

Erashov: What would have been the point of coming to you, when I knew full well that the initiative to blow up the castle came personally from you?

Konovalov: We make our decisions collectively at the Bureau.

Erashov: I know all about your 'collectivity': you put forward a proposal, the other members of the Bureau vote 'in favor' collectively, and not a single one of them would dare to object to you.

Konovalov (to Nikitin): Do you hear what he’s saying? Huh?

(Nikitin spreads his hands, nodding ruefully.)

Erashov: I’ve been in the Party for nearly twenty years, and I’ve been in Party work for just as long. Let’s be frank, since we agreed to speak as Communists...

Konovalov: All city development plans are decided collectively...

Erashov: ...but without any public input. If they had consulted the people, we wouldn’t have this disgrace with the development of Leninsky Prospekt. We go around boasting: 'Kaliningrad’s Cheryomushki, Kaliningrad’s Cheryomushki'… It’s sickening to look at the layout, at these cramped little barracks dumped right on the city’s main thoroughfare. They just 'plonked' the buildings down wherever they felt like it. They didn’t even pick the best standard designs. Even among standard projects, they could have chosen something more decent for the main street of Kaliningrad.

Konovalov: Don't you know why they built those cramped little houses?

Erashov: I do.

Konovalov: "That was Khrushchev’s idea.

Erashov: "I know. That’s why I’m saying: we must preserve the historical buildings that give our city its unique character. Tourists come here—do they come to look at our four-story boxes? Of course not. Every city is full of those boxes; Tula, Vologda—you can’t tell one city from another. But our Kaliningrad has its own face, thanks to its historical monuments. We need to preserve them and build interesting, original new houses alongside them. By the way, the Trade Union building—it’s a fairly standard structure, nothing particularly grand—but against the backdrop of the castle ruins, it actually looks quite good by contrast. That’s something that should have been taken into account as well.

Konovalov: We’ll build new houses on the site of the castle.

Erashov: I think we have enough space as it is, and besides, it’s not the best site for residential buildings. And if I recall correctly, building administrative offices there is currently prohibited.

Nikitin: We’re blowing up the castle anyway — it’s a fascist monument.

Konovalov: We have thousands of people in this city in need of housing, and you’re talking about restoring a castle? That would require enormous expenses. We will never agree to that.

Erashov: We aren’t talking about restoration; we’re saying we should preserve what’s left. That wouldn’t require much funding. We could use volunteer efforts just to clean up the ruins and make them sanitary. That’s all.

Konovalov: We’ll call Moscow and insist on our position: the castle must be blown up.

Erashov: As you wish.

Konovalov: What conclusion have you drawn from our conversation?

Erashov: I’ve stuck to my opinion. You haven’t convinced me.

Nikitin: Oh, there’s no point in that — putting on a mask and acting like you haven’t been convinced.

Erashov: I understand. Goodbye.

Republished by the newspaper "New Kaliningrad"

First, Nikolai Konovalov, born in Udmurtia, who at the time was the First Secretary of the Kaliningrad Regional Committee (effectively, the region's governor).

Second, Alexei Kosygin, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers of the USSR.

Coming soon.

In a few days, I will be publishing a fascinating transcript that I'm sure most of you have never heard of.

Just 300 meters from the Moscow Zoo stands a low, squat, 3-4 story building. The architect, Jan Bogusławski—who restored the Royal Castle in the center of Warsaw and won the competition for the design of the Madrid Opera House—was simultaneously building the embassy of his country in Moscow. In connection with this event, a commemorative capsule was laid in the building's foundation in 1974, containing a formal act marking the 30th anniversary of People's Poland and the eternal fraternal friendship between the peoples of Poland and the Soviet Union. Today, this building in the Krasnaya Presnya district is part of a complex located in the immediate vicinity of the Polish Cultural Center. The embassy covers a vast area of 17,000 square meters. Inside, there is also a cinema hall and a school where lessons on Polish history are held. The entire interior of the embassy consists of items brought from Warsaw, many of which are rare and valuable objects. The private residential wing of the building is decorated in the style of a Polish manor house.

The high-rise building in 3-d photo is the Polish residential building attached to the embassy.

Located at the corner of Vyborgskaya Street and Novaya Zastava Street, Vyborg, Russia.

The foundation dates back to the 14th–15th centuries, while the current structure dates to the 16th–17th centuries. The architect is unknown.

Modern photo's

Design and Vision
The project was designed by artist Sergey Malyutin, while the architectural execution was carried out by Nikolay Zhukov and the construction was managed by engineer Boris Shnaubert. The building was originally intended as a rental property, designed specifically to house the creative intelligentsia.

The news about the Kaliningrad regional government’s plans to build a branch of the "Russia" National Center on the site of the demolished House of Soviets has caught Kaliningrad residents by surprise. This applies not only to ordinary citizens but also to politicians, architects, and active community members concerned about the fate of the city center, which has been turned into a wasteland. New Kaliningrad reached out to see how this initiative is viewed by former Governor Nikolay Tsukanov, Speaker of the Regional Legislative Assembly Andrey Kropotkin, cultural expert Alexander Popadin (who previously headed the "Heart of the City" architectural bureau), and Igor Li, Chairman of the Kaliningrad branch of the Union of Architects.

This week, regional authorities clarified the parameters of the future "Russia" National Center branch, which is planned for the site of the former House of Soviets (Governor Alexey Besprozvannykh first mentioned the potential construction plans in December). The future branch is envisioned as a "symbol of the region's social and cultural core." The complex is intended to be built on a 12-hectare plot where the House of Soviets once stood. The building project is designed for 47,000 square meters, and there are also plans to create a 10-hectare "Russia" landscape park. "It will feature large exhibition and public spaces, a forum, an amphitheater, and modern transport infrastructure. The National Center branch will be able to host up to 3.5 million visitors per year," the government press service reported. However, there is no information yet regarding the building's design, height, or other specifics.

"Governor Alexey Besprozvannykh has done a great deal of work to advocate for the very idea of creating this branch. The project has received approval at the federal level. Specialists have begun pre-project work. It is premature to speak about exact timelines and technical parameters; these will be known after all necessary procedures are completed, including state expert reviews, the selection of a contractor, and the approval of all funding sources," the government explained.

Igor Li, Chairman of the Kaliningrad branch of the Union of Architects:

"I am very surprised. No one has ever discussed this with anyone. Not with the residents, not with the architects. It’s all happening completely over our heads. And I don’t just mean the architects; I mean the residents of the region in general. From my point of view—and I will try to put this delicately—that is not the right way to do things."

This is a very complex, iconic place. It’s not just a center; it is the epicenter of Kaliningrad and the former Königsberg. According to the Master Plan, this is our Central Square. I believe that this approach is, to put it mildly, wrong. I think that decisions regarding such territories should be made openly, publicly, and with at least some minimal level of public support. You can’t please everyone—that’s simply unrealistic. But the way things look here, I don’t even know what to say. I am just as astonished as you are."

Nikolay Tsukanov, former Governor of the Kaliningrad Region, under whom the "Heart of the City" bureau operated. The bureau was tasked with determining the architectural appearance of the square near the House of Soviets and the ruins of the Royal Castle (it existed for three years, from 2013 to 2016, and was closed following the former governor's resignation):

"When we talk about the Kaliningrad Region needing a branch of the 'Russia' National Center, we should probably consult with the public first regarding its location and, perhaps, integrate it into an area where business and cultural life already exist. Maybe on Oktyabrsky Island, or somewhere else. Without a doubt, it must be an iconic location. We have a stadium, we have the stunning Museum of the World Ocean, and we have the forts. Yes, indeed, the Kaliningrad Region deserves such a center. But we need to think very carefully about where to place it so that the money isn't just wasted. It needs to be functional and bring joy to the people."

The site where the House of Soviets once stood is slated for development—that much is already decided. I expect construction to begin no later than 2030. But what exactly will they build? Tensions are starting to rise, and it looks like Kaliningraders are being sold another 'pig in a poke' in the form of a 'National Center.' A soulless glass structure and a landscaped park. Architects are already criticizing the project (I will post the articles later; they are in Russian, and I ask the admin not to delete them, as it is essential for everyone interested in the fate of this site to read them). Whatever is built there will define the face of this part of the city for years to come.

In the photos: various projects and a sketch of the National Center.

The chairman of the "Society of Friends of Kant and Königsberg" (Freunde Kants und Königsbergs) is Gerfried Horst, who was born and currently resides in Berlin.

The society is the direct successor to the historical "Kant Society of Friends," established in 1805 in Königsberg by the philosopher’s contemporaries.

Gerfried Horst has led the society since its revival. The idea to restore this tradition came to him long before the society’s formal founding, inspired by his personal connection to Königsberg (his mother was a native of the city).

The society’s primary goals include preserving Kantian traditions, popularizing the philosopher’s legacy and the spiritual heritage of Königsberg, and fostering international cooperation.

Under Horst’s leadership, the society:

• Restores the tradition of the "Bean Feast" (Bohnenmahl), an annual ceremonial dinner held on Kant’s birthday (April 22), which had been interrupted during World War II. Since 2008, this event has been held in Kaliningrad.
• Participates in the installation of memorial plaques honoring Kant and other prominent figures of Königsberg.
• Supports the Kant Museum in the Cathedral and works on the development of museum complexes.
• Initiates translations and publications, including books about Kant and Königsberg.
• Organizes international trips to Kaliningrad featuring guided tours, lectures, and concerts.

The society’s members include direct descendants of Kant’s historical friends (such as Marianne and John Motherby, and the Barons von Schrötter), which helps maintain a living connection to the past.

Gerfried Horst is also known for his efforts to draw attention to "Kantian sites" in the Kaliningrad region, including the Kant House in the village of Veselovka and the former von Schrötter estate, Gross-Wonsdorf (now Kurortnoye).

This is a castle of the Bishop of Sambia.

Established in December 1352 due to frequent Lithuanian raids, the castle stood on a hill near a stream. It was located three kilometers north of the Pregel River, occupying the site of the former Prussian stronghold of Vostopolo.

At the beginning of the 18th century, it passed into the possession of Prince Leopold of Dessau, and from the 19th century, it became a royal domain. Until 1900, the cellars housed a cheese dairy, while the northern room served as a distillery and brewery.

Originally, the castle was a small, rectangular, single-wing complex with a defensive wall.

Some architectural features:

built on a foundation of granite boulders; walls made of Teutonic fired brick with a diamond pattern traditional for Order architecture; wall thickness: 2.5 meters on the exterior and 1.9 meters on the interior; the eastern part of the main building housed a chapel, while the western part contained the manager's quarters; a defensive gallery with embrasures ran under the gable roof; there were cellars in the basement level; a gallery in the courtyard provided access to the second floor.

Today, only ruins remain of the castle. The ruins and the surrounding land are planned to be put up for auction later this year to facilitate the restoration of the site and the development of the area.

Images:

1 Scheme

2 Historical photo

3 Present-day view