Just like 4 years ago, Super Tuesday determined everything. The winner was clear: Governor of Ohio Sherrod Brown managed to pull it off by securing most States and delegates. However, this didn't mean that Senator John N. Kennedy of Louisiana gave up. He continued to fight and was able to win some other contests after Super Tuesday. Still, this was a matter of time. Finally, the majority of the delegates were gained, and Senator Kennedy Dropped out of the race.

The Results of the 2016 People's Liberal Primaries

Governor Brown had done it; he returned the Nomination to the Commonwealth Coalition. Even with this victory, he shouldn't celebrate too much. There are rumors that somebody in the Nelsonian Coalition prepares to run for President as an Independent. It is not Senator Kennedy; he denied any involvement in the whole deal, but he hasn't Endorsed Brown either. President Harrison Ford as well hasn't Endorsed the Governor yet, saying that he will look into how the race will be going. The biggest suspect of being a person to run Third Party is Governor of Michigan Mike Duggan. When asked if he will run, he said, "We'll see what Governor Brown is going to do next."

So Sherrod Brown now faces the fractured Party even after becoming the Presumptive Nominee. He needs to find a way to calm everything down, or this achievement can blow up in his face. One thing that can help solve this issue is the Running Mate. Maybe if Brown picks the right person for Vice President, he can satisfy some Moderates. However, some of Brown's supporters think he needs to not back down and run fully on what he believes in, not have some "Neoliberal" as his number two.

Governor Brown already considers 6 different Candidates for the position of Vice Presidential Nominee, if the reports are to be believed.

These Candidates are:

Suzan DelBene, Senator from Washington, Member of the Nelsonian Coalition, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderate, Moderately Interventionist, Pro-Business, Pro-Free Market, Fiscal Moderate, Technocratic, Pro-Technology

Here we have Senator with a limited national profile but with a clear positive for Governor Brown. Suzan DelBene is a loyal NC member and somebody who can build bridges with the Moderates if picked as the Running Mate. Some people are probably upset about the prospect of a female Presidential Nominee being crushed as well, so replacing the first woman to serve as Vice President with another woman isn't a bad idea to satisfy women's rights groups. Finally, the Running Mate from the West may appeal to the people from the region and help with the swing states there, even if Washington is unlikely to be one in this Election cycle. Overall, even if not on the first glance, Senator DelBene checks all the boxes when comes to addressing problems that Brown might face. Even if not the most experienced or youthful Candidate, she could do wonders for the campaign.

Sheldon Whitehouse, Senator from Rhode Island, Member of the National Progressive Caucus, Socially & Economically Progressive, Interventionist, Environmentalist, Consumer Advocate

Senator Sheldon Whitehouse of Rhode Island would be an interesting pick for Vice President. The name alone is unique. An experienced man whose views aren't that much different from Brown's, yet Whitehouse is the Establishment type, which would reassure Progressives who don't want the Party to go overboard. To add to that, Senator Whitehouse brings a regional balance and would probably put New England safely in the PLP's column. However, picking Whitehouse wouldn't help Brown with the split in the Party. He is far from the Nelsonian Coalition's type, even with his Establishment credentials. Women also won't be energized with the first female Vice President being replaced by another man. Still, this would be a ticket of experienced Progressives who disagree with the current Administration and present a new vision for America.

Jason Kander, Governor of Missouri, Member of the Rational Liberal Caucus, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Moderately Interventionist, Fiscal Moderate, Ethics Reformist, Super Young, Jewish

I mean, his Endorsement really helped Brown at the end, so why not reward him? Jason Kander is, of course, the Governor of Missouri and a former Candidate for the Nomination. During the primary he showed himself as a good campaigner while being known for his effective governance. Picking him would give Brown a hand in many aspects. For one, Kander is very young, and, even if Governor Brown isn't an old man, the People's Liberal Party having a fresh face would counterbalance the appeal of the Presumptive Republican Presidential Nominee, Senator Beau Biden of Pennsylvania. Missouri might be a swing state in this Election, so picking the State's popular Governor would surely prevent it from going to the Republicans. Another thing is that Kander could help with the Moderates. He isn't Moderate himself, but he presents that pragmatic Progressivism that his Faction is known for. Would Kander get Nelsonians in line? Maybe, but there is no way to tell for sure. What Brown/Kander would do is to balance the ticket without appealing as a compromised one.

Susan Bysiewicz, Senator from Connecticut, Member of the Rainbow League, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Reform-Minded, Catholic

Senator Susan Bysiewicz of Connecticut is a fascinating case. She is a member of the Faction that is friendly with the Commonwealth Coalition while also being somebody who worked with the other side on a number of occasions. The Senator with a name, which you probably struggled to pronounce on the first go, she is another chance for Brown to select a woman as Vice Presidential Nominee. Along with this fact, the women's rights groups would be energized by her experience in advocating for women all over the country. Bysiewicz also comes from New England, the region that Brown needs to firmly hold to win this Election. Without a doubt, however, is that by picking her, Governor Brown wouldn't make any friends with the Moderates and Nelsonian Coalition members. So for Brown, she would be a good choice if he decides to not make his campaign fully in his image without compromising on what he believes in.

Henry Cuellar, Senator from Texas, former Representative, Member of the Third Way Coalition, Socially Moderate, Economically Moderately Conservative, Hawkish, Fiscal Conservative, Pro-Business, Immigration Moderate, Pro-Border Security, Pro-Gun

You thought Nelsonian Coalition's pick would be an olive branch. Picking Henry Cuellar, Senator from Texas, would be an attempt to rebuild the Party's whole coalition. Let's not go around the bush; Cuellar isn't Progressive. He is known for not being Progressive while appealing to the Hispanics. He is Moderate to Conservative on some issues while being a fighter for Immigrants without opposing border security. And so, by selecting Senator Cuellar Brown would satisfy those who aren't happy without with another CC member being the Nominee and put the Third Party run from NC to rest. However, Cuellar does more than that; he also would send the message to the voters that the People's Liberal Party wants to stop this partisanship and work with the other side. His selection could also energize the Latino vote, even if Texas itself is probably out of reach. So yeah, the base won't be happy with this one, but Cuellar could solve a lot of problems.

Rory Reid, Governor of Nevada, Member of the Nelsonian Coalition, Socially Moderate, Economically Moderately Progressive, Fiscal Moderate to Conservative, Pro-Free Market, Pro-Economic Diversification, Moderate on Immigration

Rory Reid took a different road from his father, Harry. Despite being a son of an influential member of the National Progressive Caucus, Rory Reid became a loyal Nelsonian. As Governor of Nevada, Reid started to be known as a problem solver and not an ideologue. By choosing him, Brown may try to swing the campaign in this direction instead of the return to clear Progressivism. Reid would kill two birds with one stone by appealing to both the Nelsonian Coalition and the Establishment in general. Nevada looks to be a swing state in this Election cycle, and selecting its Governor as the Running Mate would really help if the Election is close. However, there are drawbacks. Reid isn't the most Charismatic person, and he likes to campaign more in front of the donors than the crowd in a rally. Women might also be upset by Brown not picking a female Running Mate. Still, Governor Reid would be a pragmatic addition to the ticket.

View Poll

Ever since New Hampshire, one Candidate has been leading. It is Senator Beau Biden of Pennsylvania who won in South Carolina and Nevada. However, his undefeated streak was stopped in Florida, where Governor of Cuba Marco Rubio won, getting his first win and then another win for him in his home state. Then they would trade wins back and forth. At the end, before Super Tuesday, Biden had additionally won Hawaii, Minnesota, Maine, Washington, Michigan, and Arizona, while Rubio was victorious in Colorado, Missouri, Wyoming, Oklahoma, and Tennessee. These two are in a head-to-head race despite many claiming that Biden has the edge. You may notice, however, one name that wasn't mentioned. The name of the third Candidate in the race. This Candidate didn't win any contests and had his campaign on life support up until Super Tuesday. And then, the end came. This Candidate is...

Senator Lincoln Chafee Dropping out and Endorsing Beau Biden

So now we have Super Tuesday. The two Candidates left look for a big win to secure the Nomination. Who will come out on top is up in the air still.

So the Final two Candidates are:

"Build Back Better"

Beau Biden, Senator from Pennsylvania, former Represenative, Official National Union Caucus's Candidate, Socially Moderate, Fiscally Responsible, Moderately Interventionist, Pro-Law Enforcement, Pragmatic, Catholic, Kinda Young

"New American Vision"

Marco Rubio, Governor of Cuba and former Representative, Official National Conservative Caucus's Candidate, Socially Conservative, Economically Moderate, Fiscally Responsible, Hawkish, Charismatic Speaker, Catholic, Young

Endorsements:

• National Union Caucus, Former President of the United States Colin Powell, Former President of the United States Vern Ehlers, former Vice President of the United States Bill Weld, former Vice President Ben Miller, Senator from Rhode Island Lincoln Chafee, Senator from New Mexico Gary Johnson and Governor of Louisiana Piyush Jindal Endorse Senator from Pennsylvania Beau Biden;
• National Conservative Caucus and Governor of Texas Dennis Quaid Endorse Governor of Cuba Marco Rubio

View Poll

The Iowa Caucus is just around the corner, and the Candidates are preparing to make an impact. Before that, all 6 of them engaged in a series of debates.

The results of them were such:

• Senator Beau Biden of Pennsylvania has won most of them by the accounts of the viewers. They argued that Biden looked calm and collected and showed that he is knowledgeable of the issues in the country.
• After that, there was Senator Lincoln Chafee of Rhode Island, who some think won at least one debate. The praise of him is similar to the praise of Biden. Chafee was very professional and showed little emotion, probably focusing more on explaining his Policies than on getting to the people emotionally.
• There was former Vice President Ben Miller, who was a bit more emotional while remaining presidential. In these debates Miller talked more about his Foreign Policy vision for the country moving forward. This resonated with those who think that the country doesn't care enough about the situation abroad.
• Governor of Cuba Marco Rubio showed himself once again as the most Conservative Candidate in the field. He came off more emotional than others who were mentioned, yet those who watched the debates thought that he still remained professional.
• Next, we have Senator Gary Johnson of New Mexico, who made an effort of tying up his Policy with what President Harrison Ford was doing in his Presidency. This approach seemed very unusual for a Candidate of the Party, which is different from the President's. However, maybe there is a method to the madness, as his poll numbers remained stable after this.
• Finally, we have a Candidate who actually often agreed with Johnson on Policies. With that being said, this Candidate sometimes looked overwhelmed, particularly when pressured to answer on why he was running at all. He also spent a lot of time during the debates talking about his life experience instead of the political experience, which confused the viewers. Then, out of nowhere, he ended his campaign. His poll numbers weren't bad, although he was behind all other Candidates. Maybe this Candidate thought that this was too much for him. This Candidate is...

Former Vice President Bill Weld Dropping out and Endorsing Gary Johnson

This wasn't the comeback that his supporters were hoping for. Still, that was that.

This was not the only news, however. A major Endorsement was Announced just weeks before the contest in Iowa. This was a figure who still has a lot of influence in the Party, and so it can change the dynamics of the whole Primary. It was...

Former President Colin Powell Endorsing Ben Miller

This Endorsement was surprising not only because Powell and Miller weren't members of the same Faction but also because the Former President didn't disagree with his Faction's Candidate, Beau Biden, on that much. However, Powell always had his own independent streak, and he did have previous confrontations with the Biden family, so maybe it plays into that.

Anyways, now the Candidates coming into Iowa are:

"Build Back Better"

Beau Biden, Senator from Pennsylvania, former Represenative, Official National Union Caucus's Candidate, Socially Moderate, Fiscally Responsible, Moderately Interventionist, Pro-Law Enforcement, Pragmatic, Catholic, Kinda Young

"For True America"

Lincoln Chafee, Senator from Rhode Island, Official American Solidarity's Candidate, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderate, Interventionist, Reform-Oriented

"America Needs Us"

Ben Miller, former Vice President, Attorney General and Governor of Rhode Island, former Official American Solidarity's Candidate, Socially Progressive, Fiscally Responsible, Interventionist, Jewish

"New American Vision"

Marco Rubio, Governor of Cuba and former Representative, Official National Conservative Caucus's Candidate, Socially Conservative, Economically Moderate, Fiscally Responsible, Hawkish, Charismatic Speaker, Catholic, Young

"You In?"

Gary Johnson, Senator & former Governor from New Mexico, Official Libertarian League's Candidate, Economically Libertarian, Socially Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Supports Drug Legalization

Endorsements:

• National Union Caucus and Governor of Louisiana Piyush Jindal Endorse Senator from Pennsylvania Beau Biden;
• National Conservative Caucus and Governor of Texas Dennis Quaid Endorse Governor of Cuba Marco Rubio;
• Libertarian League, Former President of the United States Vern Ehlers and former Vice President of the United States Bill Weld Endorse Senator from New Mexico Gary Johnson;
• Most of American Solidarity Endorses Senator from Rhode Island Lincoln Chafee;
• Former President of the United States Colin Powell Endorses former Vice President Ben Miller

View Poll

The Iowa Caucus is just around the corner. Yet, the People's Liberal Party's Presidential Primary already had its ups and downs for different Candidates. There are those who are far ahead in the polls, then there are Candidates who are a bit behind them, and then there was a Candidate, which couldn't get off the ground at all. The Faction of said Candidate was embarrassed earlier by an exit of a different Candidate, and now this. The numbers were just too bad to continue, and so the decision was made. The Candidate is...

Governor Gabby Giffords Dropping out of the race and Endorsing Jason Kander

There were rumors that the Third Way Coalition may sway another Candidate to run. However, it never materialized, and so we are left with 5 Candidates in the race.

So the remaining Candidates are:

"Let's Just Call Him President"

John N. Kennedy, Senator from Louisiana, Official Nelsonian Coalition's Candidate, Fiscal Conservative, Socially Moderate, Economically Moderately Conservative, Interventionist, Really Funny

"For People's America, Honest America"

Sherrod Brown, Governor of Ohio, former Representative, Official Commonwealth Coalition's Candidate, Socially Progressive, Economically Progressive, Strongly Protectionist, Pro-Worker, Soft Interventionist, Populist

"New American Leadership"

Jason Kander, Governor of Missouri, Official Rational Liberal Caucus's Candidate, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Moderately Interventionist, Fiscal Moderate, Ethics Reformist, Super Young, Jewish

"She's the One"

Kathleen Kennedy Townsend, Vice President, former Senator & Governor of Maryland, Member of the National Progressive Caucus, Socially Progressive, Economically Progressive, Interventionist, Daughter of former President, Catholic

"With New Progress"

Paulette Jordan, Governor of Idaho, Official Rainbow League's Candidate, Socially & Economically Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Progressive Native American Populist, Pro-Drug Reform, Super Young

Endorsements:

• National Progressive Caucus Endorses Vice President of the United States Kathleen Kennedy Townsend;
• Commonwealth Coalition Endorses Governor of Ohio Sherrod Brown;
• Rainbow League Endorses Governor of Idaho Paulette Jordan;
• Nelsonian Coalition and Secretary of State Leon Panetta Endorse Senator from Louisiana John N. Kennedy;
• Rational Liberal Caucus and Governor of Arizona Gabby Giffords Endorse Governor of Missouri Jason Kander

View Poll

The Republican field is becoming more and more dynamic. There is little time left before the Iowa Caucus, so everybody is preparing to put their money where their mouth is. However, before that, there was a debate among Candidates for the Republican Party's Presidential Nomination.

In the debate most people thought that Senator Beau Biden of Pennsylvania came out on top. To them, the Son of the former President was able to show charm while looking presidential in the way he talked about the issues. Some gave the edge to Senator Lincoln Chafee of Rhode Island as he showed an incredible amount of knowledge in the issues, even if some thought that he looked too intellectual. There was also Governor of Cuba Marco Rubio, who was presenting himself as a clear Conservative while not scaring of more Moderate viewers. Although he didn't really sway these same Moderates to his side either. Former Vice President Ben Miller concentrated more on his experience in the government, and his resume did interest people. The thing the viewers wanted more from him is what he would actually do as President. There was Senator Gary Johnson of New Mexico, who didn't have a bad night, but many thought his performance was not spectacular, even if people liked what they had heard. And then there was another Candidate who already struggled in the polls. In the debate he didn't impress anybody, as he spent way too much time talking about his Faction's signature Policy, which didn't interest most people. The money had dried up and the poll numbers weren't looking good, and so the decision was made. This Candidate is...

Governor of Texas Dennis Quaid Dropping out of the race and Endorsing Marco Rubio

For some time after this it looked to be just 5 Candidates who are left in the race. However, then the rumors had started. Some reporters acknowledged that one more player can enter the game with the backing of a major figure. And then the Announcement came that the Candidate who throws his hat into the race is...

Bill Weld, former Vice President of the United States & Governor of Massachusetts, Member of Libertarian League, Economically Libertarian, Socially Progressive, Interventionist, Green Republican, Old

"Leadership America Deserves"

This is a name that most people haven't heard in a while. Former Vice President and Governor of Massachusetts Bill Weld had left politics after the Assassination attempt on his life. The second Vice President to resign from office, many respected his decision, even if they were surprised by it. Many politicians would morbidly use such an event to increase their profile, and Weld was at the time seen as a clear successor to then-President Vern Ehlers. Instead, Vice President Weld chose family and his well-being. This led to Ben Miller becoming Vice President and Weld going to live his life as a regular citizen. Ever since his resignation, Weld has had an interview here and there, appeared on some TV show, or even made Endorsements. There were rumors throughout the years that he may run for President, but most thought that this was unlikely. Well, now the former Vice President runs for President, promising to do everything in his power to run the country as well as he can, if Elected. What makes this more shocking is the fact that there is already the Official Candidate of his Faction, the Libertarian League. And Weld's views aren't drastically different from Johnson's. Because of this Weld will have to explain why does he run now. There is some talk that people in the Faction think that Johnson is too sympathetic to Ford or that his poll numbers aren't good enough. However, nothing is confirmed yet. Weld runs a well-organized campaign with many townhalls, interviews, and other media appearances. Even with the organization of his campaign, Weld needs to make up for lost time if he wants to have the momentum. To add to that, the former Vice President will have to at some point answer the question, "Why is he running now?"

Even if most of the Libertarian League mostly supports Senator Johnson, which is not ideal for Weld, he has one ace up his sleeve...

Former President Vern Ehlers Endorsing Bill Weld

Many now see why the former President hasn't Endorsed Senator Johnson immediately. He had to know that Weld might do something like this. Ehlers' Endorsement does help help Weld in a lot of ways as now he may attract loyal Ehlers supporters to his side. Senator Johnson, however, hasn't been silent and called out President Ehlers on "playing a dangerous game that can disrupt the Faction's unity." There was another person that made a comment about this event - Vern Ehlers' other Vice President. Ben Miller commented that he understood why the former President Endorsed Weld but argued that he was the one that represented the Administration better. He argued that Ehlers should have supported him. Well, what's done is done, and the race is becoming more and more fascinating.

Now the Candidates are:

"Build Back Better"

Beau Biden, Senator from Pennsylvania, former Represenative, Official National Union Caucus's Candidate, Socially Moderate, Fiscally Responsible, Moderately Interventionist, Pro-Law Enforcement, Pragmatic, Catholic, Kinda Young

"For True America"

Lincoln Chafee, Senator from Rhode Island, Official American Solidarity's Candidate, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderate, Interventionist, Reform-Oriented

"New American Vision"

Marco Rubio, Governor of Cuba and former Representative, Official National Conservative Caucus's Candidate, Socially Conservative, Economically Moderate, Fiscally Responsible, Hawkish, Charismatic Speaker, Catholic, Young

"America Needs Us"

Ben Miller, former Vice President, Attorney General and Governor of Rhode Island, former Official American Solidarity's Candidate, Socially Progressive, Fiscally Responsible, Interventionist, Jewish

"You In?"

Gary Johnson, Senator & former Governor from New Mexico, Official Libertarian League's Candidate, Economically Libertarian, Socially Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Supports Drug Legalization

"Leadership America Deserves"

Bill Weld, former Vice President of the United States & Governor of Massachusetts, Member of Libertarian League, Economically Libertarian, Socially Progressive, Interventionist, Green Republican, Old

Endorsements:

• National Union Caucus and Governor of Louisiana Piyush Jindal Endorse Senator from Pennsylvania Beau Biden;
• National Conservative Caucus and Governor of Texas Dennis Quaid Endorse Governor of Cuba Marco Rubio;
• Libertarian League Endorses Senator from New Mexico Gary Johnson;
• Former President of the United States Vern Ehlers Endorses former Vice President of the United States Bill Weld;
• Most of American Solidarity Endorses Senator from Rhode Island Lincoln Chafee

View Poll

(The rules are here -

https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/comments/1mmtis5/announcement_about_reconstructed_america_faction/ and

here https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/comments/1oe3356/reconstructed_america_faction_primaries_return/,

Context and Nelsonian Coalition -

https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/s/ezTftlzxpd

Commonwealth Coalition -

https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/s/uQdNFb3VW7

Rainbow League -

https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/s/OIha6XKaS4)

Rational Liberal Caucus

• Social Policy: Center Left to Left
• Economic Policy: Center Left to Left
• Ideology: Progressivism, Fiscal Responsibility, Mild Protectionism, Gun Reform, Rational Foreign Policy, Rehabilitation of Prisoners, Moderate on Abortion
• Attitude towards Ford: Pro-Ford

Roy Cooper, Senator from North Carolina, Socially Moderate, Economically Moderately Progressive, Moderately Interventionist, Pro-Education, Consumer Advocate, Fiscal Moderate

Senator Roy Cooper of North Carolina has established himself as a popular figure in his State and he looks to do the same nationwide. He has built his career around the less glamorous side of politics: Education, consumer protection, law enforcement and making state government actually function. Before becoming Senator, he spent years in the state legislature, where he developed a reputation for concentrating on practical problems rather than ideological theatrics. Cooper enters the Primary as a familiar Southern Moderate who can talk about Progressive goals without sounding particularly radical. His campaign is heavily retail-oriented, with Cooper traveling through Southern towns, schools and civic organizations while local officials campaign for him as surrogates. He also holds a steady stream of private fundraising events, giving the campaign a fairly traditional political structure. Cooper is ultimately trying to convince the Faction that pragmatism does not have to mean abandoning Progressive priorities.

Barney Frank, Representative from Massachusetts, Socially Progressive, Economically Progressive, Pragmatic Reformer, Moderately Interventionist, Jewish, Gay, Old

Barney Frank is Representative from Massachusetts and one of the longest-serving and most recognizable Liberal legislators in the race. His career has combined Socially Progressive politics with a detailed interest in financial regulation, housing and Economic Policy, and his experience in Congress has made him particularly comfortable dealing with the machinery of government and the financial sector. He was briefly considered by Ford for the Vice Presidential position, which made people notice him. Frank's campaign plays directly to his strengths. He gives frequent speeches, takes part in television interviews and relishes Policy debates, often spending more time answering hostile questions than delivering carefully choreographed stump speeches. Massachusetts politicians and longtime Congressional allies serve as surrogates, while the fundraising operation benefits from his extensive network. Along with it, Moderate LGBT groups can back him as the figure who just because of his orientation isn't some radical. Frank is not trying to become the most approachable Candidate in the field; he is running as the experienced legislator who believes that knowing how government works matters more than making grand promises.

Carol Moseley Braun, Senator from Illinois, Socially Progressive, Fiscally Responsible, Soft Interventionist, Old

Carol Moseley Braun has been a very influential voice in the Rational Liberal Caucus for some time now. A long time Senator from Illinois who has spent much of her career breaking political barriers while building a reputation around Civil Rights, education and public service. Her career included work on Education and Reform, and she became a prominent national figure through her advocacy for Progressive values with acknowledgement of the need for Fiscal Responsibility. Her campaign combines a strong personal presence with a fairly conventional political organization. Moseley Braun spends considerable time before women's groups, Civil-Rights organizations, educators and Illinois political organizations, while prominent supporters campaign for her in States where she cannot appear. Fundraising receptions are balanced by community meetings and smaller rallies, allowing her to campaign both as a nationally recognized figure and as an Illinois politician who still understands retail politics.

Christine Gregoire, Governor of Washington, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Moderately Interventionist, Fiscal Pragmatist, Pro-Labor, Environmentalist, Catholic, Old

Christine Gregoire is the person that finally ended the era of Republican dominance in Washington. The first Liberal Governor of Washington since Theodore Bundy, she spent much of her career taking on large institutions through the legal system. As Attorney General, she pursued consumer-protection cases, created a High Technology Unit to deal with Internet fraud and played a leading role in the tobacco settlement; as Governor, she concentrated on Education, transportation, Environmental issues and health care. Gregoire's campaign therefore has a distinctly executive character. She spends plenty of time at Policy events and town halls, but much of the campaign is delegated to Washington officials, labor figures and experienced political organizers who can carry her message elsewhere. Fundraising receptions are an important part of the operation, while Gregoire herself focuses on demonstrating that she can make complicated institutions deliver tangible results. Her Candidacy is less about political excitement than about giving the RLC a proven administrator.

Frank Caprio, former Governor of Rhode Island, Socially Moderate, Economically Progressive, Moderately Interventionist, Pro-Small Business, Populist, Compassionate Justice Advocate, Catholic, Really Old

Frank Caprio is a former Governor of Rhode Island and a longtime Providence public servant who spent much of his career in law, local government and civic institutions. Before becoming Governor in this timeline, he served on the Providence City Council, ran unsuccessfully for statewide office and became a municipal judge, while also taking a major role in Rhode Island's higher-education system. In public life, Caprio developed a reputation for personal warmth, patience and a strong interest in helping ordinary people who found themselves struggling with government institutions. His campaign consequently has a distinctly retail character. Caprio spends considerable time at community meetings, civic organizations, Italian-American gatherings and smaller public events, where his personal manner is more important than elaborate speeches. He also relies on Rhode Island political contacts and longtime civic associates for fundraising and as surrogates. Rather than presenting himself as an ideological crusader, Caprio is asking Rational Liberals to choose an experienced public servant whose politics are grounded in practical government and the everyday problems of ordinary citizens.

Mark Warner, Secretary of Commerce, former Governor of Virginia, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderate, Pro-Growth Fiscal Manager, Moderately Interventionist, Results-Oriented Moderate, Pro-Innovation, Bipartisan Reformist

Mark Warner has been the Secretary of Commerce under the Ford Administration during his Presidency. Former Governor of Virginia and a businessman, he has built a reputation for Fiscal discipline, Economic development and Bipartisan policymaking. His time as Governor was marked by negotiations across Factional lines, Economic development and an emphasis on managing Virginia's finances. Now he tries to portray himslef as the middle person between Ford's approach to governing and the regular RLC's. Warner enters the contest with one of the best-organized campaigns in the field. Business leaders, former Virginia officials and fellow legislators provide a large surrogate network, while Warner spends much of his own time at major fundraising gatherings and detailed Policy speeches. He also makes frequent appearances before technology and business groups, where his background gives him particular credibility. The campaign is intentionally disciplined: there are rallies, but Warner is much more likely to spend an evening explaining an Economic proposal to a room of donors and officials than trying to outshout the movement Candidates elsewhere.

Eduardo Bhatia, Senator from Puerto Rico, former Governor, Socially Progressive, Fiscally Responsible, Moderately Interventionist, Pro-Education, Economic Modernization Advocate, Renewable-Energy Advocate, Institutional Reformist

Eduardo Bhatia is Senator from Puerto Rico and its former Governor who has made Education, poverty reduction, institutional reform and energy modernization major parts of his political career. As Governor, he sought to make the institution more accessible while pushing public-education initiatives, anti-discrimination measures and major changes to Puerto Rico's electrical system. Bhatia's campaign consequently has an unusually Policy-heavy character. He spends much of his time at universities, Economic forums, community meetings and meetings with Puerto Rican civic organizations, while educators and local political figures campaign for him elsewhere. Fundraising is concentrated among professional networks and established supporters rather than mass rallies. Bhatia's campaign is trying to turn his experience with institutional reform into a case for a more modern and efficient government.

Jack Conway, Senator from Kentucky, Socially Moderate, Economically Moderately Progressive, Moderately Interventionist, Pro-Choice, Catholic

Jack Conway defeated influential Republican Senator Mitch McConnell in 2008 for his seat. Since then not only Conway but the People's Liberal Party as a whole strengthened its influence in the State that once was a Republican stronghold. It wasn't done by a fluke, it took a concentrated effort of the Party to achieve and Conway was credited as the key figure in this success. That experience has made him a practiced coalition-builder, comfortable discussing Progressive Policy while keeping his rhetoric accessible to voters who are less ideologically committed. His campaign is built around personal appearances rather than grand national spectacle. Conway travels heavily through Kentucky and other States in the region, holding county meetings, town halls and events with lawyers, educators and local officials. He also uses Kentucky political figures as surrogates and holds regular fundraising receptions with professionals and established supporters. His Candidacy is essentially an argument for a Progressivism that can survive outside the country's biggest metropolitan areas.

Jason Kander, Governor of Missouri, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Moderately Interventionist, Fiscal Moderate, Ethics Reformist, Super Young, Jewish

Jason Kander is the extremely Young Governor of Missouri who built his reputation around government ethics, voting administration and a particularly energetic style of politics. He became Governor at just 28 years old, breaking the norm of State leaders being on the older side. His young age makes him one of the more visually distinctive Candidates in the field, but the campaign is careful not to rely solely on youth. Kander's operation puts enormous effort into volunteer recruitment and organization, with younger politicians, veterans and reform advocates frequently appearing on his behalf. He travels extensively through Missouri and the Midwest, mixing energetic rallies with smaller meetings where he can talk about ethics and electoral reform. His fundraising operation also makes extensive use of individual donors and modern campaign technology. Kander is trying to make reformist politics feel less like an abstract institutional project and more like something that can energize a new generation of voters.

Rush Holt Jr., Senator from New Jersey, former Representative, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Fiscally Pragmatic, Pro-Science, Pro-Education

Rush Holt Jr. has been in the government for some time now, just like his dad was. Senator from New Jersey, former Representative and Scientist whose political career has always been unusual by Washington standards but not impossible as former President Vern Ehlers proved. A physicist who worked in nuclear research and arms control before entering Congress, Holt has spent years advocating investment in scientific research, Education and technological development while also pushing for stronger oversight and protection of civil liberties. His Presidential campaign is consequently built around ideas and expertise. Holt spends much of his time visiting universities, laboratories and schools, speaking to scientists and educators and holding detailed public forums. Scientists, teachers and reform advocates provide much of his surrogate operation, while his fundraising is comparatively dependent on educated professionals and smaller donors. Holt knows that he is unlikely to win this Primary through spectacle, so the campaign is trying instead to make his technical knowledge and intellectual seriousness the center of his appeal.

(The rules are here -

https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/comments/1mmtis5/announcement_about_reconstructed_america_faction/ and

here https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/comments/1oe3356/reconstructed_america_faction_primaries_return/,

Context and Nelsonian Coalition -

https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/s/ezTftlzxpd

Commonwealth Coalition -

https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/s/uQdNFb3VW7

Rational Liberal Caucus -

https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/s/PNuX5TFLru)

Rainbow League

• Social Policy: Center Left to Far Left
• Economic Policy: Center to Left
• Ideology: Social Democracy, LGBTQ Rights, Equity, Pro Drug Legalization, Immigrant Interests, Dovish, Feminism, Pro-Choice
• Attitude towards Ford: Mixed, Mostly Anti-Ford

Antonio Villaraigosa, former Governor of California, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Moderately Interventionist, Strongly Pro-Immigration, Catholic

Antonio Villaraigosa became a widely known Governor of the most populace State in the country. Now former Governor of California, he came into politics through organized labor and built his career around education, urban government and the interests of working-class communities. His years in the government gave him experience with a huge and diverse electorate, while his support for immigrant communities and Socially Progressive groups made him a natural contender in this competition. Villaraigosa is treating this primary as a very hands-on campaign. He is constantly traveling, making appearances at union events, Latino community gatherings and large urban rallies, while an experienced fundraising team keeps the campaign financially healthy. His political network gives him plenty of surrogates, but Villaraigosa himself remains the center of the operation, relying on his ability to work a crowd and speak comfortably to different parts of the Faction.

Paulette Jordan, Governor of Idaho, Socially & Economically Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Progressive Native American Populist, Pro-Drug Reform, Super Young

Paulette Jordan shocked America when she became the Governor of Idaho in 2010. In the State that is heavily Republican, Jordan was able to Elected twice to the its highest office while building her reputation as an unapologetically Progressive politician with a distinctly rural background. Despite her views, Governor Jordan showed that she can work with others who don't agree with her without selling out her ideas. She combines support for higher wages, public education and Civil Rights with an emphasis on renewable energy, rural development and Native sovereignty. Jordan's campaign is deliberately grassroots. She travels through smaller communities rather than limiting herself to the major cities, holds local town halls and community meetings, and depends heavily on volunteers rather than large corporate fundraising networks. Native American leaders, Progressive organizers and rural supporters form much of her surrogate base. Jordan's strength is the sense that she is genuinely campaigning in communities rather than merely visiting them for a speech.

Sharon Tomiko Santos, Senator from Washington, Socially & Economically Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Civil-rights and Social-Justice Activist, Feminist, Economic Justice Advocate, Reformist

Sharon Tomiko Santos is Senator from Washington and a longtime Social-Justice Activist whose political career has focused heavily on education, Economic justice, women's rights, affordable housing and community development. Her campaign is built around the idea that Social equality has to be accompanied by concrete improvements in people's daily lives. Santos spends much of her time at educational forums, labor gatherings, women's organizations and community meetings, where she can speak at length on individual issues. Washington activists provide an important organizational base, while educators, Civil-Rights advocates and local officials serve as surrogates elsewhere. Rather than trying to dominate the contest through sheer visibility, Santos is constructing a coalition organization by organization.

Letitia James, former Governor of New York, Socially & Economically Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Consumer Protection Advocate, Strongly Pro-LGBTQ Rights, Criminal-Justice Reformist

Letitia James served as Governor of New York for 8 years and as soon as her 2 terms ended, people knew she was preparing to run for President. James made her reputation as a watchdog of government and an advocate for tenants, consumers and working families. Her political career began as a public defender and later included work on housing, consumer protection, wage discrimination and the interests of vulnerable communities. Now James is running one of the more urban and activist-oriented campaigns in the Primary. She holds large rallies in New York and other major cities, but spends just as much time at tenant meetings, labor events and women's organizations. Her campaign also has a strong network of community leaders and Civil-Rights activists willing to serve as surrogates. James is using the contest to make an explicitly political argument about who government should protect, rather than presenting herself primarily as a technocrat or legislative dealmaker.

Deval Patrick, Senator from Massachusetts, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Moderately Interventionist, Technocratic Progressive, Strongly Pro-Choice

On the contrary, Deval Patrick is Senator from Massachusetts who combines Progressive Social politics with a strong interest in economic development, education, infrastructure and effective government. He established a reputation for attempting to pair fiscal management with substantial public investment and economic-development initiatives. Patrick's campaign is therefore somewhat more polished than several of his Rainbow rivals. He makes frequent appearances before labor groups, universities and civic organizations, while major fundraising events give him access to established donors. At the same time, he is making a deliberate effort to maintain a grassroots presence through town halls and community meetings. Patrick's campaign is trying to connect his Socially Progressive politics with a practical governing record rather than compete for the Faction's most radical voters.

Keith Ellison, Senator from Minnesota, Socially Very Progressive, Economically Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Muslim, Energetic

Keith Ellison is Senator from Minnesota, but he got a major boost in name recognition after Harrison Ford highly considered him for the Vice Presidency. He was passed over and since then he has built his national profile around Civil Rights, Economic opportunity and working-class issues. He also became a prominent advocate for Progressive causes and developed strong connections with labor, minority communities and grassroots organizations. The only Muslim in the race, Senator Ellison can organise a sizeable voting block and make history. Ellison is running one of the most movement-oriented campaigns in the field. He travels extensively to labor halls, Civil-Rights gatherings, immigrant communities and large Progressive rallies, while his supporters put considerable effort into volunteer recruitment and small-donor fundraising. Ellison also has a large pool of sympathetic activists who can campaign for him as surrogates, allowing the operation to maintain a presence across several States at once. His campaign is less dependent on established political institutions than those of Patrick or Villaraigosa and more dependent on whether activist networks can turn enthusiasm into a functioning Primary organization.

Minou Tavárez Mirabal, Senator from Santo Domingo, former Representative, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Feminist Progressive and Human-Rights Advocate, Pro-Equality, Anti-Poverty

Minou Tavárez Mirabal is Senator from Santo Domingo and a former Representative whose political identity is inseparable from her family's history of resistance to dictatorship before Santo Domingo became a State. The Mirabal name carries an enormous symbolic weight in Santo Domingo, and Minou has used it while developing an Independent political career centered on democratic institutions and Social Reform. She speaks frequently at women's organizations, universities and human-rights gatherings, while Dominican community networks provide much of her grassroots organization. Mirabal also relies on prominent civic and Feminist figures as surrogates, with relatively little dependence on the huge fundraising machinery of some of the other Candidates. Her Candidacy is the only one in this contest which represents the people outside the mainland United States.

Earl Blumenauer, Governor of Oregon, former Representative, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Progressive Urban Reformer, Environmentalist, Strongly Pro-Drug Legalization, Kinda Old

Earl Blumenauer is the Governor of Oregon and influential former Representative whose political career has revolved around making cities more livable through public transportation, land-use planning, Environmental protection and progressive urban Policy. He has also been a persistent advocate for drug reform and criminal-justice changes. Blumenauer's campaign is consequently less conventional than most Presidential operations. Instead of trying to fill arenas every night, he spends his time at transportation forums, Environmental gatherings, urban-policy meetings and relatively small rallies where supporters can interact with him directly. Progressive mayors, Environmental activists and transportation advocates act as surrogates, while a broad network of small donors provides much of his fundraising. His campaign is trying to turn his very specific vision of Progressive urban government into a national political program.

Leslie Byrne, Senator from Virginia, former Representative, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Moderately Interventionist, Consumer Protection Advocate, Gun-Safety Advocate, Old

Leslie Byrne took former Senate Majority Leader John Warner's seat in the Senator and made herself into the force in Virginia politics. Former Representative has spent much of her career associated with women's rights, reproductive freedom and government reform. She was also involved in community organizations before entering elected office, and her legislative career gave her a reputation for being willing to push contentious issues even when doing so put her at odds with political leadership. Byrne's campaign is accordingly powered by women's organizations, reproductive-rights advocates, labor supporters and Progressive activists. She spends considerable time at issue-focused rallies and local meetings, while experienced Virginia politicians campaign for her in States she cannot visit. Rather than trying to become a broad ideological spokesperson for the whole Faction, Byrne is concentrating on a smaller but highly organized constituency that already knows exactly what she stands for.

R. T. Rybak, Senator from Minnesota, Socially Progressive, Economically Moderately Progressive, Soft Interventionist, Progressive Urban Pragmatist, Fiscal Moderate

Speaking of replacing influential Senators, R. T. Rybak won the Senate seat of former Presidential Nominee Paul Wellstone after his retirement. The chosen successor of Wellstone, Rybak made his reputation through urban government, economic development and Progressive Social Policy. As the Mayor of Minneapolis before his tim ein the Senate, he combined strongly Progressive positions on Social issues with a reputation for Fiscal Moderation and an interest in maintaining the city's financial strength. However, he has been less Moderate on Fiscal Policy after that. Rybak's campaign reflects that municipal background. He holds town halls, appearances with mayors and local officials, transportation and housing events, and smaller gatherings where he can discuss how progressive policies work at the city level. Minnesota Progressives provide much of his grassroots organization, even if he competes with Ellison for them, while former mayors and urban-policy figures campaign for him elsewhere. His Candidacy is aimed at voters who want a staunch Socially Progressive politician with experience administering a government.

President Harrison Ford saw better-than-expected results in the 2014 Midterms. Sure, the Republican Party gained 4 seats in the Senate. However, an overwhelming majority of the seats were in the hands of the People's Liberals. Many analysts predicted even bigger losses. Along with this, the PLP actually gained seats in the House of Representatives. With the supermajority still in place, Ford should have had a smooth later part of his Presidency. If you know the political dynamics of almost the past 8 years, you may understand why it wasn't the case.

President Harrison Ford during the trip to the UK

Let's start with the biggest triumph of the Ford's Second Term. Just at the start of 2015 the United States was able conduct a military operation called "Spear of Fury" were it was able to arrest and kill top military and governmental leaders of the Communist Iran. One of those arrested was the General Secretary and President, Hamid Taqvaee. He, along with other leaders, is currently in New York awaiting trial for the crimes against American people. The operation essentially eliminated the government. However, Vice President Mina Ahadi wasn't arrested or killed, and she was proclaimed as the General Secretary and acting President. Actually, she became the first female leader of Iran. At the start Ahadi said that "the people of our country won't surrender to the imperialist American regime and its crimes." With that being said, eventually she took a less hostile approach. The US and Iran agreed on a ceasefire with even limited trade deals. To top it all off, Ahadi seemed to agree to stop the prosecution of Muslims for now.

Although the Communist Iran wasn't stopped entirely, the Ford Administration was able to bring those responsible for the attack on Secretary of State Leon Panetta to justice. It actually was pretty sweet for the Secretary, as he was the leading figure behind the whole operation. The operation effectively ended what some people called "the Iranian War" and established, although not a friendly government in Iran, a less hostile one. For the President it was especially good news, as the Approval Ratings for the whole "war" were beginning to decrease. This not only ended it before the whole deal turned ugly but also boosted the public opinion of the Administration.

Hamid Taqvaee photographed in New York

With that being said, the Iranian affair had those who were negative on President Ford from start to finish. Of course the most prominent and vocal opponents of the President on the issue were members and supporters of both the Green Worker's Party and the Commonwealth Coalition of the People's Liberal Party. Some argued that Iran did nothing wrong, while others, more cautiously and probably more critically, argued that the American government went too far during the whole ordeal. They particularly expressed their protest to the arrests of those implicated in the insurrection charges.

This brings us to Angela Davis. After her arrest the evidence against her was found in the form of text messages with the Iranian officials directly implicated in the Assassination Attempt on Secretary Panetta. There, the Department of Justice revealed that Davis shared the classified information about the US government and the military. This is a serious accusation of treason that can lead Davis into spending her whole life in prison if the trial is successful. The President himself expressed the full support of the action, as letting Davis go free, if she is guilty, would set a dangerous precedent. Still, he promised to not interfere with the investigation and trial in any way while letting the DOJ do its work.

Attorney General Loretta Lynch talking to the hostile reporter about the Davis trial

Davis's supporters, along with many Commonwealth Coalition and Green Worker's Party's members, however, didn't take this too kindly. They claimed that this is the government's way of prosecuting somebody the President didn't like, as he had a public feud with Davis in the past. In response almost every House Representative from the Green Worker's Party and most from the Commonwealth Coalition Announced a boycott from the voting. This of course made passing anything a lot of more difficult as now the President needed to rely on the Republicans to pass any Economic agenda. Some called for President Ford to move to the left on Economic Policy, but he didn't budge. Even Vice President Kennedy Townsend expressed an opinion that Ford should have done just that to limit the Republican influence.

However, there might be a method to the President's strategy, as the boycott is extremely unpopular with the public. Even others in the CC talked about how this move only damages the Faction's influence, as they can't debate the actual Policy and change anything in Congress. Maybe if Ford continues to play into the boycotters' bluff, he can ensure that the CC loses its influence in the People's Liberal Party. The public is on his side, of course, but it may keep unity difficult in the Party. It already has been months of the boycott, and although some have come back to the House to vote, most are still not voting.

Vice President Kathleen Kennedy Townsend explaining how would she deal with the boycott differently

What probably didn't play into the Commonwealth Coalition's hand was the absence of many of its members during the debate on the issue of robotic prostheses and if the nationalization of the industry should go ahead. Ultimately, the President had to compromise, and instead of the proposal to nationalize the production of the market of robotic prostheses or even give large subsidies to such businesses, the government passed tax exemptions to businesses that produce robotic prostheses and modern hearing devices and limited subsidies. This didn't go down well with the Progressive voters. Some blamed the boycott, while others put the blame on the President for not fighting for the reform strongly enough. However, most do think that if not for the boycott, the nationalization could have passed, and so most blame the CC.

The boycott lined up well with the other event - the beginning of mass protests against income inequality. The biggest critique of Ford's Economic Policy so far was the increase in the wage gap during his Presidency. Many of those who protest against the income inequality demand that the government focus "more on the poor getting richer and not the rich getting richer" as a popular protestor and vlogger Benjamin Shapiro put it. Of course, numerous protesters are also those who argued against the arrest of Davis and who support the boycott. However, there are also people from the National Conservative Caucus who are Socially Conservative but oppose Ford's agenda on the Economy. There are also just Progressives who want what they call a "fair wage" but are against the boycott and the Davis trial, like the abovementioned Shapiro.

Benjamin Shapiro speaking to the reporters about why he protests

Another Foreign Policy topic in which America is directly involved and that should be discussed is the situation in East Asia. After the exosuit deployment of the Mongolian State in the Jin territory the US was put into a tough spot. Although this new technology worked wonders for them, stopping the American and Chinese progress and pushing their forces back, it was proven to not be enough for a full victory, however. Exosuits did show that they were very effective but the Mongolians just didn't have the amount that might have been needed to push the American and Chinese forces out of Jin entirely. They tried, but their progress stopped and the Chinese initiated the counteroffensive. It had limited success, and both sides appeared to be stuck in the same position.

After several months all sides agreed on the armistice along the frontline. The border between Chinese and Mongolian Jins is almost the same as before the conflict. Nobody signed any peace deal, but the war is stopped. The US was finally out of the direct military conflicts, but it also provided some breathing room for President Ford as he finally could focus less on Foreign Policy. The conflict was more controversial than the one with Iran, as Hawks argued that Ford did not do enough while Doves questioned the point of operation. Still, the country pretty much moved on from the Jin conflict, but the experience of fighting in exosuits is not forgotten.

President of the United Federation of China Zhao Xiaolan thanking President Ford for his part in the conflict

What is happening in Europe also becomes interesting as the talks on the European Federation reach the final push. The referendum was finally Announced for 2016, not too far from the the 2016 Presidential Election in the US. The people of the European Union's member countries will vote on the creation of a federation or a confederation. They will also vote if their country should become a part of it or if it stays independent with an option of keeping EU-style cooperation with the new union. For the referendum to be successful, the majority of the countries need to vote in favor of the Federation or Confederation. The only country in the EU that will not hold a referendum is the Russian Republic, as the parliament, controlled by the nationalists, refused to support it. Still, it will be fascinating to see the fate of Europe decided by the will of the people. (There will be actual polls after the 2016 Election where you can vote in the referendum.)

Speaking of the Russian Republic, it will hold another important Election in 2016 as well. The Presidency of Nikolai Makarov comes to an end as he completes his Second Term after a surprisingly strong performance from a nationalist opponent in the Presidential race. In 2016 the country needed to determine the new President, and the result of that Election could not only change the course of Russian politics but also the relations of the RR with the EU and the US. Right now the potential Nationalist Party's Candidate is leading in the polls over the other Party's Candidates. The Nationalist Party promises to reclaim former Russian territories and that they would refuse any talks about the Russian Republic joing the the European State. Only time will tell on what the Russian people will decide.

Nationalist march in Moscow

Finally, let's talk about President Harrison Ford's greatest defeat during his Presidency. It is the American Automation and Innovation Act, which proposed a great number of new programs for people that concern the technological progress. One program would have established federal grants for workers whose jobs are displaced by automation to pursue new qualifications, technical training, and education in growing industries. Another proposal to the Act was the employer retraining tax credits, which would give companies that choose to retrain existing employees rather than simply replace them with machines tax incentives. The goal was believed to make "train the worker" economically preferable to "replace the worker," as Ford put it. A different section of the bill talked about federal grants to help smaller American companies adopt AI, automation, cybersecurity, and other productivity-enhancing technologies.

The next idea was AI education programs, where schools and universities would receive support to expand education in artificial intelligence, computer science, engineering, robotics, mathematics, and digital literacy. The federal government would also help establish and modernize technical colleges offering affordable training in advanced manufacturing, robotics, programming, engineering, and other high-demand professions. There was an idea of stronger federal standards and penalties against dangerous uses of AI while protecting legitimate research and innovation. Finally, the Administration wanted to establish an independent commission dedicated to studying emerging AI risks, advising Congress and the President, and developing safety standards as increasingly sophisticated artificial intelligence enters American society.

On paper the whole deal seemed appealing to many, but nobody could agree on everything at once. There was an option to push different programs separately. However, the President pushed the Congress to vote on everything at the same time and not individually. This made the Act far more controversial, as the Fiscal Conservatives claimed that there was "a lot of fat" in the bill while the Progressives argued that the Act did nothing for the poor and very little for the middle class. It didn't stop Ford, as he thought that the bill would pass without any serious troubles. However, it didn't, as the whole Act was voted down by a narrow majority, even with the boycott. What the President wanted to be a bipartisan effort just became a mess. Not everything is lost still as Congress debates on passing separate altered individual programs from the Act. However, even if they went through, they would get as much fanfare as Harrison Ford wanted.

Representative Rand Paul of Texas ripping into the American Automation and Innovation Act

As a whole, Ford's Second Term is viewed positively by most Americans, even with some failures. Ford's Approval Rating stands at a stable 59% as he is seen as a popular President who led the country out of the Recession. What comes after Ford is for people to decide in the 2016 Election. Will another People's Liberal succeed him, or will Republicans reclaim the White House against all odds? Americans will determine soon.

https://preview.redd.it/i1e5wmf0rvoh1.png?width=612&format=png&auto=webp&s=f1cea17e359cc2dc3eba0c844557eca87a7c394d

Credit for the American Automation and Innovation Act goes to u/Artistic_Victory

HOW WOULD YOU RATE THIS PRESIDENCY SO FAR? VOTE!

When people do their job as they believe they should, it is history that decides if they did a good job. And it is not that easy to determine what is "history." After all, in today's day and age, even the historians, those who believe in the importance of telling what actually happens, sometimes could be influenced by biases, their own or others'. That is why it is necessary to talk to others to discuss what actually is the truth. You can never satisfy everyone, but it is not so easy to please history either. It is only fulfilled with the passage of time.

The Second Official Presidential Portrait of Colin Powell

Administration:

• Vice President: Daniel Inouye (1993-1997), Vern Ehlers (1997-2001)
• Secretary of State: Jesse Presley (1993-1997), Charles H. Percy (1997-2001)
• Secretary of Defense: Norman Schwarzkopf
• Secretary of the Treasury: Jack Kemp
• Attorney General: Kenneth Starr (1993–1997), Ben Miller (1997-2001)
• Postmaster General: Cardiss Collins
• Secretary of the Interior: Wayne Gilchrest (1993–1995), George Allen (1995–1998), Jon Kyl (1998–2001)
• Secretary of Agriculture: Robert F. Smith (1993–1997), Larry Combest (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Commerce: Victor Atiyeh (1993-1997), Pete Wilson (1997-2001)
• Secretary of Labor: Susan Molinari (1993–1995), Mickey Edwards (1995–1997), Jennifer Dunn (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Health and Human Services: José Ramón Machado Ventura (1993-1995), Gail R. Wilensky (1995–2001)
• Secretary of Education: Eugene W. Hickok Jr. (1993–1997), Lisa Graham Keegan (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Energy: W. Henson Moore (1993–1996), John Ensign (1996–2001)
• Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Stephen Goldsmith (1993–1997), Spencer Abraham (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Transportation: John Duncan Jr. (1993–1998), Sherwood Boehlert (1998–2001)
• Secretary of Veterans Affairs: Jim Saxton (1993–1998), John O. Marsh Jr. (1998–2001)
• Ambassador to the Coalition of Nations (CoN): Nicholas Platt (1993–1997), Howard Baker (1997–2001)
• Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Ralph Nader (1993-1997), Tom Campbell (1997–2001)
• NASA Administrator: Harrison Schmitt (1993–1997), Robert D. Cabana (1997–2001)
• FBI Director: James Kallstrom (1993–1997), Oliver “Buck” Revell (1997–2001)
• CIA Director: Richard Armitage

Chapter 7 - Gridlocked Term

On January 20, 1997, Colin Powell was sworn in for his Second Term as President of the United States. His Re-Election had made him the first African-American President to win a second term, but the political situation awaiting him was not an easy one.

The Economy had continued to improve since the difficult years of the Laughlin Administration. Inflation was under control, stagnation had largely receded, and Powell could begin his Second Term with economic conditions considerably stronger than those he had inherited in 1993.

The international situation remained dominated by the weakening Empire of Japan. Years of American economic pressure had damaged the Japanese Economy, while political instability and resistance movements had increasingly challenged the Empire's authority. Powell continued to maintain pressure on Tokyo while avoiding direct American involvement in a full-scale war.

However, the 1998 Midterm Elections were a disappointment for President Colin Powell. The People's Liberal Party regained control of the House of Representatives while retaining the same position in the Senate, leaving Powell once again dependent on an opposition-controlled Congress.

The results made the President's Domestic Agenda considerably harder to advance. The People's Liberals believed the Election had given them a mandate to pursue their priorities, while Powell continued to oppose major reductions in military spending and large tax increases. His own Party was not always willing to support his compromises either, particularly the National Conservative Caucus, which had remained skeptical of Powell throughout his Presidency.

The first major confrontation concerned the federal budget. Following the Midterm Elections, Powell proposed a Moderately Conservative budget that would preserve military spending and maintain fiscal discipline. The People's Liberal Senate opposed his proposal, while Republican Conservatives rejected attempts by the President to moderate it further.

Neither side was willing to make enough concessions. The deadlock dragged on through the year. Powell responded by using his veto power against legislation that would significantly reduce military expenditures or increase taxes, including proposals affecting the middle class. He considered such measures especially dangerous while the international situation remained unstable.

The situation eventually reached its breaking point near the end of 1998, when Congress and the White House failed to agree on a budget and the federal government shut down. The shutdown was a direct consequence of the post-midterm budget confrontation, rather than a separate earlier crisis. Neither Party wanted responsibility for the closure, but neither was willing to surrender enough ground to prevent it.

The standoff demonstrated the limits of Powell's governing strategy. During his First Term, he had often found Moderate and Conservative People's Liberals willing to negotiate with him. After the 1998 Elections, however, the congressional leadership increasingly preferred confrontation.

The political deadlock was also visible in the debate over the Second Reconstruction. Federal troops had remained in parts of the South after the riots and political violence of the early 1990s. By 1998, however, the situation had become much more stable. Republicans, particularly Conservatives and Libertarians, increasingly argued that the continued deployment was costing taxpayers too much and that the emergency had passed.

Public support had also declined. A policy that had initially been praised as a necessary response to political violence was increasingly viewed by many Americans as an expensive continuation of an emergency that no longer existed.

Powell eventually ordered the remaining federal troops to leave the affected Southern States. The withdrawal was welcomed by much of the Republican Party, although parts of the People's Liberal Party believed federal forces should remain in order to prevent racial and political violence from returning.

The end of the Second Reconstruction marked the conclusion of one of the most controversial Domestic Policies of Powell's Presidency. He had originally used federal power to restore order when state governments were unable or unwilling to control the violence. Now, with conditions considered sufficiently stable, he accepted that the military presence had become politically and financially difficult to justify.

The budget crisis, however, was still unresolved. Powell continued to argue that the United States could not afford to weaken its military while Japan remained unstable and the wider Cold War remained dangerous. People's Liberal leaders countered that government spending had to shift toward domestic priorities. Neither side was willing to concede enough to produce a durable agreement.

The late-1998 shutdown finally ended when Powell and the Senate accepted a series of concessions. Neither side was completely satisfied, but both recognized that allowing the shutdown to continue was damaging politically and economically.

By the end of 1998, Powell's position had therefore become increasingly defensive. He could block legislation, but he could not easily replace it with his own agenda. The President still had significant influence over Foreign Policy, but at home the combination of divided government and growing partisan hostility was making major legislation increasingly difficult.

The failure of the 1998 Midterms to produce a clear governing majority had left Washington trapped between two competing visions of government. Powell would soon face another battle over the Supreme Court, while his attempts to pursue independent initiatives would create an entirely new controversy.

For the moment, however, the central fact of American politics was simple: the government was stuck.

Senate Majority Leader Patrick Leahy answering questions about the shutdown

Chapter 8 - Courts, Nicaragua and Faith for Peace

The beginning of Colin Powell's Second Term brought several developments that showed both the possibilities and the limitations of his approach to governing.

The first came in the Supreme Court. In early 1997, Associate Justice Giles Rich Announced his retirement after being diagnosed with lymphoma. Rich had been on the Court since his appointment by President Nelson Rockefeller in 1965. Powell Nominated José A. Cabranes as his replacement.

Cabranes was considered a Moderate Conservative, and his Nomination attracted relatively little opposition. The Senate confirmed him, making Cabranes the first Puerto Rican to serve as a Justice of the Supreme Court. For an Administration struggling with congressional gridlock, the relatively smooth confirmation was an important success.

Later that year, another vacancy created a much more difficult fight. Associate Justice A. Leon Higginbotham Jr. suffered a stroke and subsequently retired. Expectations were high that Powell would appoint another African-American to what had long been regarded as the Court's "Black Seat."

Powell did exactly that, Nominating Janice Rogers Brown, a judge from California. Brown's appointment was historic. If confirmed, she would become the first African-American woman on the Supreme Court. At the same time, she was regarded as Socially Conservative and Economically libertarian, making her a controversial choice for the People's Liberal-controlled Senate. The Nomination was widely interpreted as Powell's attempt to offer something to the National Conservative Caucus and Libertarian League while still making a historic appointment.

The Senate refused to confirm her immediately. People's Liberal leaders hoped that future electoral gains could provide them with enough strength to block the Nomination, while Republicans hoped that they could improve their numbers and secure Brown's confirmation.

While the fight over Brown continued, Powell achieved another significant result abroad. Nicaragua had spent decades divided between a Japanese-friendly regime and Democratic forces. As Japanese influence weakened, the regime became increasingly vulnerable. Powell decided to support the Democratic forces with American troops.

The operation proceeded with remarkable speed. Managua was reached within a week, and the dictatorship collapsed in less than a month. The victory was a major blow to Japanese influence in the Western Hemisphere and one of the clearest military successes of Powell's Presidency.

Nicaraguans initially celebrated the collapse of the regime before turning toward the enormous task of reconstruction. The country began working toward the creation of the United Democratic Republic of Nicaragua, hoping to replace decades of division with a new political order.

The intervention also influenced Powell's next initiative: Faith for Peace. Faith for Peace was established as a public-private humanitarian partnership involving the Department of Defense, the State Department, and several veteran-run non-governmental organizations. Its stated mission was to support the moral resilience and emotional recovery of troops and civilians living in post-conflict areas.

The program focused on places where Powell believed humanitarian assistance could reinforce the political and military peace efforts of the United States, particularly Nicaragua and the Republic of Xhosa. The idea was to send chaplains, counselors, and faith-based aid workers into areas affected by war while working through veteran organizations rather than turning the program into a conventional military operation.

At first, Faith for Peace attracted little public attention. Powell viewed it as a relatively modest humanitarian effort that could help stabilize societies emerging from conflict. The program was increasingly tied to Powell's belief that American power did not have to mean military force alone. After Nicaragua, the President wanted the United States to play a greater role in reconstruction and humanitarian recovery without committing large numbers of American soldiers to prolonged occupations.

For the moment, however, Faith for Peace remained largely outside the national political spotlight, while the Brown confirmation continued to divide Washington.

Powell had therefore begun the second half of the 1990s with two contrasting records. His Supreme Court appointment of Cabranes had demonstrated that bipartisan agreement was still possible, while Brown's nomination exposed the limits of that cooperation. In Nicaragua, meanwhile, the United States had scored a rapid foreign-policy success and begun rebuilding a country emerging from Japanese influence.

The President now had to determine whether initiatives such as Faith for Peace could turn those military and political victories into lasting peace. That question would soon become much more difficult when the program itself became the center of a national controversy.

The first President of the United Democratic Republic of Nicaragua after being Elected, 1999

Chapter 9 - The Good Book Scandal

Like mentioned before, the Faith for Peace initiative had initially attracted little attention outside the humanitarian organizations involved in it. That changed almost two months after its creation, when an anonymous leak from a mid-level official in the Office of Management and Budget exposed internal documents concerning how the program operated.

The documents showed that Faith for Peace used private donations from religious charities and veterans' organizations to fund overseas chaplain programs. Some of that money was being matched through Pentagon morale-and-welfare budgets, creating questions about whether public resources were indirectly supporting religious activities. The chaplains were also not entirely non-denominational, with many coming from evangelical and Catholic networks. Some field reports mentioned Bible distributions alongside humanitarian aid.

The controversy exploded almost immediately. Opposition media branded Faith for Peace "a taxpayer-funded missionary operation in military uniform." Television networks referred to the affair as the "Good Book Scandal," while tabloids produced increasingly sensational headlines portraying the initiative as a religious program hidden inside American foreign aid.

The scandal also arrived at a particularly bad time for Powell. The so-called culture war was already becoming an increasingly important part of American politics, and the idea of government resources being used to support religious organizations gave both Social Conservatives and secular critics reasons to attack the Administration.

Congress quickly opened an investigation. The House Committee on Government Oversight focused on three central accusations: that the Administration had violated the Establishment Clause by indirectly supporting religious missions, that federal funds had been misappropriated through Pentagon logistical and welfare support, and that Powell had abused executive authority by creating a quasi-foreign-aid program without sufficient congressional authorization.

The Administration rejected those accusations. Secretary of State Charles H. Percy and other officials argued that Faith for Peace had indeed received White House approval, but that the program was operated largely through veterans' non-governmental organizations rather than directly by the military. They also stressed that religious activities such as Bible distribution were voluntary and organized by local groups rather than ordered by the armed forces.

Powell himself decided to appear before Congress. His testimony became one of the defining moments of the scandal. Rather than retreat from the program, Powell defended its basic purpose and argued that humanitarian support for people affected by war should not itself be treated as a criminal act. His appearance unexpectedly strengthened his position among Moderates and veterans; many of whom believed the investigation had exaggerated what was essentially a humanitarian initiative.

The political opposition was not persuaded. People's Liberal hardliners argued that the dispute was not fundamentally about religion, but about executive accountability. Their argument was that the President could not effectively outsource foreign aid to religious organizations and then avoid congressional oversight.

Eventually, the House moved toward impeachment proceedings. Two articles were prepared against Powell:

1. Abuse of Executive Power
2. Violation of the Constitutional Separation of Church and State

The impeachment effort immediately exposed the divisions within the People's Liberal Party. Some Progressives wanted Powell removed, while members of the Third Way Coalition and Nelsonian Coalition argued that the evidence did not justify impeachment. Other Moderates were increasingly uncomfortable with what they regarded as an investigation driven more by political hostility than by the seriousness of the alleged offenses.

When the House voted, the first article failed decisively. 567 Representatives voted in favor of Powell, with every Republican voting against impeachment and substantial numbers of People's Liberals joining them. Third-party politicians largely voted against the President, but the coalition supporting Powell was more than large enough to defeat the article.

The second article was considerably closer, but it also failed. 519 Representatives voted Not Guilty, with the remainder voting for conviction except for one vote. In this case, the President's principal Democratic allies came from the Third Way and Nelsonian Coalitions.

Powell had survived. The result was politically significant because the public largely viewed the proceedings as politically motivated. Conservatives and Independents in particular became more sympathetic toward the President, while his approval rating surged to 69% on the day of the impeachment vote. What had been intended to damage Powell instead temporarily strengthened him.

The eventual findings also weakened the substance of the accusations. It was established that the money used by Faith for Peace had been obtained legally through a Department of Defense morale-and-welfare trust fund, over which the department possessed discretion. No direct order from Powell had instructed participants to engage in religious proselytizing.

The scandal nevertheless had consequences beyond the question of Powell's personal responsibility. The impeachment battle intensified the already serious divisions within the People's Liberal Party. Progressives accused Moderates and Conservatives who had supported Powell of behaving like Republicans. The divisions were particularly damaging to Speaker John Conyers, whose relationship with the Moderate Factions had already deteriorated.

The Third Way and Nelsonian members had been increasingly frustrated by Conyers' refusal to compromise with the President. They wanted measures such as balanced-budget policies and moderate welfare reforms, but Conyers had insisted that the Party maintain a harder line.

After the impeachment vote, those tensions became impossible to contain. The Good Book Scandal had failed to remove Powell, but it had exposed just how divided the opposition had become. Instead of weakening the President, it had weakened the congressional leadership that had attempted to challenge him.

The fight over Faith for Peace was therefore not entirely a victory for Powell. His Administration had escaped impeachment and received a surge of public support, but one of its initiatives had produced a major constitutional controversy and consumed valuable political capital.

More importantly, the confrontation set the stage for a change in congressional leadership. The People's Liberals could no longer ignore the growing rebellion of their own Moderate Factions.

The next question was whether the party could find a leader capable of restoring enough unity to negotiate with Powell, or whether the political deadlock would simply continue.

Speaker Conyers during a heated exchange with a Republican Representative

Chapter 10 - Compromise at Last

The failure of the impeachment effort did not end the political crisis in Washington. Instead, it exposed the divisions inside the People's Liberal Party more clearly than ever. Members of the Third Way Coalition and Nelsonian Coalition increasingly believed that Conyers was making cooperation impossible and treating anyone who worked with Powell as an enemy.

The breaking point came when comments attributed to Conyers were leaked. He reportedly dismissed People's Liberal Representatives who had voted against impeaching Powell and indicated that the Party would simply move forward without them. The response was immediate. Moderates threatened to remove him from his leadership position, but Conyers underestimated the seriousness of the rebellion.

He was eventually removed as Speaker of the House and as leader of the People's Liberal Party in the House. Republicans, members of the Patriot Party, and large numbers of Third Way and Nelsonian representatives supported his removal. The decision demonstrated just how fractured the People's Liberal Party had become.

The Party then faced the difficult task of finding a replacement. After extensive negotiations, Representative Norm Dicks of Washington emerged as the compromise candidate. Dicks belonged to the Commonwealth Coalition but differed from many members of the Faction. He was not a Dove in Foreign Policy, although he was not considered a Hawk either, and he avoided much of the social divisiveness associated with other parts of the Party. His strongest political priority was the Economy, particularly the interests of labor unions.

The change in leadership created a new opportunity for compromise. The government was still struggling with the budget, and the previous confrontation had already produced a shutdown. The new congressional leadership included Dicks as Speaker, John Leahy as Senate Majority Leader, John Warner as Senate Minority Leader, and Bud Shuster as House Minority Leader. Negotiations were tense, but unlike under Conyers, there was at least a willingness on several sides to find an agreement.

The most important breakthrough came over Foreign Policy. Powell had wanted additional increases in military spending, arguing that the international environment remained too dangerous for cuts. Instead, he accepted an agreement that would leave military spending unchanged while increasing humanitarian aid to Nicaragua, the Republic of Xhosa, and Afghanistan.

Speaker Dicks agreed to this framework on the condition that Powell immediately end Faith for Peace, which had become politically toxic after the scandal. Powell accepted. The President had defended the initiative strongly, but by this point it had accumulated too much political baggage to justify continuing it.

The economic side of the agreement was more difficult. Dicks demanded tariffs on countries considered damaging to American automobile and manufacturing industries. Ukraine and the Republic of Russia were among the countries affected. Powell had spent much of his Presidency defending Free-Market Policies and had originally considered economic openness an important tool in weakening Japan, so accepting the tariffs was a significant concession. In return, Republican opposition prevented the People's Liberals from obtaining the broader tax increases they had sought.

The negotiations over the budget were tied to another important matter: Janice Rogers Brown's Supreme Court Nomination. Powell made clear that he would not withdraw her Nomination, but he also knew that he lacked the votes to secure confirmation without People’s Liberal support.

The President therefore offered a series of domestic concessions. The Farmer Help Act provided assistance to struggling farmers and supported rural development. Powell also agreed to an expansion of child tax credits. Another compromise produced the National Infrastructure and Modernization Act, which included major infrastructure investment, labor protections and requirements for union labor on federal contracts.

Finally, Powell agreed to the Workforce Renewal and Fair Standards Act. The law raised the federal minimum wage modestly to $5.10 an hour, expanded worker-retraining programs, tightened corporate overtime exemptions, and provided tax incentives to businesses that hired or retrained displaced workers. Powell's economic advisers presented the legislation as market-friendly social reform rather than a fundamental departure from his economic philosophy.

The agreement finally broke the deadlock. The People's Liberal Party dropped some of its more radical budget demands, while enough Senators agreed to confirm Brown. Janice Rogers Brown became the first African-American woman to serve on the Supreme Court. Powell had achieved a confirmation that once appeared unlikely, although only after making substantial compromises with Congress.

The settlement produced mixed reactions inside the Republican Party. To Powell's surprise, some Protectionist Conservatives, including Buchananites within the National Conservative Caucus, actually welcomed the tariffs and the Farmer Help Act. Pat Buchanan himself acknowledged that Powell had supported Policies that helped the American middle class, although he continued to attack the President's Foreign Policy.

The American Solidarity Faction also became more supportive of Powell. Other Republicans, particularly members of the Libertarian League, were much less pleased. Vice President Vern Ehlers publicly criticized the tariffs on Ukraine and Russia, arguing that interfering with the Free Market could slow the economic progress Powell had achieved.

Powell even received criticism from an unexpected source: former President Joseph R. Biden. Biden argued that Powell's compromises had placed foreign-policy concerns ahead of the interests of ordinary Americans. Given Biden's relative reluctance to comment on contemporary politics, the criticism attracted considerable attention.

Still, the broader public response was generally positive. After years of confrontation and repeated budget crises, Americans were relieved to see Washington functioning again. Powell's approval on domestic issues reached 56%, and many believed that the country was generally moving in the right direction despite the continuing international instability.

The compromise did not solve every political problem. Powell had been forced to abandon Faith for Peace, accept Protectionist tariffs that conflicted with his free-market philosophy, and make significant domestic concessions simply to secure a judicial confirmation and a functioning budget.

Yet it demonstrated something important about his Presidency. Even after the 1998 Midterms, the shutdown, the impeachment crisis, and the collapse of Conyers' leadership, compromise remained possible. It simply required a different set of politicians willing to make it.

For Powell, the new arrangement offered temporary breathing room. For the People's Liberals, it produced new leadership under Norm Dicks but also confirmed how deeply divided the party had become.

And while Washington had finally begun to function again, the international crisis was getting worse. The war between Japan and Communist Iran was entering an increasingly brutal phase, and the instability inside Japan itself was beginning to threaten the survival of the Imperial regime.

Former President Biden explaining that his critique of Powell was not personal

Chapter 11 - The Empire Under Strain

While Washington had finally reached an uneasy compromise, the international situation was becoming more dangerous. The Japanese war against Communist Iran had developed into a prolonged and increasingly brutal conflict, and President Colin Powell continued to watch it from a position of cautious interventionism without committing American forces.

At first, the Japanese Army had appeared to be winning. Tehran fell within a year, and Prime Minister Antonio Inoki initially believed that the capture of the Iranian capital could signal the end of the war. The opposite happened.

Iranian forces increasingly relied on guerrilla warfare. One of the most damaging attacks came on the outskirts of Tehran, when a truck loaded with explosives reached a Japanese base and detonated, killing more than 2,000 Japanese soldiers, including several generals. The attack was only the beginning of a broader campaign against Japanese forces.

Although the Japanese Army continued to capture major cities, its casualties steadily mounted. After slightly more than two years of war, Japanese military deaths had surpassed 70,000. The scale of the losses was increasingly difficult for Tokyo to hide, especially as Japanese forces became involved in atrocities against Iranian civilians.

The suffering caused by the Japanese campaign had an unexpected political effect. Rather than destroying Iranian resistance, the continued violence increasingly strengthened support for the Communist Iranian government. For many Iranians, the war had become a national struggle against foreign occupation, making the continued Japanese presence more politically costly.

Iranian forces were not viewed sympathetically in every respect. The discovery that Iranian fighters were using child soldiers as suicide bombers against Japanese vehicles generated widespread condemnation. Nevertheless, the practice did not break Iranian resistance, and neither side appeared ready to abandon the conflict.

Inoki repeatedly promised that Japan would remain in Iran until the Communist forces were defeated, while the Iranian government promised to continue fighting until no Japanese soldiers remained on Iranian soil.

Powell continued his own policy of economic pressure. The American stranglehold on Japan's economy remained in place, and Japan increasingly found itself without reliable friends outside its puppet regimes in Asia. Supporters of Powell argued that the policy had weakened the Empire to a degree unseen since the beginning of the Cold War.

Critics, however, warned that the strategy carried a dangerous risk. A Japan placed under extreme pressure, they argued, might conclude that it had nothing left to lose and respond militarily. The fear of a Third Global War became particularly strong among the People's Liberal Doves.

Powell's supporters rejected that argument. They believed a weakened Japan was less capable of threatening the United States and therefore less likely to win such a conflict. The opposing view was darker: an increasingly desperate Japanese regime might become more dangerous precisely because it was desperate.

The debate remained unresolved during Powell’s Presidency, but one thing was clear. The Cold War continued to dominate American Foreign Policy, and Japan's future was becoming increasingly uncertain.

The most important signs of that uncertainty were not appearing outside Japan, but inside it. After the Hiroshima nuclear bombing, much of Japanese society had initially united around the idea of revenge against what the public was told were terrorists from the Middle East. At the beginning of the war, Japanese soldiers were widely presented as heroes defending the honor of the Empire against Communist aggression.

Japanese media helped reinforce that image. Propaganda films celebrated Imperial military victories and portrayed Japan as the defender of civilization against foreign enemies. But the government made a crucial mistake. Prime Minister Inoki decided to allow live coverage of the war in Iran, hoping that greater openness would strengthen his position and win support from more liberal elements of Japanese society. Instead, the broadcasts exposed the reality of the conflict to the Japanese population.

After the devastating attack near Tehran, viewers saw the destruction and casualties for themselves. They witnessed not only the violence inflicted by Iranian forces, but also the actions of their own military.

The broadcasts were eventually stopped, but the damage had already been done. Large protests against the war began across Japan. Inoki was initially reluctant to suppress them by force, but the military leadership pressured him to act. Police and security forces were deployed, and the confrontation eventually reached Nijubashi Square.

There, the government sent tanks against the protesters. Around 37 people were killed. The defining image of the massacre came from an unidentified woman carrying shopping bags who stood directly in front of the advancing tanks. She refused to move, becoming known as "Tank Girl."

The image spread rapidly through Japan and across the Empire. Tank Girl became a symbol of resistance not only for Japanese citizens opposed to the regime, but also for independence movements in the Empire's territories.

The protests grew rather than disappearing. As the movement expanded, independence organizations that had remained underground began emerging to sabotage the Japanese war effort. Communist and far-left groups also began disrupting the government, while even far-right groups demonstrated against Inoki because they considered his government too weak.

The various movements had almost nothing in common politically. Some wanted democracy, some wanted independence, some wanted revolution, and others wanted a stronger authoritarian government. What united them was their growing opposition to the existing Japanese regime.

The government was still capable of suppressing these movements, and many demonstrations and acts of sabotage were put down quickly. But their increasing frequency demonstrated that the Empire was losing control of its population.

However, foreign observers remained cautious about predicting an imminent collapse. As long as the armed forces remained loyal to the Prime Minister, the government retained the coercive power necessary to maintain itself.

Japan had therefore entered a dangerous contradiction. It was economically weakened, internationally isolated, fighting an increasingly costly war, and experiencing growing unrest. Yet the institutions that had sustained the Empire remained in place.

Powell could weaken Japan, but he could not determine what would replace it. Back in the United States, the President's political position was considerably stronger than the Japanese regime's, although not without problems. Powell's Approval Rating stood at around 59%, below the extraordinary 69% reached during the impeachment crisis but still strong enough to encourage Republicans about the future.

The People's Liberal Party was becoming increasingly uncertain about its own prospects. What had once appeared to be an almost certain opportunity to defeat the Republicans after the 1998 Midterms now looked much less secure. The Party's internal divisions had become too significant to ignore, and the coming Faction Primaries would force its different ideological camps to decide what kind of Party they wanted to become after Powell.

The Republicans faced the same question in a different form. Powell had spent eight years proving that a Republican could govern through compromise, but his approach had never fully satisfied Conservatives or Libertarians. His Presidency had also changed the Party's relationship with Moderates and minority communities, while his Foreign Policy had made Japan the defining issue of Republican international politics.

Neither Party knew who would succeed Powell. What was becoming clearer, however, was the President's place in history. Powell had governed through assassination, political violence, divided government, international crises, and an increasingly bitter partisan environment. He had achieved significant successes, particularly in Foreign Policy, while his domestic record had been far more limited by congressional opposition and conflict within his own party.

By the end of his Second Term, many Americans had come to view Powell as one of the most compromising Presidents of the century. That reputation was both a compliment and a criticism. Supporters believed he had kept the country functioning when cooperation seemed impossible. Critics argued that compromise had sometimes prevented him from pursuing a clearer vision of government.

Either way, Powell's era was approaching its end. The next Presidential Election would not simply decide who would replace him. It would determine what came after eight years of Powell's unusual politics and whether either Major Party could finally overcome the divisions that had defined the era.

And across the Pacific, the Empire of Japan was moving toward a crisis whose outcome could change the balance of the entire Cold War.

Colin Powell enjoying his retirement

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The First Official Presidential Portrait of Colin Powell

Administration:

• Vice President: Daniel Inouye (1993-1997), Vern Ehlers (1997-2001)
• Secretary of State: Jesse Presley (1993-1997), Charles H. Percy (1997-2001)
• Secretary of Defense: Norman Schwarzkopf
• Secretary of the Treasury: Jack Kemp
• Attorney General: Kenneth Starr (1993–1997), Ben Miller (1997-2001)
• Postmaster General: Cardiss Collins
• Secretary of the Interior: Wayne Gilchrest (1993–1995), George Allen (1995–1998), Jon Kyl (1998–2001)
• Secretary of Agriculture: Robert F. Smith (1993–1997), Larry Combest (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Commerce: Victor Atiyeh (1993-1997), Pete Wilson (1997-2001)
• Secretary of Labor: Susan Molinari (1993–1995), Mickey Edwards (1995–1997), Jennifer Dunn (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Health and Human Services: José Ramón Machado Ventura (1993-1995), Gail R. Wilensky (1995–2001)
• Secretary of Education: Eugene W. Hickok Jr. (1993–1997), Lisa Graham Keegan (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Energy: W. Henson Moore (1993–1996), John Ensign (1996–2001)
• Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Stephen Goldsmith (1993–1997), Spencer Abraham (1997–2001)
• Secretary of Transportation: John Duncan Jr. (1993–1998), Sherwood Boehlert (1998–2001)
• Secretary of Veterans Affairs: Jim Saxton (1993–1998), John O. Marsh Jr. (1998–2001)
• Ambassador to the Coalition of Nations (CoN): Nicholas Platt (1993–1997), Howard Baker (1997–2001)
• Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Ralph Nader (1993-1997), Tom Campbell (1997–2001)
• NASA Administrator: Harrison Schmitt (1993–1997), Robert D. Cabana (1997–2001)
• FBI Director: James Kallstrom (1993–1997), Oliver “Buck” Revell (1997–2001)
• CIA Director: Richard Armitage

Chapter I — The Contingent President

On January 20, 1993, Colin Powell became the 40th President of the United States. His path to the White House had been extraordinary. The 1992 Election had ended without any Candidate receiving the required Electoral College majority, and before Congress could complete the Contingent Election, President Tom Laughlin was Assassinated. Vice President Daniel Inouye temporarily assumed the Presidency, while Congress proceeded with its constitutional duty. The House eventually selected Powell, making him the first President since John Quincy Adams to enter the White House through a contingent election.

Powell inherited a country that was exhausted by political conflict. Laughlin's Assassination had shocked Americans, the South remained unstable after years of political violence, and the investigation into the murder was still underway. Powell therefore entered office less as an ideological crusader and more as a President determined to restore order.

One of his first decisions was to establish a bipartisan Administration. He understood that the country needed continuity after such a traumatic transition, and he deliberately retained several figures from Laughlin's government. Among them were Secretary of Health and Human Services José Ramón Machado Ventura and EPA Administrator Ralph Nader. The decision was unusual, but Powell believed governing effectively mattered more than ideological purity.

The investigation into Laughlin's death quickly became the most explosive issue facing the new Administration. The assassin, Shinpei Yamaguchi Jr., had already been arrested, but investigators continued examining whether he had acted alone. Within weeks, the CIA uncovered evidence connecting Yamaguchi and his father, Otoya Yamaguchi, with officials of the Empire of Japan. The evidence showed that the two had communicated with Japanese officials in connection with the conspiracy.

The investigation did not prove that Japan's highest leadership had personally ordered Laughlin's murder. Nevertheless, the discovery changed the character of the case. What had initially looked like the work of a lone extremist now appeared to have international connections. The revelations would soon become the foundation of Powell's much harder policy toward Japan.

The investigation also brought George Lincoln Rockwell back to the center of American politics. Evidence emerged that Shinpei Yamaguchi had communicated with Rockwell's political managers and possibly Rockwell himself. A letter connected to the conspiracy appeared to have provided Yamaguchi with information about Laughlin's location on the day of the Assassination.

Rockwell denied involvement and instead accused Powell and Inouye of manufacturing evidence against him. He was arrested and placed under surveillance while the investigation continued and a possible trial was prepared. His arrest did not silence his movement. Quite the opposite: his supporters treated the investigation as proof of the conspiracy theories they already believed.

The crisis finally broke Rockwell's faction away from the Republican Party. After mounting tensions, the American Patriot Coalition ceased to be part of the Republican Party, while Rockwell's supporters and former coalition politicians created the Patriot Party. Rockwell remained its ideological leader despite being unable to formally participate while under arrest.

The new political movement rapidly became associated with the continuing unrest in the South. Supporters of the Patriot Party and organizations such as the National Socialism Legion participated in riots and clashes with authorities. The violence threatened to turn the political crisis into a sustained challenge to federal authority.

Powell responded more forcefully than Inouye had been able to. Federal troops were sent into parts of the South even where some Governors had opposed federal assistance. The deployment produced clashes with radicals, and troops remained in the region after the worst violence subsided, though in reduced numbers. Members of the Patriot Party who participated in violence were arrested, and politicians connected with the unrest were impeached and removed from office.

The intervention was controversial, but it received broad bipartisan support. Some members of the National Conservative Caucus protested, arguing that Powell was abusing federal authority. Others regarded the intervention as necessary to prevent further attacks against minorities and to restore the authority of the law. The operation became known to some supporters as the "Second Reconstruction."

By the end of Powell's first months, the country was calmer, but hardly peaceful. The federal government had survived the crisis, yet the assassination investigation had revealed a foreign connection, Rockwell's movement had become a separate political party, and the South remained tense. Powell had entered the White House promising stability. His first challenge was simply to make that promise believable.

Senator from Connecticut Ralph Nader comparing working under Laughlin and under Powell

Chapter II — Confronting Japan

The revelations surrounding the Laughlin Assassination transformed Powell's relationship with the Empire of Japan. The new President considered the connection between the Yamaguchis and Japanese officials too serious to ignore. His response was economic and diplomatic pressure rather than immediate war.

The United States and its allies imposed an embargo on products entering and leaving Japan. Even India, which had previously been an ally of the Empire, restricted trade with Tokyo. Powell wanted Japan isolated without giving the regime an opportunity to portray itself as the victim of an American war of conquest.

Powell's approach became known as a policy of pressure without all-out war. He wanted the Japanese government weakened economically and diplomatically while keeping American forces out of a direct conflict. Vice President Daniel Inouye supported the strategy despite disagreements with Powell on other policies, and Secretary of State Jesse Presley became one of its strongest defenders.

The consequences inside Japan were severe. The embargo contributed to another recession, while Japan's countermeasures and the actions of its allies also damaged the American economy. Critics argued that Powell was allowing foreign-policy goals to harm American business, while his supporters believed that weakening Japan was necessary for long-term security.

Meanwhile, the Japanese political system itself began to shake. On March 24, 1993, Emperor Akihito addressed the National Diet in an attempt to reclaim authority from the regime. The response was immediate. The regime arrested the Emperor and his brother, held them for days, and eventually forced Akihito to abdicate. His son Naruhito became Emperor but remained under the supervision of the Army.

The episode demonstrated that the imperial institution could no longer act independently of the military-dominated political system. It also intensified unrest inside Japan. Student protests spread across the country, and the authorities repeatedly used force to suppress them.

At the same time, Japan faced growing problems abroad. Its war in Afghanistan was proving far more difficult than expected. What Tokyo had initially believed would be a quick operation had become a prolonged struggle. The Japanese forces encountered an unlikely coalition of Socialist, Democratic, and pro-monarchy Afghan forces, which set aside their differences in order to fight the occupation.

The resistance was strongest in difficult desert terrain, where Japanese forces struggled to use their conventional advantages. As the conflict dragged on, it became increasingly clear that Japan had overestimated its control of Afghanistan.

Powell used these setbacks to continue his policy of pressure. He did not send American troops into the conflict, but he maintained the economic campaign against Japan and encouraged its international isolation. By the middle of his first term, Tokyo was increasingly cut off from much of the world outside its remaining allies.

This strategy created an unusual situation. Japan was weaker, but not defeated. Its economy was suffering, its government was facing protests, and its foreign wars were becoming more expensive. Yet the regime remained capable of using force and maintaining control.

Powell therefore resisted calls for an immediate military confrontation. His view was that the United States could afford to wait and allow Japanese weaknesses to accumulate. The question was whether the pressure would eventually force genuine change or simply make the Empire more aggressive.

Former Emperor Akihito hearing the question about his abdication and arrest from American press in 2014

Chapter III — Reforming the Republic

With the worst of the immediate domestic crisis under control, Powell turned to the structure of American government and the economy.

One of the most important early reforms was the Census Amendment. Supported by both Major Parties and by Powell and Vice President Inouye, it established that the House of Representatives would have 997 members beginning on January 3, 1995. Congress would also be allowed to increase the size of the House after each census to account for population growth.

Supporters believed the amendment would improve representation by bringing Representatives closer to their constituents. Critics, particularly Conservatives, warned that a larger House might make it easier for political radicals to enter Congress. Nevertheless, the amendment became an important bipartisan change to the American political system.

Powell then confronted the Economy he had inherited from Laughlin. Inflation had been high and stagnation had prevented meaningful growth. Powell responded by restoring the Biden-era tax cuts, lifting tariffs on most countries, especially nations outside Japanese influence, and reducing some spending on social programs.

The reductions were controversial, but a number of Moderate and Conservative People's Liberals supported them. Inflation subsequently came under control. The broader economy, however, remained disappointing for some time, with stagnation continuing as the embargo against Japan and Japan's counter-embargo affected international trade.

Powell's record on gun policy was even more difficult. During his campaign he had promised gun reform partly to attract moderate voters, but most Republicans opposed the idea. Powell tried to negotiate a compromise with his own Party while also avoiding the demands of the People's Liberals for a stronger package. The result was deadlock.

The issue illustrated the basic problem of Powell's Presidency. He was Socially Progressive compared with much of the Republican Party, but Economically Conservative and unwilling to abandon his Party on fiscal and national-security questions. He repeatedly found himself caught between Republicans who thought he was too Progressive and People's Liberals who thought he was too Conservative.

Nevertheless, his political standing remained solid. His Approval Rating stood at about 57%, substantially better than Laughlin's late-presidency numbers. Foreign Policy was his strongest area, while the Economy and gun reform remained his weakest.

Powell's strategy was becoming clear: accomplish what was possible, compromise where necessary, and avoid allowing ideological disputes to shut down the federal government.

Senator from Florida Joe Scarborough discussing his first Election to the House in 1994

Chapter IV — The Liberal Congress

The 1994 Midterm Elections transformed the political balance in Washington. The People's Liberal Party gained seats in the Senate and regained control of the House. Powell suddenly had to govern with the opposition controlling both chambers.

The President could have responded by allowing his Administration to become completely gridlocked. Instead, he looked for issues on which both sides could compromise.

The first major opening came through Social Policy. The question of LGBT people serving in the military had been building for some time. Powell Announced that he would sign legislation allowing them to serve if Congress passed it.

The People's Liberals strongly supported the measure, but they were divided themselves. More Socially Conservative and moderate members of the Third Way, Nelsonian, and even Commonwealth Coalition (it had more Socially Conservative members at that time) supported restrictions on openly discussing sexual orientation. Some Republicans, particularly members of the American Solidarity and Libertarian League, also indicated that they might accept the legislation if those restrictions were included.

The resulting compromise became known as "Don't Ask, Don't Tell," which Powell signed in 1995. The legislation was celebrated as an important People's Liberal victory, while LGBT rights groups began viewing Powell more favorably. At the same time, Social Conservatives inside the Republican Party became increasingly angry with him. Former North Carolina Governor Pat Buchanan became the most prominent critic of the President on the issue.

Powell then moved toward gun reform. The People's Liberals initially pushed for a National Buyback Program and an assault-rifle ban. Both proposals faced strong opposition. The assault-rifle ban failed, but negotiations produced the Gun Reform Act of 1995, which established universal background checks and restricted sales to mentally ill individuals and people with histories in fascist, terrorist, or "Japanophile" organizations.

The bill passed with support from most People's Liberals and roughly half of Republicans. The National Conservative Caucus, Libertarian League, and some members of the American Dry League opposed it. Progressives and Moderates generally supported the law, while Conservatives argued that it went too far. The Patriot Party used the legislation to intensify its attacks on Powell and Inouye.

The fight over military spending exposed an even deeper division. The People's Liberal Party wanted to reduce military expenditures. Powell and most Republicans rejected the proposal and instead sought modest increases because they believed Japan's weakness did not mean the international situation was safe. The disagreement became severe enough to threaten a government shutdown.

Powell successfully united Republican support, but the decisive assistance came from Vice President Daniel Inouye. Inouye convinced enough Moderate and Conservative People's Liberals to accept a compromise, allowing the military budget to pass with slight increases.

The result was a major defeat for the People's Liberal Doves. Senator Donald Trump of West Virginia denounced the policy as "barbaric," while other Doves warned of escalating tensions. Powell nevertheless regarded maintaining military strength as essential.

Tax policy required another compromise. Powell wanted further tax reductions to stimulate the Economy, while the People's Liberals wanted higher taxes and more government spending. Moderate and conservative People's Liberals insisted that the budget had to be balanced.

The final agreement lowered taxes on the lower and middle classes while increasing them on the upper class. The measure passed narrowly with a combination of People's Liberal and Republican votes. It proved relatively popular and coincided with a continuing improvement in the economy. By 1996, the country had moved far away from the high inflation and stagnation of the Laughlin years, even if it had not returned to the heights of the Biden era.

Powell's method of governing was now fully visible. He did not simply fight the People's Liberal majority. He looked for divisions within the Party and used them to build temporary coalitions. The strategy frustrated purists in both Parties, but it allowed the government to keep functioning.

Then former Governor of North Carolina Pat Buchanan harshly talking about \"Don't Ask, Don't Tell\"

Chapter V — A Changing World

While Washington remained divided, the international situation continued to evolve. Japan's weakness increasingly became visible not just in economic statistics but in the political structure of the Empire.

Protests against the Japanese regime continued despite repression. Prime Minister Hidetaka Tojo increasingly faced demands for his resignation. As resistance movements in China expanded, the Military eventually forced him to step down.

He was replaced by Antonio Inoki, a Parliament member and famous Puroresu star. Inoki was far more popular with the Japanese public than Tojo and had previously been associated with the Solidarity Movement. His appointment appeared to lower tensions inside Japan, though Western observers remained skeptical. Many believed Inoki was simply a popular figure placed in front of a government that remained controlled by the Military.

Outside mainland Japan, another rebellion began developing in China. It remained relatively small, particularly in mountainous areas where opposition forces had hidden, but American observers began discussing a possible Domino effect in the Japanese Empire. If the Chinese resistance grew, they argued, other territories might also begin rebelling.

Others doubted the theory. The Empire's territories were geographically isolated, and resistance groups often had little ability to communicate with one another. For the time being, neither side could prove its case.

Afghanistan remained an even greater problem for Japan. The Imperial forces continued fighting the alliance of Socialist, Democratic, and monarchist forces, while guerrilla attacks in the desert made the war increasingly costly. Japanese forces could capture major locations without ever fully defeating the resistance.

The American pressure campaign continued to produce results. Japan was becoming more isolated and economically weaker, and the war was consuming its resources.

Then came one of the greatest scientific achievements in American history. On July 8, 1995, the Ares Mission successfully landed on Mars. The achievement had roots in the American space program developed during the Biden Administration, but it was completed under Powell. Hundreds of millions of people watched the event, turning the landing into a rare moment of national celebration. Even Antonio Inoki congratulated the American astronauts.

The contrast was remarkable. Only a few years earlier, Washington and Tokyo had been moving toward an exceptionally dangerous confrontation. Now the Japanese Prime Minister was publicly praising an American achievement on another world. Yet this did not end the underlying conflict.

Inoki did oversee meaningful changes inside the Empire. The Kempeitai was purged of personnel connected with the Rockwell Revolt, and its workforce was reduced by roughly a third. Restrictions on artistic expression and news reporting were eased. The Japanese government also began reversing the policy of "Japanization" in its client states: Japanese was no longer to remain the default language of government and education in Korea and China, and Tokyo stopped encouraging the settlement of Japanese civilians in those territories.

These reforms raised hopes that Japan might eventually democratize. There was growing discussion about whether American sanctions could one day be lifted.

Powell rejected that idea. He stated that the United States would not change course until full democracy existed in Japan and its colonies. The position won support from the United Provinces of Korea, whose President Kim Pyong-Il publicly praised Powell's refusal to abandon Korea. The Korean government in exile was also becoming more influential inside American politics through organizations such as the North American Asian Brotherhood, the Society of Oriental Churches, and Radio Free Asia.

But 1995 also brought a tragedy of an entirely different scale. On August 3, 1995, at 8:49 a.m., a small nuclear device detonated on a train entering central Hiroshima. The device had been hidden inside a briefcase carried by Cenk Kadir Uygur, a 25-year-old former National Guard member born in Istanbul and educated at the University of Pennsylvania. Around 1,200 people were killed immediately, including Uygur, and radioactive fallout later killed tens of thousands more while leaving tens of thousands severely sick or injured.

The Japanese government remained silent for weeks. Eventually, scientists in the Hainan Republic detected increased radiation, and a leaked CIA File #97834, dated October 17, 1995, revealed the details of the attack. American officials confirmed the file's authenticity and began investigating the leak. Powell publicly denied that the attacker had any connection to the United States government.

The case became even more complicated when it was discovered that Uygur had belonged to Barādarī, a radical Communist organization based in Iran. The organization described itself as Anti-Imperialist but was also regarded as Anti-Democratic and had faced allegations of human-rights abuses during the Iranian Civil War. Powell had previously condemned it as terrorist, though it did not formally have that designation under American law.

The Hiroshima bombing became another symbol of the instability surrounding Japan. It demonstrated that the Empire was no longer merely dealing with conventional warfare or political protests. Nuclear terrorism, secrecy, and competing international actors had become part of the crisis.

By the end of 1995, Japan was weaker but also more unpredictable. Inoki's reforms suggested that change was possible, while the military remained powerful. China was unstable, Afghanistan remained a quagmire, and the American-led pressure campaign continued.

Powell's First Term had therefore produced a paradoxical foreign-policy record. He had not gone to war with Japan, but he had helped isolate it and weaken its international position. He had avoided direct military intervention in every major crisis while maintaining a reputation for being tough abroad.

Prime Minister Inoki on the 1995 Nuclear incident

Chapter VI — The Election of 1996

The 1996 Election became a referendum on Powell's unusual Presidency. He entered the campaign as a respected statesman who had guided the United States through assassination, political violence, economic problems, and an increasingly dangerous international environment. At the same time, his compromises had alienated many Conservatives, while Progressives believed he remained too Conservative on economic and foreign-policy questions.

Powell faced a primary challenge from former North Carolina Governor Pat Buchanan, but defeated him relatively easily. The President emerged from the primary with the Republican Nomination and a stronger hold over his Party than he had enjoyed in 1992.

Powell chose Vern Ehlers as his Running Mate. Ehlers was a former physicist and Representative from Michigan, a man respected by both Parties. Socially moderate, he supported limited government and free markets, and belonged to the Libertarian League. Unusually for a Republican at that time, he was also an Environmentalist who supported clean energy, conservation, and climate research. His Michigan background gave Powell an additional advantage in a swing state.

The People's Liberal Party entered the Election deeply divided. Its leadership feared that the compromises made with Powell after the 1994 Midterms had created a long-term problem. Some members considered those compromises necessary to govern, while others regarded them as a betrayal of the political legacy of Tom Laughlin.

The Party responded by creating the Leahy-Trump Commission, which introduced the system of Faction Primaries. Voters would now have a greater role in choosing not only the eventual Party Nominee but also Candidates representing the Party's various Factions. Supporters believed this would make the Party more democratic; critics worried that formalizing factionalism could make internal divisions worse.

The system ultimately produced Paul Wellstone as the People's Liberal Nominee. Wellstone was a Senator from Minnesota and a former teacher who had risen through a Populist grassroots campaign focused on transparent government. He belonged to the Rainbow League, the Party's most Socially Progressive and activist Faction. His campaign emphasized government transparency, Fair Trade, and Progressive reforms.

For his Running mate, Wellstone chose Steve Beshear, then Governor of Kentucky and a member of the Rational Liberal Caucus. Beshear was Fiscally Responsible but Protectionist, Socially Progressive but cautious, and Moderately Interventionist rather than a Hawk. The campaign hoped that his Southern background would help the People's Liberals improve their performance in the region.

The debates were competitive. Wellstone was charismatic and often performed strongly when discussing domestic issues, while Powell projected greater experience and seriousness, especially on Foreign Policy. Neither Presidential candidate clearly beat the other in their debates. The Vice Presidential debate produced a similar result, with Ehlers appearing particularly intelligent and Beshear coming across as more down-to-earth.

Several third parties also entered the race, although none had the reach George Lincoln Rockwell had possessed four years earlier.

The Patriot Party Nominated Texas televangelist Kenneth Copeland for President and Virginia Representative Willis Carto for Vice President. Copeland criticized Powell's Social Progressivism and attempted to attract Conservatives who believed the Republican Nominee had moved too far toward the center.

The Green Party Nominated activist Lois Gibbs and Professor Noam Chomsky, while the fringe Islamic Power Party Nominated Louis Farrakhan and Khalid Abdul Muhammad. The Transhumanist Party Nominated Timothy Leary and FM-2030, Fereidoun M. Esfandiary.

The final weeks of the campaign were transformed by events overseas.

Just weeks before the Election, Japan attacked the Iranian nuclear facility at Arak. Tokyo claimed that Iran was developing nuclear weapons, but the facility was later revealed to have been devoted to nuclear-energy research. The strike caused a radiation leak and forced evacuations.

The attack was followed by international condemnation, especially because Japanese forces had already been bombing civilian populations in Iran. What had originally looked like another limited Japanese intervention soon became a much larger war. Japan announced full mobilization to fight Communist Iran.

Powell responded cautiously. He refused to send American troops or weapons to Iran, but increased economic pressure on Japan and worked to isolate the Empire further. Prime Minister Inoki warned that any American involvement would be treated as an act of war and declared that Japan would consider whatever measures were necessary for its survival.

The crisis transformed the Election. Wellstone had attempted to position himself as a Moderate Interventionist who could offer an alternative to Powell without becoming a Hawk. The Japanese attack made that position much harder to maintain. Powell could argue that he had confronted Japan without recklessly entering another major war.

Other countries also moved against Tokyo. India severed its remaining economic ties with Japan, while Brazil limited trade with the Empire, increasing the pressure on the Japanese economy. At the same time, Japan's full mobilization caused growing anger at home because wealthy citizens were reportedly able to escape conscription by paying their way out.

For many Americans, the choice became one of stability. The country was still living with the consequences of Laughlin's Assassination, the unrest in the South, the Hiroshima bombing, and the Japanese-Iranian war. Whatever their complaints about Powell, changing leadership in the middle of such an international crisis appeared risky.

When Americans voted on November 5, 1996, Powell won Re-Election. He got a near majority in the Popular Vote while getting a good majority in the Electoral Vote.

With his victory, Colin Powell became the first African-American President to be Re-Elected. His first term had begun with an Assassination and a constitutional crisis and ended with another victory amid an international crisis.

The result did not mean Americans had suddenly become united behind Powell. Conservatives still believed he was too Progressive, Progressives still considered him too Conservative, and the People's Liberal Party remained deeply divided. But Powell had demonstrated that a President could survive divided government, political violence, and international instability through compromise and political pragmatism.

His first term had not solved America's divisions. It had, however, shown that the government could continue functioning in spite of them. For Powell, that achievement would become the central argument of his Presidency: in an increasingly polarized country, he had made compromise itself into a governing strategy.

President Colin Powell shaking hands with his supporters the day after his victory

View Poll

More context: https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/comments/1vmkqld/recontructed_america_preview_of_the_2014_midterms/

It's time for the 2014 Midterms! Here is the Senate Election!

Let's now discuss the Senate.

Current state of the Senate

Senate Majority Leader Neil Abercrombie succeeded former leader Daniel Akaka after he retired from the Senate. For the first time ever, a Senator from a State was succeeded by another Senator from the same State as the Senate Majority Leader. Despite this historic achievement, Abercrombie didn't have time to just relax and be happy with what he accomplished; he had to rule the Senate. Even with the Commonwealth Coalition and the Republican Party being irritating to him, he was able to help President Ford with his legislation without a lot of difficulty. The friction within the CC probably helped, and that Faction didn't put up as much fight as it did under Akaka. However, the Senator from Hawaii knows that the PLP's ability to win seats in the 2014 Midterms is pretty much nonexistent, as the Republicans only have 5 seats to defend when the People's Liberals battle to keep 6 times as many. If Abercrombie's goal is to gain a seat, his strategy may be to lose. What the Senate Majority Leader should probably do is go all in on a defense. He is not at any risk of losing his leadership, but his influence may be damaged if the coalition isn't held together.

Even if Abercrombie became the first Senate Majority Leader to gain that position after a Senator from the same State, Oliver North became the first Senate Leader in general to do so. He has been the Leader of the Republican Party in the Senate for 6 years now, and he has grown to be an efficient leader at that. Not to say that he became bipartisan, but he knows when to strike. North's prospects look good this time around, but he knows that he needs to be not too arrogant so everything doesn't blow up in his face. The Republicans are very likely to gain seats in the Senate, sure, but Senator North may want to win big so that he isn't seen as somebody who is all talk. He knows that Ford's influence in the Republican Party shouldn't go any further, and if the Party is to stand on any principles, they need to be established now. Senate Minority Leader North may try to shape this path in his own vision, or he may take a much more pragmatic approach and, although influential, let the Party itself figure everything out. He just needs victory.

There are Third Parties that look to win at least one seat in the Senate, but again, after the Great Merger, such a possibility has been less and less likely. Still, the Green Worker's Party, the Pirate Party, the Prosperity Party, and the Green Party all look to make a breakthrough. The environment is not in their favor, but who knows?

(When you vote for either Party, please write in the comments which Faction are you Voting for/Support the Most. That way I can play with Faction dynamic and know what do you want.)

Once again we are in the Era of Factions. So the success of Factions matters as much as the success of Parties as a whole. Here is the reminder of all factions in both the Republican Party and the People's Liberal Party as a list:

Factions of the People's Liberal Party:

Commonwealth Coalition

• Social Policy: Center Right to Far Left
• Economic Policy: Left to Far Left
• Ideology: Socialism, Democratic Socialism, Wealth Redistribution, Dovish, Big Government, Populism, Reformism, Protectionism, Technoskepticism, Anti-Muslim (partially), Anti-Jewish (partially), Anti-Religion (partially)
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Governor of Massachusetts

Nelsonian Coalition

• Social Policy: Center to Left
• Economic Policy: Center Right to Center Left
• Ideology: Neoliberalism, Fiscal Responsibility, Free Market, Interventionism, Technocracy, Futurism, Fordism, Social Progressivism
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Pro-Ford
• Leader:

The President of the United States

Rainbow League

• Social Policy: Center Left to Far Left
• Economic Policy: Center to Left
• Ideology: Social Democracy, LGBTQ Rights, Equity, Pro Drug Legalization, Immigrant Interests, Dovish, Feminism, Pro-Choice
• Influence: Moderate
• Attitude towards Ford: Mixed, Mostly Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from Connecticut

National Progressive Caucus

• Social Policy: Left
• Economic Policy: Center Left to Left
• Ideology: Establishment Progressivism, Protectionism, State Capitalism, Gun Control, Reformism, Rehabilitation of Prisoners, Abortion Reform
• Influence: Moderate
• Attitude towards Ford: Mixed, Mostly Pro-Ford
• Leader:

The Vice President of the United States

Rational Liberal Caucus

• Social Policy: Center Left to Left
• Economic Policy: Center Left to Left
• Ideology: Progressivism, Fiscal Responsibility, Mild Protectionism, Gun Reform, Rational Foreign Policy, Rehabilitation of Prisoners, Moderate on Abortion
• Attitude towards Ford: Pro-Ford
• Influence: Minor
• Leader:

Senator from West Virginia (Retires after this Election)

Third Way Coalition

• Social Policy: Center Right to Center Left
• Economic Policy: Center Right to Center
• Ideology: Third Way, Moderately Hawkish, Free Market, Fiscal Responsibility, "Safe, Legal and Rare", Pro War on Drugs, Tough on Crime
• Attitude towards Ford: Mostly Pro-Ford
• Influence: Minor
• Leader:

Senator from Arkansas (Retires after this Election)

Factions of the Republican Party:

Libertarian League

• Social Policy: Center to Left
• Economic Policy: Right to Far Right
• Ideology: Libertarianism, Small Government, State’s Rights, Gun Rights, Pro Drug Legalization, Dovish/Hawkish, Free Trade
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Mostly Pro-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from New Mexico

American Solidarity

• Social Policy: Center Left to Right
• Economic Policy: Center Left to Left
• Ideology: State Capitalism, Latin American Interests, Christian Democracy, Reformism, Immigrant Interests, Social Moderation/Progressivism.
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Mixed, Mostly Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Former Vice President of the United States

National Union Caucus

• Social Policy: Center to Right
• Economic Policy: Center Right
• Ideology: Neo-Conservatism, Mild State Capitalism, Hawkish, Pro War on Drugs, Tough on Crime Policies, Free Trade
• Influence: Moderate
• Attitude towards Ford: Mostly Pro-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from Indiana

National Conservative Caucus

• Social Policy: Right to Far Right
• Economic Policy: Left to Right
• Ideology: America First, Protectionism, Isolationism, Hawkishness, Religious Right, Christian Identity, Anti-Immigration
• Influence: Minor
• Attitude towards Ford: Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Senate Minority Leader

American Dry League

• Social Policy: Center to Right
• Economic Policy: Center to Center Right
• Ideology: Prohibitionism, pro War on Drugs, Temperance, “anti-Vice”
• Influence: Minor
• Attitude towards Ford: Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from Pennsylvania

View Poll

More context: https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/comments/1vmkqld/recontructed_america_preview_of_the_2014_midterms/

It's time for the 2014 Midterms! Here is the House Election!

Let's take a look at the House of Representatives first.

Current state of the House

You would think that Speaker Norm Dicks's job shouldn't be that difficult. He is the Speaker under a popular President, and the country largely likes where everything is going. However, it is never easy for a Speaker. Dicks has to not only deal with the bills but also with the Party that is arguing with itself on what it should represent. The Speaker of the House needs to make sure that his own Faction doesn't rebel, which has been really hard recently, while trying to put up with the President's bs that he pushes. Dicks isn't a lackey for Ford; he is a servant of the people; he isn't putting a rubber stamp on everything that the President wants. There are also those Republicans who are annoying to him and make his position even more difficult. The Speaker has to juggle all these things together and make sure nothing falls. If it does, he may lose his job, and who knows who will succeed him? He needs to keep as many seats as he can to have a better shot to be able to balance everything together until he can't. What the voters need to decide is if Norm Dicks is worth it.

The House Minority Leader, Nick Fish, is a man who seems to be made for politics. It is in his blood. And so him working alongside everyone in such a political theater as Congress is something he is good at. That doesn't mean that his job is all sunshine and rainbows. After all, he has never been the Speaker, never held that gavel, and never had to actually control the process. Fish isn't the most popular leader; he doesn't even have a lot of influence right now, and he has to work with what he has. With all that being said, it is not like the Republican Party is the most united coalition. There are those who think Harrison Ford needs to be taught a lesson and those who think he is doing a tremendous job, despite the Party affiliation. The House Minority Leader himself is somebody more skeptical of the President, but he is also a pragmatist. Nick Fish knows that he needs a win if he wants his career to go anywhere. He knows that winning the House outright is a mountain of a task right now, but at least substantial gains would help.

As usual, there are those Third Parties. The biggest is the Green Worker's Party with 31 seats in the House. They made some controversy as some of its members were involved in the attempts of insurrections of state governments. That won't make them popular with Moderates, but their hardcore supporters are more loyal than ever. Who cares if they are called radicals? Maybe the Green Worker's Party is something that will bring down Ford's regime? Well, if you believe in these things, you maybe would like to support them.

The Pirate Party gained in the 2012 House Elections despite unusual Nominees for President and Vice President. With 14 seats right now, they are looking to increase their influence. With a clearer position, yet not the clearest position, of supporting free tech and its progress, they want President Ford to be even more open to the technologies and what they bring. That is an interesting approach, that's for sure.

The Prosperity Party benefited from Clancy Brown's relatively strong performance and stands with 12 seats in Congress. Many don't predict dominating results for it this time around, but the Prosperity Party has its loyal supporters who support their ideas of Center-Right Populism.

The Green Party is seen as a ghost of its former self. Since the Green Worker's Party formation, the regular Greens continue to lose and lose support. They only have 6 seats in their possession, and if they don't improve, they can face the same fate that the Patriot Party saw (btw, the Patriot Party literally is done after being wiped out in 2012, and it didn't produce any serious Candidates this time around).

(When you vote for either Party, please write in the comments which Faction are you Voting for/Support the Most. That way I can play with Faction dynamic and know what do you want.)

Once again we are in the Era of Factions. So the success of Factions matters as much as the success of Parties as a whole. Here is the reminder of all factions in both the Republican Party and the People's Liberal Party as a list:

Factions of the People's Liberal Party:

Commonwealth Coalition

• Social Policy: Center Right to Far Left
• Economic Policy: Left to Far Left
• Ideology: Socialism, Democratic Socialism, Wealth Redistribution, Dovish, Big Government, Populism, Reformism, Protectionism, Technoskepticism, Anti-Muslim (partially), Anti-Jewish (partially), Anti-Religion (partially)
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Governor of Massachusetts

Nelsonian Coalition

• Social Policy: Center to Left
• Economic Policy: Center Right to Center Left
• Ideology: Neoliberalism, Fiscal Responsibility, Free Market, Interventionism, Technocracy, Futurism, Fordism, Social Progressivism
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Pro-Ford
• Leader:

The President of the United States

Rainbow League

• Social Policy: Center Left to Far Left
• Economic Policy: Center to Left
• Ideology: Social Democracy, LGBTQ Rights, Equity, Pro Drug Legalization, Immigrant Interests, Dovish, Feminism, Pro-Choice
• Influence: Moderate
• Attitude towards Ford: Mixed, Mostly Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from Connecticut

National Progressive Caucus

• Social Policy: Left
• Economic Policy: Center Left to Left
• Ideology: Establishment Progressivism, Protectionism, State Capitalism, Gun Control, Reformism, Rehabilitation of Prisoners, Abortion Reform
• Influence: Moderate
• Attitude towards Ford: Mixed, Mostly Pro-Ford
• Leader:

The Vice President of the United States

Rational Liberal Caucus

• Social Policy: Center Left to Left
• Economic Policy: Center Left to Left
• Ideology: Progressivism, Fiscal Responsibility, Mild Protectionism, Gun Reform, Rational Foreign Policy, Rehabilitation of Prisoners, Moderate on Abortion
• Attitude towards Ford: Pro-Ford
• Influence: Minor
• Leader:

Senator from West Virginia (Retires after this Election)

Third Way Coalition

• Social Policy: Center Right to Center Left
• Economic Policy: Center Right to Center
• Ideology: Third Way, Moderately Hawkish, Free Market, Fiscal Responsibility, "Safe, Legal and Rare", Pro War on Drugs, Tough on Crime
• Attitude towards Ford: Mostly Pro-Ford
• Influence: Minor
• Leader:

Senator from Arkansas (Retires after this Election)

Factions of the Republican Party:

Libertarian League

• Social Policy: Center to Left
• Economic Policy: Right to Far Right
• Ideology: Libertarianism, Small Government, State’s Rights, Gun Rights, Pro Drug Legalization, Dovish/Hawkish, Free Trade
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Mostly Pro-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from New Mexico

American Solidarity

• Social Policy: Center Left to Right
• Economic Policy: Center Left to Left
• Ideology: State Capitalism, Latin American Interests, Christian Democracy, Reformism, Immigrant Interests, Social Moderation/Progressivism.
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Mixed, Mostly Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Former Vice President of the United States

National Union Caucus

• Social Policy: Center to Right
• Economic Policy: Center Right
• Ideology: Neo-Conservatism, Mild State Capitalism, Hawkish, Pro War on Drugs, Tough on Crime Policies, Free Trade
• Influence: Moderate
• Attitude towards Ford: Mostly Pro-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from Indiana

National Conservative Caucus

• Social Policy: Right to Far Right
• Economic Policy: Left to Right
• Ideology: America First, Protectionism, Isolationism, Hawkishness, Religious Right, Christian Identity, Anti-Immigration
• Influence: Minor
• Attitude towards Ford: Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Senate Minority Leader

American Dry League

• Social Policy: Center to Right
• Economic Policy: Center to Center Right
• Ideology: Prohibitionism, pro War on Drugs, Temperance, “anti-Vice”
• Influence: Minor
• Attitude towards Ford: Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from Pennsylvania

View Poll

President Harrison Ford had to govern through some important events in his Second Term. He is a popular President, but not the one who doesn't have his critics. Not only the opposing Party, the Republican Party, has a goal of limiting his influence and somewhat controlling him, but some in his own Party. The People's Liberal Party is still divided over Policy. With that being said, the President had an easier time passing legislation during this term than the previous one. This is largely due to the opposition inside the PLP to him being less organized because of the internal disputes. Now it is time for the Midterms. What happens here may influence Ford's Term going forward. It also may set up what is going to happen in 2016, as the country will be deciding on who will succeed him. But now is now, and the 2014 Midterms are at hand.

(Check this post for more context about Ford's Second Term so far: https://www.reddit.com/r/Presidentialpoll/s/uLGTHLgxvp )

Let's take a look at the House of Representatives first.

Current state of the House

You would think that Speaker Norm Dicks's job shouldn't be that difficult. He is the Speaker under a popular President, and the country largely likes where everything is going. However, it is never easy for a Speaker. Dicks has to not only deal with the bills but also with the Party that is arguing with itself on what it should represent. The Speaker of the House needs to make sure that his own Faction doesn't rebel, which has been really hard recently, while trying to put up with the President's bs that he pushes. Dicks isn't a lackey for Ford; he is a servant of the people; he isn't putting a rubber stamp on everything that the President wants. There are also those Republicans who are annoying to him and make his position even more difficult. The Speaker has to juggle all these things together and make sure nothing falls. If it does, he may lose his job, and who knows who will succeed him? He needs to keep as many seats as he can to have a better shot to be able to balance everything together until he can't. What the voters need to decide is if Norm Dicks is worth it.

The House Minority Leader, Nick Fish, is a man who seems to be made for politics. It is in his blood. And so him working alongside everyone in such a political theater as Congress is something he is good at. That doesn't mean that his job is all sunshine and rainbows. After all, he has never been the Speaker, never held that gavel, and never had to actually control the process. Fish isn't the most popular leader; he doesn't even have a lot of influence right now, and he has to work with what he has. With all that being said, it is not like the Republican Party is the most united coalition. There are those who think Harrison Ford needs to be taught a lesson and those who think he is doing a tremendous job, despite the Party affiliation. The House Minority Leader himself is somebody more skeptical of the President, but he is also a pragmatist. Nick Fish knows that he needs a win if he wants his career to go anywhere. He knows that winning the House outright is a mountain of a task right now, but at least substantial gains would help.

As usual, there are those Third Parties. The biggest is the Green Worker's Party with 31 seats in the House. They made some controversy as some of its members were involved in the attempts of insurrections of state governments. That won't make them popular with Moderates, but their hardcore supporters are more loyal than ever. Who cares if they are called radicals? Maybe the Green Worker's Party is something that will bring down Ford's regime? Well, if you believe in these things, you maybe would like to support them.

The Pirate Party gained in the 2012 House Elections despite unusual Nominees for President and Vice President. With 14 seats right now, they are looking to increase their influence. With a clearer position, yet not the clearest position, of supporting free tech and its progress, they want President Ford to be even more open to the technologies and what they bring. That is an interesting approach, that's for sure.

The Prosperity Party benefited from Clancy Brown's relatively strong performance and stands with 12 seats in Congress. Many don't predict dominating results for it this time around, but the Prosperity Party has its loyal supporters who support their ideas of Center-Right Populism.

The Green Party is seen as a ghost of its former self. Since the Green Worker's Party formation, the regular Greens continue to lose and lose support. They only have 6 seats in their possession, and if they don't improve, they can face the same fate that the Patriot Party saw (btw, the Patriot Party literally is done after being wiped out in 2012, and it didn't produce any serious Candidates this time around).

Let's now discuss the Senate.

Current state of the Senate

Senate Majority Leader Neil Abercrombie succeeded former leader Daniel Akaka after he retired from the Senate. For the first time ever, a Senator from a State was succeeded by another Senator from the same State as the Senate Majority Leader. Despite this historic achievement, Abercrombie didn't have time to just relax and be happy with what he accomplished; he had to rule the Senate. Even with the Commonwealth Coalition and the Republican Party being irritating to him, he was able to help President Ford with his legislation without a lot of difficulty. The friction within the CC probably helped, and that Faction didn't put up as much fight as it did under Akaka. However, the Senator from Hawaii knows that the PLP's ability to win seats in the 2014 Midterms is pretty much nonexistent, as the Republicans only have 5 seats to defend when the People's Liberals battle to keep 6 times as many. If Abercrombie's goal is to gain a seat, his strategy may be to lose. What the Senate Majority Leader should probably do is go all in on a defense. He is not at any risk of losing his leadership, but his influence may be damaged if the coalition isn't held together.

Even if Abercrombie became the first Senate Majority Leader to gain that position after a Senator from the same State, Oliver North became the first Senate Leader in general to do so. He has been the Leader of the Republican Party in the Senate for 6 years now, and he has grown to be an efficient leader at that. Not to say that he became bipartisan, but he knows when to strike. North's prospects look good this time around, but he knows that he needs to be not too arrogant so everything doesn't blow up in his face. The Republicans are very likely to gain seats in the Senate, sure, but Senator North may want to win big so that he isn't seen as somebody who is all talk. He knows that Ford's influence in the Republican Party shouldn't go any further, and if the Party is to stand on any principles, they need to be established now. Senate Minority Leader North may try to shape this path in his own vision, or he may take a much more pragmatic approach and, although influential, let the Party itself figure everything out. He just needs victory.

There are Third Parties that look to win at least one seat in the Senate, but again, after the Great Merger, such a possibility has been less and less likely. Still, the Green Worker's Party, the Pirate Party, the Prosperity Party, and the Green Party all look to make a breakthrough. The environment is not in their favor, but who knows?

Once again we are in the Era of Factions. So the success of Factions matters as much as the success of Parties as a whole. Here is the reminder of all factions in both the Republican Party and the People's Liberal Party as a list:

Factions of the People's Liberal Party:

Commonwealth Coalition

• Social Policy: Center Right to Far Left
• Economic Policy: Left to Far Left
• Ideology: Socialism, Democratic Socialism, Wealth Redistribution, Dovish, Big Government, Populism, Reformism, Protectionism, Technoskepticism, Anti-Muslim (partially), Anti-Jewish (partially), Anti-Religion (partially)
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Governor of Massachusetts

Nelsonian Coalition

• Social Policy: Center to Left
• Economic Policy: Center Right to Center Left
• Ideology: Neoliberalism, Fiscal Responsibility, Free Market, Interventionism, Technocracy, Futurism, Fordism, Social Progressivism
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Pro-Ford
• Leader:

The President of the United States

Rainbow League

• Social Policy: Center Left to Far Left
• Economic Policy: Center to Left
• Ideology: Social Democracy, LGBTQ Rights, Equity, Pro Drug Legalization, Immigrant Interests, Dovish, Feminism, Pro-Choice
• Influence: Moderate
• Attitude towards Ford: Mixed, Mostly Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from Connecticut

National Progressive Caucus

• Social Policy: Left
• Economic Policy: Center Left to Left
• Ideology: Establishment Progressivism, Protectionism, State Capitalism, Gun Control, Reformism, Rehabilitation of Prisoners, Abortion Reform
• Influence: Moderate
• Attitude towards Ford: Mixed, Mostly Pro-Ford
• Leader:

The Vice President of the United States

Rational Liberal Caucus

• Social Policy: Center Left to Left
• Economic Policy: Center Left to Left
• Ideology: Progressivism, Fiscal Responsibility, Mild Protectionism, Gun Reform, Rational Foreign Policy, Rehabilitation of Prisoners, Moderate on Abortion
• Attitude towards Ford: Pro-Ford
• Influence: Minor
• Leader:

Senator from West Virginia (Retires after this Election)

Third Way Coalition

• Social Policy: Center Right to Center Left
• Economic Policy: Center Right to Center
• Ideology: Third Way, Moderately Hawkish, Free Market, Fiscal Responsibility, "Safe, Legal and Rare", Pro War on Drugs, Tough on Crime
• Attitude towards Ford: Mostly Pro-Ford
• Influence: Minor
• Leader:

Senator from Arkansas (Retires after this Election)

Factions of the Republican Party:

Libertarian League

• Social Policy: Center to Left
• Economic Policy: Right to Far Right
• Ideology: Libertarianism, Small Government, State’s Rights, Gun Rights, Pro Drug Legalization, Dovish/Hawkish, Free Trade
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Mostly Pro-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from New Mexico

American Solidarity

• Social Policy: Center Left to Right
• Economic Policy: Center Left to Left
• Ideology: State Capitalism, Latin American Interests, Christian Democracy, Reformism, Immigrant Interests, Social Moderation/Progressivism.
• Influence: Major
• Attitude towards Ford: Mixed, Mostly Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Former Vice President of the United States

National Union Caucus

• Social Policy: Center to Right
• Economic Policy: Center Right
• Ideology: Neo-Conservatism, Mild State Capitalism, Hawkish, Pro War on Drugs, Tough on Crime Policies, Free Trade
• Influence: Moderate
• Attitude towards Ford: Mostly Pro-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from Indiana

National Conservative Caucus

• Social Policy: Right to Far Right
• Economic Policy: Left to Right
• Ideology: America First, Protectionism, Isolationism, Hawkishness, Religious Right, Christian Identity, Anti-Immigration
• Influence: Minor
• Attitude towards Ford: Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Senate Minority Leader

American Dry League

• Social Policy: Center to Right
• Economic Policy: Center to Center Right
• Ideology: Prohibitionism, pro War on Drugs, Temperance, “anti-Vice”
• Influence: Minor
• Attitude towards Ford: Anti-Ford
• Leader:

Senator from Pennsylvania

(When you vote for either Party, please write in the comments which Faction are you Voting for/Support the Most. That way I can play with Faction dynamic and know what do you want.)

The Midterm Polls will be up very soon!

After the bitter race, Harrison Ford became the second Liberal to be Re-Elected as President since Nelson Rockefeller. Despite the aggressive campaign of his opponent Curtis Sliwa, President Ford was able to dominantly win in a combination of an improving Economy and good debate performances in the latest Presidential debates. However, this didn't mean that Ford's job would become easier. The President actually had a lot of stuff on his plate, some that were widely supported and others that were much more controversial. So let's take a look at what happened.

President Harrison Ford

Foreign Policy

Just a month after talking office for the second time, Harrison Ford had to deal with a crisis. The President appointed Leon Panetta as the new Secretary of State after Graham Allison Announced retirement. This and other replacements were seen as a move to refresh the Administration a little bit after 4 years. Allison had to feel relieved that he stepped down due to the events that followed. Panetta was in a car, going to the meeting with the President of the United Federation of China (UFC) Zhao Xiaolan when another car ran into his. The shoot-out started to take place with explosives being in the possession of the attackers. Secretary Panetta received minor injuries while three officers died along with two civilians and 5 out of 7 attackers.

The attack took place in Virginia, where Governor Powell immediately declared a state of emergency as the police received other calls of possible attacks taking place. The authorities started the investigation into the event by interrogating the attackers. After some time, it was revealed that the perpetrators of the attack were members of the group called "Marg-e Khoda", or "Death of God," which is a radical militant group of the Iranian government and was recognized as a terrorist organization in many Western countries.

Secretary of State Leon Panetta discussing the attempt on his life

Americans wanted answers, and the US government demanded them from Communist Iran. However, the Iranian government responded by claiming that the Marg-e Khoda had full authority to fight "the imperialist forces" all over the world while also claiming that the government itself didn't attack the US. The Administration revealed that at least one of the attackers was an active member of the Iranian government. To say that the US didn't believe Iran would be is an understatement. The US doubts were made even stronger when the intelligence revealed that the same group had similar plots to assassinate other government members, including the President himself.

This prompted some unrest on the streets in the country as some Communist and Radical Socialist groups started to attack the police officers in different states. They claimed that "the Revolution has started. Join us to take over the country for the proletariat and destroy every member of the bourgeoisie." In some states, like California and Illinois, there were attempts at an insurrection where these groups tried to take the government buildings by force. As a result of these attacks, multiple policemen died, and many more were injured.

The government responded by passing the Authorization for Use of Military Force in Iran. This gave the Ford Administration the ability to conduct full operations in Iran against the Communist government. This included airstrikes on the military targets along with limited deployment of soldiers. At home the state of emergency was declared, and the insurrectionists were arrested. Among those arrested were even the members of the Green Worker's Party, and at least one of the insurrectionists was from the People's Liberal Party's Commonwealth Coalition. By the time of the 2014 Midterms, the national emergency is no longer in effect, but it still had an influence on how the people see the government.

One of the insurrectionists being arrested by the police in New York

The military campaign in Iran was organized by the man whose attack started this whole thing - Secretary of State Leon Panetta. As a part of the strategy, the US used the help of the Afghanistani and Kurdish governments to conduct the operations along with several groups inside Iran fighting against the communist government. The US also started the blockade of the Iranian ports to force Iranian hands. So far the strategy seems effective as the Anti-Communist forces in Iran are gaining ground while the Economy of the Communists looks to be in bad shape. However, some question the purpose of what some call "the Iranian War". The government made it clear that their goal is to catch those who are responsible for the attacks on the US and to stop the totalitarian government of Iran.

At home the big development was the arrest of former Representative and Presidential Candidate Angela Davis for helping people involved in insurrection attempts in California. After the arrest, Davis started calling for "the tyrant Ford" to be "deposed for the treason and persecuted to the fullest extent." The DOJ later revealed that Davis talked to the members of the Marg-e Khoda, but the full extent of their discussions isn't known.

This caused friction in the Commonwealth Coalition. Some claimed that the President was acting like an authoritarian by arresting former Representative Davis and called for her immediate release. Others, however, like former leader of the Faction and Davis's Running Mate in the 1980 Election, Donald Trump, who just left the US Senate, expressed disappointment with the actions of Davis. They asked the supporters of the Socialist/Democratic Socialist cause to influence the government peacefully. However, pretty much all the CC members claimed that the government went after those who were just protesting by talking about stories of separate individuals who were close to the attacks in California and Illinois "just making sure their voices are heard."

Angela David being interviewed while in custody

Another development in the PLP's largest faction is growing Anti-Muslim, Anti-Jewish, and Anti-Religion rhetoric. The Iranian Communist government has made itself infamous for its persecution of Muslims, Jews, and other religious groups in the country. In the eyes of the government, the religion is a stain on Iran's imperialist past. The human rights advocates claim that Iran is the worst place for Muslims to travel to, as a series of mass hangings were documented since the start of the millennium. With a mass unrest in the country, a few influential CC members started claiming that the US government is controlled by a small group of Muslims and Jews who lead the country into wars.

Although such a claim isn't widespread in the Faction, there is an increasing number of people arguing that Muslims and Jews are influencing American politics. They point to groups such as AIPPAC, or the American Israel-Palestine Public Affairs Committee, as examples of politicians being influenced by religious organizations. These CC members say that such organizations make America act not in its interest, but in the interest of those foreign and religious entities. Many criticize such claims as being xenophobia and causing religious divisions in the United States. The number of attacks on Muslims and Jews in the US has increased since 2012, and many point to this as the result of such claims. Many think that this can result in many people distancing themselves from the Faction.

Freshman Representative Tucker Carlson of California talking about the dangers of AIPPAC

The situation with Iran isn't the only important Foreign Policy development since the beginning of Ford's Second Term. A series of terrorist attacks took place around the country with bombings of malls in different major cities. Initially, the public thought that it was the work of Iranians. However, after the investigation, the intelligence found no connection between these attacks and the Iranian government. The people committing these acts of terrorism were of different nationalities, and so the government had a hard time finding out the reason for the attacks.

Despite that, the CIA discovered that most of the terrorists were funded by a group called the Asian Order Brotherhood (AOB), which is connected to the Provisional Government of Southern Mongolia (PGSM). That is the government of the Jin territory occupied by the Mongolian State. In response, the US demanded that the Mongolian State organize an investigation in Jin about the ties of AOB and PGSM with the terrorists. The Mongolian States denied the demand.

President Ford waited for weeks to make a decision on what to do next, but the Mongolians made the decision for him. They invaded the Jin territory that was under control of the UFC. The United States made a decision to get involved in the conflict. This proved to be controversial as the President justified the move with an agreement to protect Chinese territorial integrity. The issue was that the Mongolians only attacked the Jin region that the US technically didn't recognize as a part of China.

President of the UFC Zhao Xiaolan talking about the War

At the beginning, the US successfully pushed the Mongolians back off the Chinese-controlled territory. However, when the army decided to move forward to the area that was controlled by the Mongolian State, the Mongolian army revealed a secret weapon. It was the first weaponized exosuits that the world has ever seen. The US army has shown prototypes of such weapons before, but nobody thought that this technology was close to being possible. Mongolia having them was a complete shock to the world. The suit was later discovered to be controlled by two people in one suit operating the technology using AI.

The Mongolian State effectively used this to stall the progress of American and Chinese advances. In fact, as of right now, there is no end to this conflict in sight. This opened up the Administration for attacks from the left and right. Some criticize the country's involvement in the conflict to begin with and argue that the United States should withdraw. Others talk about how the Administration wasn't prepared for the conflict, and the country is paying for it. As a result, the area of Ford's Policy that is viewed the most negatively.

Recreation of the photo of one of the exosuits taken during a battle

Economy & Elections

Taking a break from Foreign Policy, the area where Americans view President Ford the most positively is the Economic recovery. Despite the worries at the start of the Iranian crisis, since the later part of 2012, the Economy has been strong, and by most accounts, it rebounded from the Recession. The GDP is rising, and unemployment is decreasing. Many contribute the improvement to the Economic Phoenix Act as one of the big reasons why the Economy is doing so well despite it all.

This, along with the rally-around-the-flag effect due to the Iranian crisis, positively influenced the PLP's electoral results in the 2013 Elections. To make it sweeter for Ford, all three top races went Nelsonial Coalition's way. To begin with, Ford's opponent in 2012, Curtis Sliwa, lost Re-Election efforts in New York City's Mayoral Election to Raymond Kelly despite strong performance from the Green Worker's Party's Nominee. In Virginia, Patricia Horoho was Elected as the new Governor of the State after Michael Powell wasn't eligible to run for Re-Election. And in New Jersey, Representative John Adler defeated Thomas Kean Jr. in the Governorship race.

Mayor Kelly talking to the reporters

It should be noted that even with this optimism around the Economic recovery, many Progressives, a lot of whom are from the Commonwealth Coalition, point to the widening of the wage gap in the country. They argue that the Economy seems good on paper because the upper class is gaining a lot while everyone else stays the same. Despite many economists debunking this narrative and claiming that everyone is seeing the rise in wages, this rhetoric is becoming increasingly influential among Progressives.

This is probably influenced by bigger and bigger skepticism of AI in the country. It seems nowadays that AI is everywhere, and you can't escape it. Many Progressives argue that President Ford's fascination with AI is too large, and he should pay more attention to the workers who are losing jobs because of the growing usage of new technologies. Interestingly enough, more people who are skeptical of AI are those who view themselves as Liberals, while Republicans are more welcoming of the AI.

Senator Tom Hayden of California talking about the dangers of the AI

If we don't look at just AI, we can see America living through a technological boom and an era of digitalization. Devices are more cutting-edge, paperwork is less needed, and cities are sophisticated. Even in small towns, it is not rare to see people pay for their groceries with credit cards that are on their phones. The job of law enforcement is easier as they can do their job without the need to write tons of papers all the time. Life is becoming easier for most Americans.

The President said that he wants robots to be more available to people, and as the promised robots powered by AI are getting sold more and more, the dream of futuristic America may be truly coming sooner rather than later. Still, even with these robots being sold more frequently, the Progressives point to the gap between the purchases of robots among the rich and the poor. Indeed, the prices for the robots to people's households are seen as luxury by many Americans. However, the technological progress that the country sees during this decade makes most people wonder what technology can't do.

A robot powered by AI cleaning dishes

Social Issues

Some take this question to... interesting arguments. There are those who are skeptical of technological progress, there are those who love robots, and then there are those who... love robots. America sees the phenomenon of people not only buying robots for work at the household but also because of romantic or even sexual affection. Data suggests that mostly a small percentage of young single men use their robots for such activities. Still, most Americans view such things as a problem that needs to be fixed. However, some activists support the idea that maybe people could truly love robots. These people support such radical measures as allowing people to marry their robots. However, this still remains on the fringe of activist movements, and nothing may come from this.

With robots being more commonly used in the everyday lives of Americans, many are thinking of the idea of how this new technological innovation can be used to not just make people's lives easier but also help those who are unfortunate to suffer from disabilities. Some Congresspeople proposed to provide tax exemptions to businesses that produce robotic prostheses and modern hearing devices. Others suggest the government provide subsidies to such businesses. And then there are those who want to nationalize the production of this market so that it would be fully financed by the government and implemented into the National Healthcare System.

The first option is favored by about half of the Republicans and a minority of People's Liberals. The second option is favored by close to the other half of the Republican Party and the plurality of the PLP, President Ford included. The third option is the one that the most Progressive members of both Parties support, but some in the National Conservative Caucus Faction of the Republican Party are also for the idea. Right now the discussion on this initiative is conducted in Congress, and many believe that it won't get anywhere until the 2014 Midterms.

Secretary of HHS Robert F. Kennedy Jr. talking about the possibility of implementing the robotic prostheses business into the NHS

Another Social Policy that divides the American public is Abortion. Although most of the people view the practice as a valuable necessity, and so they are supportive of the Abortion right in general. However, the public is less united when it comes to the preferred way of handling the issue by the government. There are those who think that the limits and the funding should be in the hands of the States. No State can legally ban Abortion, but some States have shorter term limits than others. There are others who want the federal government to impose higher fixed minimal term limits to ensure that women's rights are not in danger. And then there are those who favor the complete removal of any restrictions on Abortion nationally.

Harrison Ford himself supports higher fixed minimal term limits, but he isn't seen as somebody who is very forceful on this issue. Some believe that this way the President tries to keep good relations with Republicans in the House and Senate. This may be needed to pass his less Progressive agenda, as Ford isn't in good graces with the Commonwealth Coalition. The Republican Party, for their part, mostly tries not to emphasize their positions on Abortion that much. Maybe for strategic reasons, maybe to keep unity in the Party, as the issue is quite controversial. It already divides the People's Liberal Party, as the position depends on the Faction, and the Party should determine how to approach this problem in the upcoming Midterms.

Former Vice President Ben Miller arguing that the Republican Party should not push on the Abortion issue

The biggest accomplishment of Harrison Ford's Second Term has got to be his measures to digitalize the government. Electronic passports and other documents have been an idea that the Nelsonian Coalition has advocated for for some time now. At the beginning of Ford's Second Term, the Digitalization of Bureaucracy Act passed through Congress with the President quickly signing it. As a result, the government was able to cut down on bureaucratic processes by reducing the amount of paperwork. More importantly, the Department of Development and Renewal introduced the app with a bunch of electronic documents, like passports and birth certificates, now being available to every citizen of the country. The app is called "Action" and Secretary of DDR Markus Breitschmid promises further development of Action with many more documents being added to the app soon.

The Act is very popular among Americans, but it is not without its critics. Most of the arguments stem from the people being afraid for their civil liberties. Some claim that the government shouldn't be trusted with dealing with such delicate information. Others are worried about the possibility of somebody hacking into their accounts and receiving all of their information. The government, for its part, reassures the users of the app that the security of the app is under control.

Senator Lisa Madigan of Illinois arguing for the Digitalization of Bureaucracy Act (she was a co-author of the bill)

With that being said, many argue that the digitalization of government should include the way it provides law enforcement. Law-and-order politicians argue that the police officers should have easy access to the information about the people suspected of a crime. This idea has a lot of opponents who claim that this would be a government overreach and that there is a potential for misusing such information. Even sharper criticism faces the idea of introducing systems of facial recognition in public spaces using AI. Public surveillance is generally unpopular in the country, and many argue that such a measure will bring the trust in the government to an all-time low.

President Ford, on his part, opposes these ideas, but he has made efforts to improve the conditions of law enforcement officers. The President increased funding for the office, providing more for communication and to improve the training of future officers. However, there are groups in Washington that think that Ford is either doing not enough or too much on the Crime Policy. Those who argue for more action on law enforcement point to the instability in the country due to the violence of the past 2 years as the reason why the President needs to take law and order more seriously. Those who argue that the President does too much generally argue that police brutality should be taken as a much more important issue. The later argument is probably the reason President Ford is in the process of introducing the bill that would require the police officers to have body cams all the time during their service.

Senator R. T. Rybak of Minnesota on the need of body cams on the police officers

The final issue that should be mentioned here is Education. Throughout the years, the issue of Education was seen as somewhat overlooked. Sure, President Ehlers makes efforts in improving the efficiency of Education, but some want major government initiatives to improve the quality of Education. President Ford proposed a bill that would mandate annual standardized testing as a way to answer the calls. However, this proved to be controversial as teachers' unions opposed it along with many Republicans. Because of the controversial nature of the proposal, the President decided to back off for now. Still, many people want more. Conservatives support less government involvement in Education, while Progressives want more; some even advocate for universally free college tuition.

Overall

Throughout his Second Term, Harrison Ford's Approval Ratings never got below 54% while having 67% during the first year of his Second Term. Most Americans think that the country is heading in the right direction, even if there are worries about various issues. Before the Midterms, President Ford's Approval Ratings are at 57%, and if he can keep this amount of optimism, the PLP will have good chances not only in 2014 but in 2016 as well.

https://preview.redd.it/6srttq5xckih1.png?width=612&format=png&auto=webp&s=d9e6376d5f0a5cf156dd07236bea7f7b1a657de8

HOW WOULD YOU RATE THIS PRESIDENCY SO FAR? VOTE!

In the times of crises, people need somebody who is capable to make them weather the storm. This is far from the easiest job in the world. Sometimes you will be recognized for your actions. And sometimes people just move on with a second thought. The Presidency of Daniel Inouye is seen as an afterthought by most people. It was short, it took place between two incredibly influential reigns of two very influential Presidents and it didn’t produce pretty much any legislation. However, should it be forgotten? We are here to answer this question.

The Official Presidential Portrait of Daniel Inouye

Administration:

• Vice President: Vacant (1992), David Pryor (1992-1993)
• Secretary of State: George McGovern
• Secretary of Defense: Rodney O'Gliasain Kennedy-Minott
• Secretary of the Treasury: Paul Davidson
• Attorney General: Morris Dees
• Postmaster General: Cardiss Collins
• Secretary of the Interior: Philip R. Sharp
• Secretary of Agriculture: Jim Hightower
• Secretary of Commerce: Sander Levin
• Secretary of Labor: Ed Garvey
• Secretary of Health and Human Services: José Ramón Machado Ventura
• Secretary of Education: Marian Wright Edelman
• Secretary of Energy: Amory Lovins
• Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Andrew Young
• Secretary of Transportation: James Oberstar
• Secretary of Veterans Affairs: Harold Russell
• Ambassador to the Coalition of Nations (CoN): John Lewis
• Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Ralph Nader
• NASA Administrator: Robert A. Frosch
• FBI Director: John W. Dean III
• CIA Director: Richard Moose

Chapter I - The Twenty-Four Day Presidency

At 9:35 p.m. on December 26, 1992, President Tom Laughlin was pronounced dead following the Assassination that had shocked the nation only hours earlier. That same evening, Vice President Daniel K. Inouye took the oath of office, becoming the 39th President of the United States and the first Asian-American to hold the nation's highest office. Rather than inheriting a new administration, Inouye assumed responsibility for a government struggling to maintain order during one of the most uncertain moments in modern American history.

The country remained in mourning following Laughlin's death. Memorial services were held across the United States as millions of Americans paid tribute to the slain President. Political leaders from every major party condemned the Assassination and urged the public to reject violence and allow the constitutional process to continue. In his first national address, President Inouye honored his predecessor's legacy while calling for unity and restraint, declaring that no act of political terrorism would be allowed to undermine the American Republic or its democratic institutions.

The Administration's immediate priority was identifying those responsible for the Assassination. President Inouye ordered the creation of a joint federal task force composed of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Secret Service, and other federal law-enforcement agencies to coordinate the investigation. Their efforts quickly produced results. Within a day, authorities arrested Shinpei Yamaguchi Jr., a Japanese-American extremist with links to far-right organizations. His arrest reassured many Americans that the government had acted swiftly, yet it answered only one question, who had pulled the trigger.

Far more troubling questions remained unanswered. Investigators could not immediately determine whether Yamaguchi had acted alone, whether domestic extremist organizations had assisted him, or whether foreign interests had played any role in planning the Assassination. Speculation spread rapidly through newspapers, radio programs, and television broadcasts. Particular attention focused upon the possibility of Japanese involvement, though investigators repeatedly stated that no evidence supporting such claims had yet been discovered.

Conspiracy theories emerged almost immediately after Inouye assumed office. The most widespread alleged that the new President himself had orchestrated the Assassination in order to reach the White House. The accusations were rejected by the overwhelming majority of elected officials, journalists, and the public, who viewed them as baseless attempts to exploit a national tragedy. Nevertheless, several extremist organizations embraced the conspiracy, while Representative George Lincoln Rockwell repeatedly used it to attack the legitimacy of the new administration. His repeated insinuations contributed to an increasingly polarized political climate.

The spread of extremist rhetoric was accompanied by renewed violence across parts of the South. Encouraged by far-right organizations and convinced that the federal government had lost its legitimacy, armed groups attempted to seize several state capitol buildings. Clashes between demonstrators and local authorities left dozens injured and raised fears that the unrest which had followed Bleeding Georgia was entering a new phase.

President Inouye offered to deploy federal troops wherever state governments believed additional assistance was necessary to restore order. Despite the escalating violence, the Governors of the affected states declined the offer, insisting that local law enforcement and National Guard units remained capable of handling the disturbances. Respecting the constitutional limits of federal authority, Inouye accepted their decisions while directing federal agencies to provide intelligence, investigative support, and logistical assistance wherever requested.

Beyond restoring public order, the President also faced an urgent constitutional responsibility. With the Vice Presidency vacant following his accession to the Presidency, the line of Presidential succession had become incomplete at a time when political uncertainty remained exceptionally high. Seeking an experienced and widely respected public servant, Inouye Nominated former Arkansas Senator David Pryor to serve as Vice President. His Nomination received broad bipartisan support in Congress, and Pryor was confirmed before the end of the year, restoring stability to the executive branch before Congress assembled to determine the outcome of the disputed Presidential Election.

By early January 1993, President Inouye had succeeded in calming much of the immediate crisis. The assassin had been captured, the federal government continued to function, and the constitutional line of succession had been restored. Yet the nation remained deeply divided. The motives behind the Assassination were still unknown, conspiracy theories continued to circulate among political extremists, and the investigation showed no signs of reaching a final conclusion. At the same time, Congress prepared for the Contingent Presidential Election, one that would determine who would lead the United States after the expiration of Tom Laughlin's term. Until that decision was made, Inouye viewed his foremost responsibility as preserving stability, protecting the Constitution, and ensuring the peaceful continuation of American government.

Firefighters trying to put out the fire in Atlanta, Georgia, 1992

Chapter II - The Constitutional Transition

As January 1993 began, the immediate shock following President Tom Laughlin's Assassination had begun to subside and Congress turned its attention toward choosing the next President. Under the Constitution, the House of Representatives would elect the President from the leading Candidates in the Electoral College, while the Senate would separately choose the Vice President.

The weeks preceding the vote were dominated by intense negotiations between congressional leaders. Republicans entered the contingent election with a majority of state delegations in the House of Representatives, making Colin Powell the clear favorite to become the next President. Nevertheless, the outcome was not considered entirely certain. Some Arch-Conservative members became sympathetic to Representative George Lincoln Rockwell and his increasingly influential American Patriot Coalition. That would never be enough to make him President, but could have been enough to stall the process.

The People's Liberal Party publicly rallied behind President Inouye, arguing that his calm leadership during the national crisis demonstrated his ability to continue serving as President. Although few expected enough Republican-controlled delegations to support him, Party leaders hoped that bipartisan cooperation might produce an unexpected result.

When the House of Representatives assembled, however, the Republican majority largely remained united. While several Representatives declined to support their party's official nominee, Colin Powell nevertheless secured enough state delegations to be elected the next President of the United States. The result was accepted peacefully by both Major Parties, with President Inouye immediately congratulating Powell and pledging a smooth transfer of executive authority on January 20.

The Senate proved considerably less predictable. Under the Constitution, Senators met separately to Elect the next Vice President. Republicans nominated Charles Percy, Powell's Running Mate during the General Election, while the People's Liberals once again supported Daniel Inouye. Unlike the House, however, the Senate produced an unexpected bipartisan coalition. Four Republican Senators crossed Party lines to support Inouye, while four People's Liberal Senators voted against their party's Nominee. After the voting, Inouye secured a narrow majority, ensuring that he would return to the office of Vice President following the expiration of Laughlin's term.

The unusual outcome reflected the confidence many Senators had developed in Inouye during the weeks following the Assassination. Even legislators who disagreed with his political views frequently praised his restraint, professionalism, and commitment to preserving constitutional government throughout the crisis.

Throughout the remainder of his brief Presidency, Inouye continued supervising the federal investigation into Tom Laughlin's Assassination. Although investigators uncovered additional evidence concerning Shinpei Yamaguchi Jr. and his extremist connections, many of the central questions remained unanswered. Federal officials declined to speculate publicly regarding possible accomplices or foreign involvement, emphasizing that the investigation remained active and would continue under the incoming administration.

On January 20, 1993, Daniel Inouye peacefully transferred Presidential authority to Colin Powell, who was inaugurated as the 40th President of the United States. Moments later, Inouye took the oath of office once again, returning to the Vice Presidency after having served as President for twenty-four days, the shortest presidential tenure in American history.

Historians have generally regarded Daniel Inouye's Presidency as one defined not by legislation or sweeping policy initiatives, but by constitutional stewardship. Faced with Assassination, political violence, conspiracy theories, and an unresolved Presidential Election, his Administration maintained the continuity of government while preserving public confidence in the constitutional process. Although the full truth behind Tom Laughlin's Assassination would not emerge until the Powell Administration, Inouye's calm leadership during those turbulent weeks ensured that one of the gravest political crises in modern American history did not become a constitutional one.

Statue of Daniel Inouye at the Daniel K. Inouye International Airport (Honolulu)

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HOW WOULD YOU RATE THIS PRESIDENCY SO FAR? VOTE!

Actors in politics are nothing new. Some don't make any impact. Some build good careers in the area. And there are those who are special - those who reach the highest office in the land. Of course there is Harrison Ford, probably the most successful actor turned politician. However, he wasn't the first. Today we are going to talk about the actor-turned-politician. It is a man whose legacy is defined by his principles. This is a person who didn't give up and fought for what he believed. Many accused him of being too stubborn and idealistic for politics. But to his supporters, he is a soldier, put to rest in the battlefield. This is a story of Tom Laughlin.

The Official Presidential Portrait of Tom Laughlin

Administration:

• Vice President: Daniel Inouye
• Secretary of State: George McGovern
• Secretary of Defense: Rodney O'Gliasain Kennedy-Minott
• Secretary of the Treasury: Paul Davidson
• Attorney General: Morris Dees
• Postmaster General: Robert E. Allen (1989-1991), Cardiss Collins (1991-1992)
• Secretary of the Interior: Philip R. Sharp
• Secretary of Agriculture: Jim Hightower
• Secretary of Commerce: Sander Levin
• Secretary of Labor: Ed Garvey
• Secretary of Health and Human Services: José Ramón Machado Ventura
• Secretary of Education: Marian Wright Edelman
• Secretary of Energy: Amory Lovins
• Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Andrew Young
• Secretary of Transportation: James J. Florio (1989-1991), James Oberstar (1991-1992)
• Secretary of Veterans Affairs: Harold Russell
• Ambassador to the Coalition of Nations (CoN): John Lewis
• Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency: Ralph Nader
• NASA Administrator: Robert A. Frosch
• FBI Director: John W. Dean III
• CIA Director: Richard Moose

Chapter I - A Different America

By the end of the Biden Administration, the United States remained one of the world's foremost economic and military powers. After eight years of Republican rule, the stage was set for one of the most competitive Presidential Elections in modern history.

The People's Liberal Party entered the 1988 Election seeking to prove that the Great Mergers had created a credible alternative to Republican dominance. Among the Party's leading figures was Tom Laughlin, the Governor of Wisconsin. Before entering politics, Laughlin had achieved national fame as an Actor, using his popularity to advocate for social justice, environmental protection, and anti-war causes. His transition into politics surprised many observers, but his energetic governorship quickly established him as one of the People's Liberals' most recognizable leaders.

Unlike many establishment politicians, Laughlin built his reputation through fiery rhetoric, unwavering idealism, and an uncompromising belief that government existed to serve ordinary citizens. As Governor, he championed expanded welfare programs, stronger labor protections, and environmental conservation.

To balance the ticket, the convention selected Senator Daniel Inouye of Hawaii as the Party's Nominee for Vice President. Inouye's reputation for bipartisanship, legislative experience, and distinguished military service reassured voters who questioned Laughlin's relative inexperience on international affairs.

The Republicans Nominated former Vice President Reubin Askew, presenting him as the natural successor to President Joseph R. Biden. Askew promised stability and continuity, arguing that Republican leadership had restored American prosperity and strengthened the country's standing abroad. He selected Governor of New Hampshire John H. Sununu as his Running Mate, hoping to unite both Moderates and Libertarians.

Throughout much of 1988, the nation closely followed the work of the Missing Individuals of Washington Investigative Committee (MIWIC), established to investigate Washington Governor Theodore Bundy and allegations surrounding his Administration's handling of the state's Public Safety Committee. Laughlin emerged as one of the committee's most outspoken members, earning widespread praise for his relentless questioning during nationally televised hearings. His performance strengthened his personal reputation as a principled reformer willing to confront corruption regardless of political consequences.

When Americans went to the polls in November, the Election became one of the closest in modern history. Despite the damage inflicted by the Bundy investigation, Tom Laughlin narrowly defeated Reubin Askew to become the first PEOPLE'S Liberal President of the United States. His victory reflected both public desire for domestic reform and the strength of his personal appeal as a Candidate who had openly confronted establishment.

The Election, however, offered no clear mandate. While the People's Liberals retained control of the House of Representatives, Republicans continued to hold the Senate, ensuring that the new President would face immediate legislative obstacles. The narrow result also revealed a country deeply divided over the direction of American politics following the Great Mergers.

Vice President Reubin Askew talking about his loss against Laughlin

Chapter II - A Progressive Agenda Meets Reality

Tom Laughlin entered office believing that the Election of 1988 had given the People's Liberal Party an opportunity to reshape American society. During his inaugural address, he promised to reduce inequality, strengthen environmental protections, and restore what he described as "the government's responsibility to its people." The enthusiasm surrounding his inauguration was considerable, but it quickly encountered the political realities of a divided Washington. While the People's Liberals controlled the House of Representatives, Republicans retained their majority in the Senate. Every significant piece of legislation would require negotiation, compromise, or confrontation.

Determined to fulfill his campaign promises, Laughlin introduced an ambitious Domestic Agenda during his first one hundred days in office. His Administration's first priority was repealing many of President Biden's tax reductions. Laughlin argued that the federal government could no longer afford Policies that favored the wealthy while social programs remained underfunded. The additional revenue, he insisted, would finance expanded welfare benefits, and improvements to public education.

The House approved much of the President's economic package, but the Republican-controlled Senate proved far less cooperative. Senate Republicans condemned the proposals as economically reckless, warning that higher taxes would discourage investment and threaten the prosperity achieved during the previous Administration. After weeks of heated debate, much of Laughlin's tax legislation stalled, forcing the White House to abandon several of its original objectives.

Vice President Daniel Inouye increasingly emerged as one of the Administration's most influential figures. Although he strongly supported the President's broader goals, Inouye repeatedly urged compromise with Moderate Republicans rather than prolonged legislative battles. His negotiations helped preserve portions of the Administration's program, but they also frustrated many Progressives, who believed the White House was already retreating from the promises made during the campaign.

Another early priority involved expanding the federal welfare system. Laughlin argued that economic growth during the previous decade had failed to benefit many working-class Americans and that government had an obligation to provide stronger assistance to struggling families. Conservative critics immediately attacked the proposal, claiming it would dramatically increase federal spending while encouraging long-term dependence on government assistance. Once again, the legislation became trapped in the Senate, leaving the President unable to deliver one of his signature campaign promises.

Trade Policy soon became another source of controversy. Seeking to protect American industry, Laughlin supported higher tariffs on selected foreign imports and questioned aspects of the Canada Economic Free Zone established before. The proposals proved deeply divisive. Organized labor welcomed measures intended to protect domestic manufacturing, while many economists warned that increased protectionism risked damaging North American trade. Canadian officials openly criticized the Administration's position, creating the first significant diplomatic disagreement between the two neighboring countries since the agreement's establishment.

Healthcare quickly emerged as perhaps the President's greatest domestic challenge. Laughlin sought to dismantle elements of the market-oriented reforms introduced under President Biden. Opponents immediately challenged the Administration's actions in federal court, arguing that several executive measures exceeded presidential authority. The resulting legal battles delayed implementation of key reforms and transformed Healthcare into one of the most contentious political issues of Laughlin's Presidency.

The rapid spread of HIV/AIDS presented another urgent test for the new Administration. Rejecting calls for limited federal involvement, Laughlin established a national AIDS Task Force charged with coordinating medical research, public education, and treatment programs. Public health organizations welcomed the Administration's willingness to address the epidemic directly, but Conservatives criticized what they considered excessive federal spending and objected to aspects of the proposed education campaigns. Although the Task Force demonstrated the Administration's commitment to confronting the crisis, disagreements over funding and implementation limited its immediate effectiveness.

Environmental Policy represented one of the few areas where Laughlin remained unwilling to compromise. Declaring climate change and pollution to be among the greatest long-term threats facing the nation, he proposed sweeping environmental legislation that included stricter industrial regulations and a federal carbon tax. Environmental organizations enthusiastically supported the initiative, while business leaders and Republican lawmakers denounced it as an unnecessary burden on economic growth. Much of the legislation stalled in Congress, reinforcing the growing perception that the Administration's ambitions consistently exceeded its ability to secure legislative victories.

Social Issues likewise produced intense political conflict. The Supreme Court's decision in Palmer v. Missouri reignited the national debate over Abortion, provoking demonstrations across the country from both supporters and opponents of abortion rights. Laughlin publicly defended abortion access while calling for legislation that would establish clearer federal protections, but Congress remained deeply divided. The controversy further intensified the ideological polarization that had begun during the Election campaign.

By the end of his first year in office, Tom Laughlin remained divisive. Admiration alone proved insufficient to overcome Washington's political realities. His ambitious domestic program had encountered relentless congressional resistance, upcoming economic uncertainty had only weakened public confidence, and several signature reforms remained tied up in legislative negotiations or legal challenges.

Prime Minister Flora MacDonald in an interview talking about Laughlin's tariffs

Chapter III - The New Space Race

Although President Tom Laughlin struggled to advance much of his Domestic Agenda through Congress, one area of government policy continued to enjoy overwhelming bipartisan support: the Space Race. Unlike many of his domestic initiatives, the nation's space program generated remarkably little partisan disagreement. Republicans praised it as evidence of American strength and innovation, while the People's Liberals viewed scientific investment as an essential responsibility of the federal government. Even lawmakers who fiercely opposed Laughlin's economic proposals generally supported continued funding for NASA.

The Administration's plans, however, were soon overshadowed by dramatic events abroad. The Japanese government invested enormous financial and technological resources into the mission to reach Mars, so to present it as proof that Japan had become the world's foremost scientific power. Newspapers around the globe portrayed the expedition as the next great chapter in the Space Race, comparing it to the American Moon landings decades earlier.

The mission ended in catastrophe. Mechanical failures during the expedition forced Japanese mission controllers to abort their landing attempt before the crew could safely reach the Martian surface.

The United States reacted with a mixture of sympathy and renewed determination. Laughlin publicly expressed condolences to the Japanese people and resisted calls from several members of Congress to exploit the disaster for political advantage. Instead, he praised the courage of the astronauts involved and argued that scientific progress inevitably required extraordinary risks. His measured response was widely welcomed internationally and helped prevent a deterioration in relations between Washington and Tokyo.

Encouraged by NASA Administrator Robert A. Frosch and supported by leaders from both political parties, Laughlin announced that the United States would begin preparations for its own manned expedition to Mars. Rather than rushing to capitalize on Japan's setback, the President insisted that America would proceed cautiously, placing scientific success and astronaut safety above symbolic victories. The Administration emphasized that every lesson learned from the Japanese failure would be incorporated into the American program before a launch date was even considered.

For Tom Laughlin, the Space Race became a rare source of political success during an otherwise frustrating Presidency. His Domestic Agenda remained stalled by partisan divisions, yet his careful handling of Japan's disaster and his commitment to expanding America's presence beyond Earth earned praise from supporters and critics alike. Even many Republicans acknowledged that the President had demonstrated restraint, maturity, and optimism at a moment when triumphalism could easily have damaged international relations.

By the close of 1989, Americans increasingly viewed the journey to Mars as the next great national project. Whether Laughlin would ultimately oversee that achievement remained uncertain, but few doubted that his administration had ensured that the United States remained firmly at the forefront of humanity's exploration of space.

Robert A. Frosch talking about the initiative

Chapter IV - Peace Through Détente?

If there was one area where President Tom Laughlin departed most dramatically from the Biden Administration, it was Foreign Policy. Laughlin believed the United States had become too willing to rely upon military power and unconditional support for allied governments. Instead, he argued that American influence should rest upon diplomacy, democratic reform, and a reduction of Cold War tensions. To supporters, it was a bold attempt to create a more peaceful world. To critics, it was naïve idealism that ignored geopolitical realities.

Nowhere would that doctrine be tested more severely than in Iran. When Laughlin entered office, the Imperial State of Iran remained one of America's closest allies in the Middle East. Despite years of brutal civil war, the strategic situation had improved considerably during the Biden Administration. Backed by American military and financial assistance, Imperial forces had gradually seized the initiative against a vast revolutionary coalition. By early 1989, many military observers believed that the Empire was likely to emerge victorious if American support continued.

President Laughlin, however, believed continued assistance could not remain unconditional. Reports alleging widespread war crimes by Imperial forces, combined with fundamental ideological differences between Washington and Tehran, convinced him that reform had to accompany continued American aid. The White House demanded that Iran organize democratic elections, prosecute those responsible for alleged war crimes, undertake constitutional reforms, and that Shah Reza Pahlavi abdicate in favor of his older sister, Princess Shahnaz Pahlavi, whom Laughlin viewed as a more Progressive constitutional figure. Iranian officials rejected every demand, dismissing the American threats as political posturing.

After months of unsuccessful negotiations, Laughlin followed through on his warning and suspended American military assistance. The President also believed that reducing American involvement in Iran would help cool tensions with the Empire of Japan, an objective that had become central to his broader policy of détente.

The consequences were immediate. Imperial forces, which had previously appeared to be winning the war, rapidly lost momentum. Offensive operations stalled, supply shortages emerged, and revolutionary forces regained the initiative. Alarm spread throughout Washington. Military leaders, congressional Republicans, and even Vice President Daniel Inouye urged the President to restore assistance before the situation became irreversible. Republicans accused Laughlin of handing Iran directly to Japan, while Chief of Staff and General Colin Powell, who had overseen much of America's military strategy during the conflict, warned that years of American policy were about to collapse. Laughlin refused to change course, insisting that abandoning his principles would only postpone Iran's underlying political problems. Powell resigned soon afterward, stating that he had lost faith in the President's judgment.

The Imperial State eventually collapsed, but the war did not end. The revolutionary coalition that had united against the Empire immediately turned upon itself. Democratic republicans, Islamists, fascists, nationalists, and numerous left-wing factions all fought for control of the country. Hoping to prevent an Islamist victory, the Laughlin Administration quietly worked to weaken the Islamist faction, believing that a moderate left-wing government would ultimately emerge victorious. Instead, the strategy backfired spectacularly. The Authoritarian Socialist faction systematically defeated its rivals and established a Communist government in Tehran.

Republicans mercilessly attacked the Administration, arguing that the first Social Democratic President in American history had presided over the Communist takeover of one of the nation's closest allies. Laughlin's Foreign-Policy approval ratings collapsed almost overnight. Ironically, Japan also failed to benefit from the Imperial collapse, as the new Communist regime proved hostile toward Tokyo as well as Washington. Nevertheless, the United States had unquestionably lost one of its most important partners in the Middle East.

Iran overshadowed every other aspect of the Administration's Foreign Policy, though it was far from the only initiative undertaken by the White House. Seeking to demonstrate American goodwill toward long-standing allies, Laughlin transferred several American-controlled port facilities in the Philippines back to Philippine sovereignty while maintaining the broader alliance between both nations.

Supporters praised the move as recognition of Philippine independence and equality. Critics argued that the ports possessed immense strategic value and had been surrendered without meaningful concessions. The decision also fueled a wave of conspiracy theories. Some claimed Laughlin was deliberately weakening the United States for Japan's benefit, while others absurdly accused Vice President Inouye of secretly serving Japanese interests simply because of his ancestry, even though Inouye had been among the strongest opponents of the Iran withdrawal inside the Administration.

Despite these controversies, Laughlin's policy of détente achieved several important successes. Relations between Washington and Tokyo improved noticeably during his first two years in office. In a historic diplomatic breakthrough, Laughlin became the first President of the United States to meet personally with the leader of the Empire of Japan. The summit, held in the Philippines, produced the Ragnarök Agreement, under which both powers agreed to reduce their stockpiles of Ragnarök Bombs and slow the accelerating nuclear arms race. Although neither nation abandoned its rivalry, many observers regarded the treaty as one of the most significant arms-control agreements since the beginning of the Cold War.

The Administration also strengthened relations with the State of India. Building upon cooperation established during the Biden Administration against insurgent activity originating from Afghanistan, Laughlin sought to draw India closer to the United States through expanded diplomatic and economic cooperation. Unlike Iran, India had recently begun implementing political and economic reforms, leading the President to believe that closer engagement could gradually encourage the country toward democratic government while reducing Japanese influence across South Asia. Although the results remained limited during his first term, the Policy was widely regarded as one of the more promising aspects of his foreign agenda.

For better or worse, Peace Through Détente became the defining Foreign-Policy doctrine of Tom Laughlin's Presidency. It reduced the risk of war between the world's greatest powers, yet it also produced one of the most controversial strategic decisions of the late twentieth century, a contradiction that would shape his historical legacy for decades to come.

Vice President Daniel Inouye being questioned about the fall of Iranian Imperial government

Chapter V - Stagnation and Bleeding Georgia

By the beginning of 1990, President Tom Laughlin found himself in an increasingly difficult political position. Much of the optimism surrounding his inauguration had faded as his Domestic Agenda remained stalled in Congress and the Economy began showing unmistakable signs of weakness. Although the United States avoided a recession, economic growth slowed considerably while inflation continued to climb. The Economy was in Stagnation while the Infation was in an overdive. Businesses delayed investment, consumer confidence declined, and unemployment gradually increased. Republicans argued that uncertainty surrounding the Administration's economic proposals had weakened the Economy, while the White House maintained that the slowdown represented the delayed consequences of Policies inherited from the Biden Administration.

Determined to reverse the trend, Laughlin proposed a large economic stimulus package centered on infrastructure projects, expanded public employment, and additional funding for education and scientific research. Supporters praised the proposal as a necessary investment designed to prevent a deeper economic downturn. Senate Republicans, however, condemned the plan as excessive government spending and blocked much of the legislation after weeks of contentious negotiations. Once again, the President's ambitious agenda collided with the realities of divided government.

The Administration soon suffered another significant setback when the Supreme Court issued its decision in Brands v. United States. The ruling struck down key elements of Laughlin's Healthcare reforms, arguing that portions of the Administration's implementation exceeded federal authority. The decision effectively restored major sections of President Biden's earlier Healthcare system while forcing the White House back to the negotiating table. For manyPprogressives, the ruling represented one of the greatest disappointments of Laughlin's Presidency, while Republicans celebrated it as a victory for constitutional restraint.

The political consequences became evident during the 1990 Midterm Elections. Republicans successfully portrayed the Elections as a referendum on the Administration's economic performance, warning that continued People's Liberal control of Congress would only deepen national uncertainty. While Laughlin campaigned extensively in support of People's Liberal Candidates, his appeals failed to reverse the growing dissatisfaction among Moderate and Independent voters. The People's Liberals suffered significant losses, strengthening Republican influence in Congress and leaving the President with even fewer opportunities to advance his legislative priorities during the remainder of his term.

Yet the most serious crisis facing the Administration emerged far from Washington. In Georgia, the election of William Luther Pierce as Governor dramatically altered the state's political landscape. Pierce's administration promoted an openly white supremacist agenda that sharply intensified political and racial tensions throughout the state. His rhetoric attracted passionate supporters but also provoked equally determined opposition from civil rights organizations, student groups, labor unions, and minority communities. Demonstrations soon became an almost daily occurrence in Atlanta and several other major cities.

As the months passed, isolated confrontations escalated into widespread civil unrest. Protesters accused the Georgia government of encouraging political extremism, while Pierce insisted that outside agitators were attempting to undermine the legitimate authority of the state government. Violent clashes between demonstrators, counter-protesters, and local law enforcement became increasingly common. National television networks broadcast scenes of burning buildings, street battles, and heavily armed police officers, creating the impression that Georgia was descending into chaos.

Faced with a rapidly deteriorating situation, President Laughlin authorized federal intervention in an effort to restore order. The deployment of federal forces proved deeply controversial. Supporters argued that the President had acted to prevent further bloodshed and uphold constitutional rights. Critics accused him of interfering in state affairs and further inflaming an already volatile political situation. Even within the People's Liberal Party, opinions remained sharply divided regarding the appropriate federal response.

The crisis reached its tragic climax when Governor Pierce was assassinated. The assassination shocked the nation. Although political leaders across the ideological spectrum immediately condemned the murder, the event triggered an unprecedented wave of violence throughout Georgia. Supporters of Pierce blamed the federal government, "Jews" and left-wing activists, while opponents feared widespread retaliation from extremist organizations. Rioting spread across Atlanta and several surrounding communities as law enforcement struggled to restore order. Newspapers soon began referring to the conflict as "Bleeding Georgia," a name that rapidly entered the national political vocabulary.

The unrest transformed the country's political climate almost overnight. Among those who benefited most from the crisis was Representative George Lincoln Rockwell, leader of the Republican Party's American Patriot Coalition. Rockwell argued that the violence demonstrated the complete failure of Laughlin's leadership and accused the Administration of allowing political extremism to flourish through weakness and indecision. His speeches attracted growing audiences across the country, particularly among voters who believed the federal government had lost control of public order.

International developments further compounded the Administration's difficulties. The Empire of Japan's invasion of Afghanistan stunned the international community and immediately challenged Laughlin's diplomatic strategy. Having built much of his foreign policy upon cooperation and détente, the President suddenly found himself confronting a major act of international aggression by one of America's principal partners. Critics argued that recent improvements in relations with Tokyo had failed to deter Japanese expansionism, while supporters maintained that continued diplomacy remained preferable to military confrontation. Regardless of the differing interpretations, the invasion undermined confidence in the Administration's broader Foreign-Policy vision.

Attorney General Morris Dees defending President's decision to send troops into Georgia

Chapter VI - The Election of 1992

By the beginning of 1992, the United States was preparing for one of the most intense Presidential Elections in its history. Four years earlier, Tom Laughlin had entered the White House promising to build "A Different America." His Presidency had undoubtedly changed the direction of national politics, yet many of his most ambitious domestic reforms had failed to become law. Economic Stagnation, congressional gridlock, the Iranian collapse, and the violence of Bleeding Georgia had steadily eroded public confidence. Although the President remained personally respected for his sincerity and idealism, many Americans questioned whether his Administration had possessed the practical leadership necessary to meet the challenges of the era.

Within the People's Liberal Party, that frustration produced an unusually competitive Presidential Primary. Several prominent figures believed the party required a different standard-bearer if it hoped to retain the White House. Among the most significant challengers were Senator John Glenn of Ohio, who argued that the Administration had failed to provide strong executive leadership, and Senator Lloyd Bentsen, who called for a more Moderate Economic platform capable of attracting Independent voters. Despite unexpectedly strong opposition, Laughlin secured Re-Nomination. The contentious primary, however, exposed divisions within the People's Liberal coalition that had remained largely hidden during the 1988 campaign. While party leaders ultimately united behind the President, the Nomination contest consumed valuable political capital that Republicans did not have to expend.

The Republican Party entered the Election from a position of growing confidence. Following Reubin Askew's defeat four years earlier, Republicans sought a Candidate capable of appealing both to the Party establishment and to voters dissatisfied with the Laughlin Administration. After a closely watched primary campaign, General Colin Powell secured the Republican Nomination. Having resigned during the Iran crisis in protest of Laughlin's Foreign Policy, Powell campaigned as a respected military leader whose judgment had been vindicated by subsequent events. Promising competent Administration, economic recovery, and renewed American strength abroad, he quickly united much of the Republican Party behind his Candidacy. Well, most of it...

To balance the ticket, Republicans selected Senator Charles Percy as their Nominee for Vice President, combining Powell's military reputation with Percy's extensive legislative and Foreign-Policy experience.

Yet neither Major Party fully controlled the national conversation. The continuing rise of Representative George Lincoln Rockwell transformed the Election into something unprecedented. Most would immediately understand that Rockwell didn't like Powell being Nominated and it wasn't a surprise of why. After all, this is a person who a straignt up Fascist and white supremacist. Rockwell launched an Independent Presidential campaign, after losing in the Republican Primary handily, built around the themes of "racial purety", "law and order", and opposition to both political Parties. His campaign drew heavily upon public anger following Bleeding Georgia, arguing that both Republicans and People's Liberals had failed to protect ordinary Americans.

Although many political commentators initially dismissed Rockwell's Candidacy as symbolic, his rallies attracted unexpectedly large crowds. By autumn, opinion polls suggested that Rockwell had become a genuine factor in the Election, threatening to divide the Conservative vote.

The General Election campaign reflected three fundamentally different visions for America's future. Laughlin defended his Presidency as the beginning of a long-term transformation that had been obstructed by congressional opposition rather than rejected by the American people. Powell argued that the nation required experienced, disciplined leadership capable of restoring economic growth and international credibility. Rockwell rejected both arguments entirely, insisting that the country's political establishment had become incapable of solving America's growing problems. He also added some other words about Powell, but we can't mention them here.

As Election Day approached, it looked like Powell would win. Economic concerns dominated public discussion, while Bleeding Georgia, the Afghanistan crisis, and continuing ideological polarization ensured that national security and public order remained equally important campaign issues.

When Americans finally cast their ballots in November, the result shocked the nation. President Tom Laughlin actually won the national popular vote by only the narrowest of margins over Colin Powell, while George Lincoln Rockwell a strong Independent Presidential performance. Rockwell's success, however, dramatically reshaped the Electoral College, denying both Major-Party Candidates the electoral majority. Laughlin had more, but not enough. For the first time since Rockefeller, no Presidential Candidate had secured enough Electoral Votes to win the Presidency outright.

The Election would instead be decided by the House of Representatives in a contingent election. Even before Congress could convene to perform its constitutional duty, however, tragedy struck the nation, changing American history forever.

Asian-Americans in Laughlin's campaign headquarters

Chapter VII - A Nation Without a President

The constitutional crisis created by the Election of 1992 left the United States facing one of the most uncertain moments in its modern history.

While congressional leaders prepared for the contingent election, President Tom Laughlin was still in the office, urging for his cause among his supporters and talking with the legislators. Nobody knew for sure who will be President after the end of Laughlin's term. The odds were on Powell's side, but crazy things already happened, so the bets wouldn't be safe.

In the end, Laughlin's fight was stopped prematurely. Before Congress could assemble to elect the next President, Tom Laughlin was Assassinated. News of his death spread across the country within minutes, bringing ordinary life to a standstill. Regardless of political affiliation, the Assassination shocked a nation already exhausted by years of increasing polarization. And to add to the chaos, nobody knew immediate details. The country was in chaos.

In accordance with the Constitution, Vice President Daniel Inouye was immediately sworn in as the 39th President of the United States. His first address to the nation called for restraint, national unity, and confidence in the constitutional order. Inouye pledged that the federal government would conduct a thorough investigation into the assassination while ensuring that the contingent election proceeded according to law.

The murder of a sitting President transformed the political atmosphere overnight. What had begun as a disputed Election became a national tragedy, with security heightened across the country amid fears of further political violence. The Assassination marked the culmination of several years of growing extremism, partisan hostility, and declining public trust that had increasingly characterized American politics for some time.

Historians have continued to debate Tom Laughlin's Presidency. His supporters remembered him as an idealist who sought to create a more compassionate America through expanded social programs, environmental protection, diplomacy, and scientific progress. They pointed to the continued success of the American space program, improved relations with several foreign powers, and the Ragnarök Agreement as lasting accomplishments achieved despite constant political opposition.

Critics offered a harsher assessment. They argued that many of Laughlin's domestic proposals proved politically unrealistic, that his Administration failed to overcome divided government, and that decisions such as the withdrawal of support from Iran contributed to significant international setbacks. Economic Stagnation, the crisis in Georgia, and growing political instability further damaged public confidence during his Presidency. What nobody could deny is that Tom Laughlin was a man who stood for his principles no matter what.

President Tom Laughlin with his wife and daughter

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