It's a biggun, but there's a lot of "no evidence provided" annotations.

Part XXXIV - The Great Depression

TLDR for the following available at the bottom 

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Dealt A Bad Hand

No Prime Minister had entered office at perhaps a worse time than Henry Wise Wood. Inheriting both the depression and a series of droughts in the prairies, the new Prime Minister –never before having held public office– was now in charge of the management of 5,500kms of land from east to west and 10 million residents. However, the Prime Minister’s extensive background in farming would prove an asset to his administration. Wood’s first initiative as Prime Minister would be to return former Prime Minister Thomas Crerar to the position of Minister of Agriculture, a post he held during the last Progressive administration. Wood had actually desired Crerar to serve as his Deputy Prime Minister in a co-ministerial capacity, but had been forced to elevate Ernest Lapointe to the position to placate the Liberals. Still, Crerar’s still considerable influence within the party made him the de-facto secondary Prime Minister.

Wood and Crerar first sought to alleviate a stretch of droughts in the prairies, which had begun in 1929 after a stretch of particularly dry seasons compounded by destructive farming practices. Luckily for the Prime Minister, the crisis had alleviated somewhat during the Tory years, as a result of actions taken by the last administration. In order to shield against future damages, the federal government began a ‘shelterbelting’ initiative in 1932, purchasing around $9.5 million dollars worth of fast-growing Manitoba Maple and Willow tree seeds and distributing them to farmers registered with the National Farmer’s Bureau (NFB). In 1934, Wood was joined in his efforts by the United States under President Franklin D. Roosevelt, who agreed to collaborate with Canada on constructing shelterbelts across the North American west. It would, however, still take around 10-15 years for the trees to grow fully, thus requiring additional policies to alleviate the situation.

At the same time, Administrator Herbert Greenfield of the NFB, in partnership with Farm Credit Administration head Frank C. Biggs, introduced new restrictions on farmer’s benefits. In order to qualify for federal assistance and for equipment loans, farmers now had to adopt sustainable soil conservation practices, such as crop rotations and contour plowing, or strip farming when applicable. Even with the new changes, many farms were slow to adopt the new practices, prompting the Farm Credit Administration to begin issuing a blanket $3 fine every 3 months to farms who hadn’t switched in mid-1933.

The fines, however, proved highly unpopular, with the Conservatives under newly-elected leader Robert J. Manion claiming the Progressives had begun a war on struggling farmers. Indeed, many farms had gone out of business without support from the government and the newly added fines. In early 1934, Prime Minister Wood fired Biggs as FCA Administrator and replaced him with Robert Forke, who reversed the policy and issued rebates to those fined, along with introducing an incentive program of $0.50 per acre per year to farms that adopted sustainable practices, raised to $0.75 by 1936.

Alongside the programs designed to assist farmers, the Progressives initiated a series of welfare reforms, further cementing Canada’s status as one of the world’s foremost welfare states. Wood personally desired a comprehensive unemployment insurance program, but deemed it would be too expensive given the current economic situation. Rather than forgo the idea entirely, Wood passed an amendment to the British North America Act with consent of the provinces ceding provincial control over unemployment issues to the federal government. Then, he passed the National Unemployment Insurance Act in 1935, but stipulated the program would only enter into effect when the national unemployment rate fell back below 8.5%. The act also created the Canadian Employment Insurance Agency, another crown-corporation which would manage unemployment insurance. Registered employees would pay 2% premiums off their salary, and, if they happened to become unemployed after 15 weeks of consecutive employment, they could apply to receive benefits back of up to 35-70% of previous wage, depending on the number of dependencies in the family.

Job training programs were another major initiative of the Wood administration, focused on training displaced workers with new skills. Public works initiatives started by the Tory administration were expanded upon, primarily related to infrastructure improvement in major cities and road construction. In 1933, the government also began a food subsidization program, which paid needy families $0.25 per head every week so long as at least 95% of that money went towards purchasing food, with receipts needed to be turned in every week to receive benefits for the following week.

A Cooperative Step

Although the government initially expected the situation to improve, a heat-wave and drought in 1934 temporarily brought back some issues, although the United States was impacted far worse than Canada. To provide relief to displaced farmers, and to boost Canada’s industrial might, Wood created the Canadian Industrial Bureau as a division of the Department of Labour, appointing former Conservative-Labour deputy Abraham A. Heaps as the first director.

In late 1934, Heaps began a controversial initiative of buying out and, in some cases, nationalizing struggling factories and factories deemed ‘essential’ to communal interests. Steelmaking in particular was targeted by the government, with Wood announcing in 1934 that it was the intention of the government to nationalize Hamilton-based giant Stelco by the end of the year. Business leaders and Conservatives immediately protested the announcement, with Manion himself proclaiming the move was “a short stop shy of full-blown communism.” But with Heaps’ plan to operate the company as an independent crown-corporation, focused on temporary government-subsided expansion to provide jobs to displaced workers, the plan proved popular enough with the general public to carry with majority support in parliament.

On November 20th, 1934, Stelco was officially nationalized by the Canadian government, followed by Algoma Steel in May of 1934. Both companies were incorporated into the new crown-corporation Canadian National Steel Company, alongside the newly established Western Steel Company. With support from the government, Canadian National Steel was able to reopen some previously closed factories in Ontario, providing jobs to former workers. However, the high cost of both production and the subsidies to keep the corporations solvent still attracted criticism from the Conservatives. Indeed, Wood’s ambitious spending programs had massively increased the national debt— though most voters seemed willing to ignore that fact amidst the hardships. Simultaneously, the Western Steel Company began working on developing industry in the major western cities, most efforts focused on Winnipeg, Calgary, Edmonton, and Vancouver. 

Another major initiative of the Wood administration would be the establishment of a central bank, in charge of the nation’s monetary policy. In 1933, the Bank of Canada would be established as an independent crown-corporation. Somewhat inspired by the new branch of Keynesian economics, Wood desired a stronger central bank which could help regulate inflation and the foreign exchange market. This was primarily due to his desire to have an instrument which could help his government prevent hyperinflation amidst high spending during the recession. Ontario economist W. Clifford Clark, an independent who leaned towards the progressives, was appointed as the first governor. 

Radicalism on the Rise

As is to be expected during any major economic crisis, radical politics on both the left and right gained significant attraction during the Wood years. The Commonwealth Party, which already held 14 seats in parliament and governed as a part of a coalition deal with the Progressives, saw a boost in membership within cities and among labour unions. The rise of Commonwealth support led to an interesting duality among Canada’s two major left-wing parties, wherein the Progressives represented the agrarian interests of Canadian farmers and the Commonwealth represented the industrialized interest of Canadian workers. 

Although these parties agreed on a majority of issues, one particular break was with tariffs, where the Progressives favored lower tariffs and the Commonwealth favored higher tariffs. When Minister of Finance George P. Graham presented a new trade deal with the United States to parliament in 1935, negotiated with F.D.R as a part of a bilateral effort to reduce tariffs in both countries, the Commonwealth broke with the Progressives for the first time in opposition to the deal. The deal was able to carry with majority support, as the Progressives still had a majority without the Commonwealth, but pressure from unions and the cities forced Graham to negotiate an amendment deal the following year, which raised protections on certain industries (but did not return those tariffs to pre-Wood levels). The tariff debacle served to reinforce the Urban/Rural Commonwealth-Progressive divide, but the coalition survived in the face of more pressing issues. 

The Commonwealth found even more success on the provincial scale, with the British Columbia Commonwealth Party winning the 1935 Provincial Election, defeating the incumbent centrist Popular Alliance under Duff Pattullo. In Quebec, the Commonwealth-affiliated Action Québec under Paul Gouin ran a nationalist social-justice based campaign that appealed to both rural and industrial workers, unseating the incumbent Liberals under Louis-Alexandre Taschereau which had held power continuously since 1886 (except for a short 8-month Conservative government in mid-1891). Gouin’s government, however, fell short of the threshold for a majority, and made a controversial deal with the local Conservatives to take power. 

The nation also saw a significant shift towards the right. Radical right-wing ideologies, such as facism, found a home in the Patriotic Front of Canada, a party formed in 1931 by conservative hardliners who opposed the policies of Tory. The party held 8 seats in parliament, including their leader businessman Herbert Holt and deputy leader journalist Adrien Arcand. Arcand in particular was one of the most vocal critics of the Wood administration, who advocated for a fascist Canadian state within the British empire. Arcand allied himself with the British Union of Fascists and the fascist regimes in Germany and Italy, pointing to the economic revitalization of European economies under those leaders and promising to do the same in Canada. In 1933, Arcand and Holt switched places, with Arcand becoming leader and Holt becoming deputy leader, due to fears that Holt’s business association could dampen the party’s populist messaging. 

The Patriotic Front found most of its success in Alexandra, where the American far-right white-supremacist group the Ku Klux Klan had amassed significant political influence in the 1920s pushing anti-indigenous and anti-immigrant sentiment. Ahead of the 1932 Provincial Election, Holt poured a significant amount of his own resources into helping the local branch of the party win the election, in hopes that a provincial victory would grant the party the national legitimacy it desired. 

The incumbent centrist Liberals under Premier James Gardiner had taken office mere months before the Depression, and had largely been blamed for their failure to respond to the economic effect of the crisis. Thus, the left-wing Farmers’ party, aligned with the Progressives, was the favourite to win the election. However, many voters held reservations over Farmers’ Party leader George Hara Williams, a 37-year-old firebrand and controversial activist. Throughout the 1920s, Williams had associated himself with the controversial Marxist Farmer’s Reform League, and had even made a visit to the Soviet Union in 1931, which had prompted a brief and unsuccessful recall effort in his home riding of Wadana. Still, federal Progressives elected to support his leadership campaign due to his popularity among farmers, believing the Liberals too unpopular to mount any sort of real opposition.

However, the controversy around Williams played right into the hands of the Patriotic Front. In January, Holt personally selected former Mayor of Saskatoon Walter Davy Cowan to be the party’s leader. Cowan had served as Mayor from 1916 until 1919, before a brief stint in Parliament as a Conservative from 1919 to 1925. Cowan was also the provincial treasurer of the Alexandra K.K.K, who campaigned for the Front during the last election. Cowan’s experience in politics and his personal name recognition contrasted with the controversial Wiliams. Additionally, Cowan’s hard campaigning on Williams’ suspected communist involvement and political inexperience persuaded many dissatisfied right-leaning and moderate voters, not to mention the added benefit of being able to outspend Williams 5-to-1 thanks to Holt. By February, Progressive insiders began to worry over the possibility of a Front victory, and attempted to persuade Williams to step down and allow former Prime Minister John A. Maharg to run instead. Williams, however, refused, insisting he could win the election.

Ultimately, the Patriotic Front would pull ahead in an upset victory, elevating Cowan to the Premiership with a thin majority in the provincial legislature. Although Cowan would serve as the figurehead of the government, Holt would dictate most of the policy initiatives implemented during Cowan’s term, governing the province more moderately than expected in order to quell national fears about the party and build legitimacy. The Front mainly focused on alleviating the financial situation of farmers through provincial grants, although several anti-immigrant policies were implemented during this time. The moderation of the party, however, strained relations with the even more extreme-right Alexandra K.K.K, of which several MLAs were members. Many voters, indeed, felt betrayed by the party, as promises of radical change had turned into a regular Conservative-lite style of governance.

In 1934, several more radical MLAs voted against that year’s budget, resulting in a defeat of 39-41. As per custom, the government dissolved and called a general election. In pursuit of vanquishing the Patriotic Front, Williams agreed to resign as leader, with former Premier and 130-day progressive Prime Minister John A. Maharg, still a popular figure in the province, taking over. Additionally, Gardiner and the Liberals agreed to suspend candidates in the election and coalesce around an anti-Front ticket. In the pursuing general election, Maharg and the Progressives would win the election, taking a majority with 43 seats in the legislature. Despite their defeat, the coalition

The final radical provincial shift occurred in Buffalo, where the Social Credit Party under Christian preacher and teacher William Aberhart took power in 1934 after a landslide victory over the dominant Conservative-Labour Party. Inspired by the “social credit” theory of British engineer C.H. Douglas (although it is speculated Aberhart himself doesn’t understand them), Aberhart rose to prominence in the 1920s with his Sunday Bible radio show on CFCN, one of the first to broadcast over the Canadian prairies. In 1931, Aberhart became infatuated with the idea of social credit monetary reform as a solution to the depression, lobbying the opposition Farmer-Labour party to adopt the policy. The Farmer-Labourers, however, were reluctant to do so, as their leader Richard G. Reid did not believe it would be an effective solution to the depression. Still, with the situation worsening for Buffalo, and both the Conservative-Labour and Farmer-Labour party refusing to adopt his ideas, Aberhart elected to create his own political party, the Social Credit Reform Organization of Buffalo. Ahead of the 1934 election, the SoCreds did not anticipate electoral success. However, the unpopularity of Premier Patrick Burns for his failure to alleviate the depression, alongside Reid’s refusal to adopt social credit theory, contributed to a surge of support for the Social Credit party ahead of the election. In the ensuing election, the SoCreds won a 40/65 majority in the legislature, elevating the surprised Aberhart to the Premiership.

Unfortunately for the party, the dire financial state of Buffalo left them mostly unable to enact their agenda, although “prosperity certificates” were issued to the public in 1935 as a form of intra-provincial currency designed to pay workers and encourage spending. Another major initiative of the Aberhart government has been banking reform, with the Buffalo Treasury Bank established in 1936 as a provincial crown-corporation alternative to traditional banks.

Short Notes (TLDR) -

Prime Minister Henry Wise Wood, Progressive (1932-1936)
- Massive spending projects designed to alleviate the depression, in the form of public works and a food subsidization program. 
- National Unemployment Insurance passed, to take effect when unemployment is at manageable levels.
- Steady nationalization of steel industry, with government also taking over and reopening abandoned factories. Liberal usage of crown-corporations.
- Government has combatted drought through shelterbelting initiatives and promoting sustainable farming techniques, first through fines (repealed) and now through tax credits.
- Pro-trade policies have deepened the divide between urban Commonwealth Party and rural Progressive Policy, though the two remain united so far.
- Creation of a strong Central Bank in 1935, Keynesian-leaning economist W. Clifford Clark made first governor.
- Facing critiques due to high spending and mounting government debt, although effects of the depression have begun to lighten. 

Across Canada
- Commonwealth take power in British Columbia and Quebec, although the Quebec affiliates have shown nationalist and social conservative tendencies.
- Far-right Patriotic Front take power in Alexandra, soon after ejected in 1934.
- Social Credit take charge in Buffalo under “Bible Bill” Aberhart, struggling to enact agenda.

The Candidates

Henry Wise Wood, 76-years-old, is the incumbent Prime Minister, leading the Progressives in a majority government. Wood, as the President of the United Farmers of Canada, was an instrumental figure in the creation of the Progressives, but repeatedly declined the leadership due to his avoidance of electoral politics. Well known throughout the nation for his leadership of the United Farmers, Wood finally decided to run for the leadership due to his opposition to the conservative Laporte Budget of 1927. 

Wood’s first term as Prime Minister has been dominated by the depression, which he has combatted through various social programs and public works initiatives. Under his watch, Canada has implemented the world’s first food assistance program, began the nationalization of the steel industry, and provided jobs through public works infrastructure projects, however some have grown weary of the ever expanding national debt. For his second term, Wood has promised to make greater efforts regarding rural electrification, and potentially enact his proposed third branch of parliament to represent the interests of class groups, an idea he calls “group government.” Under Wood’s proposal, members of this body would be appointed proportionally to how large the class, such as farmers, fishermen, miners, shopkeepers, etc. were in the population, and would be given a say on legislative matters. Despite some popularity amongst Progressives, it enjoys little support amongst conservatives and moderates.

Robert J. Manion, 55-years-old, is the leader of the Conservative and Labour party and a Member of Parliament for Fort Williams. A physician by trade, Manion served in the Medical Corps of the Canadian Army during the Great War, where he won a Military Cross for his actions during the Battle of Vimy Ridge. Manion was selected as a “star candidate” for the Liberals in the 1919 Election, squeaking by in a narrow victory in a year where the Liberal Party fell to 3rd place for the first time in its history. As the Liberal Party faltered during the 1920s, many MPs defected over to the Progressives. Manion, however, believed the Progressives too inexperienced and radical to govern effectively, and joined the Conservatives.

Manion rose to national prominence during the Tory Administration, where he served as Minister of Commerce during the whole tenure. As minister, Manion worked to encourage business interest in Canada, helping to lower taxes and provide loans to businesses. Although the growth-focused policies of Manion and Minister of Finance Charles Ballantyne did help to stir the Canadian economy out of a decade of slump, most of their progress was erased by the beginning of the Great Depression in 1929. During the Depression, Manion switched gears, supporting moderate unemployment relief. He did not run for Conservative-Labour party leader in 1932, rather, he was selected as a compromise candidate to bridge the gap between left-wing Abraham A. Heaps and right-wing R.B. Bennett.

Although he supports some relief for the depression, Manion has criticized the ‘excessive’ spending of the Wood administration, claiming high government spending and the new deficit has stifled private enterprise, and that the government’s openness to nationalization has scared away private investment in Canada (a claim even some right-wing Progressives like former Buffalo Premier John E. Brownlee support). Instead, Manion has proposed enacting expansionary fiscal policy to boost business growth across Canada, creating a lower-tax country which can potentially attract some businesses away from the increasingly left-wing United States F.D.R. On the matter of welfare, Manion has proposed continuing some policies for the time being, but has committed to phasing some programs out when the economy returns to normal. He has promised to privatize steel, but has said he would break up the company into several parts so that no single entity has above 20% estimated market share. 

M.J. Coldwell, 47-years-old, is the current leader of the Commonwealth Party and the Minister of Finance under Prime Minister Wood. Born in the United Kingdom, Coldwell immigrated to Canada in the early 1910s to become a teacher in the prairies, finally settling on the outskirts of Cartier-Prince Albert, the capital of Alexandra, by 1920. He rose to national prominence in the 1920s as a leader of the Canadian Teacher’s Association, serving as the organization’s President from 1922 to 1926 before completing one term as the Mayor of Cartier-Prince Albert from 1925 to 1927 as a Progressive. In 1927, despite his progressive ties, he was invited to run for Parliament as a Conservative-Labour party member by then-leader Henry Marshall Tory. Tory, himself a professor seeking to reform national education, believed Coldwell could assist immensely in his reform efforts.

Despite his friendship with Tory, Coldwell found himself at odds with the Conservative establishment. He aligned himself strongly with the left-leaning wing of the party, which put internal pressure on the government to meet union demands in the wake of the beginning of the Depression. However, Finance Minister Ballantyne’s reluctance to intervene on behalf of the worker culminated in 10 Conservative-Labour MPs, Coldwell among them, leaving the party on Halloween Day 1930 to form the Canadian Commonwealth Alliance, or Commonwealth for short. At the party’s first general assembly, Coldwell was elected leader unanimously. 

Coldwell entered into an electoral alliance with the Progressives after the 1931 Election, serving as finance minister under Wood. Policy-wise, the two parties differ only slightly, with Coldwell and the Commonwealth supporting tariffs as a means of protecting workers while the Progressives support free-trade. However, in the event of a hung parliament, it is very likely Coldwell will allow Wood to continue his term as Prime Minister (although given Wood’s advanced age, he is the favourite to succeed him as P.M. should Wood resign). Coldwell supports expanding the nation’s welfare, such as national old age pensions, which were promised by the Progressives under Shaw in 1925. 

Adrien Arcand, 36-years-old, is a journalist and leader of the far-right Patriotic Front. The Front was founded in 1931 as an alternative to the Conservative party, and advocates in favour of Benito Mussolini’s new ideology of “fascism,” seeking to adopt elements of the ideology in Canada. The Front vehemently opposes communism and organized labour, decrying it as a puppet for Soviet influence. The Front also promises economic salvation through cooperation with business and the cutting of red tape and taxes. Arcand and his deputy, former leader and businessman Herbert Holt, have campaigned on “constructive nationalism” (nationalism serving the interests of the State) and Holt’s business experience.

Arcand and the Front have seen some electoral success in the provinces, with Walter D. Cowan leading a brief Patriotic Front government in Alexandra from 1932 to 1934. The campaign of the Front has been particularly vague, calling on the adoption of fascism to solve Canada’s economic strife and return the nation to the economic prosperity of the 1890s.  

Louis-Alexandre Taschereau, 69-years-old, is the former Premier of Quebec who leads what has been called the Nouveau Parti-Libéral, billed as Parti-libéral on the ballot. Receiving his law degree in 1889, Taschereau entered politics as an old-school fiscally conservative Liberal, being elected as an MNA for Montmorency in 1899. When Premier Lomer Gouin resigned in 1919 to unsuccessfully run for the national party leadership, Taschereau took over the government in his stead. Even as the federal Liberals collapsed in the 1920s, Taschereau’s provincial liberals flourished, taking supermajorities in every provincial election. After the final collapse of the Liberals in 1929, Taschereau attempted to persuade the Progressives to adopt pro-francophone policies and moderate their platform, to no avail. Seeking no other option, Taschereau revived the Liberals as a region-exclusive party in 1934, hoping to push Quebecois interests in parliament.

As a fiscal conservative, Taschereau opposes the welfare initiatives of the Progressives, believing free enterprise the most effective solution to the depression. He has also explored the potential benefits of hydraulic energy in Quebec, but seeks private capital for development. Partially due to his fiscal conservatism, however, the Liberals lost the 1935 Quebec General Election to the Commonwealth-affiliated Action-Québec, although it is worth noting Taschereau still won the popular vote in that election.

Contrary to popular belief, Taschereau is not a vehement Quebec nationalist, nor is he a separatist. Merely, he has become concerned by the complete ignoral of Quebec by both major parties, appalled at the fact that the Wood government and the preceding Tory government had only 2 and 1 Francophone ministers respectively (out of 39 and 33 major posts), despite Quebec making up 27.7% of the population. The Parti-libéral runs candidates only in Quebec, and in some Francophone-heavy communities in New Brunswick and Hudson.

William Aberhart, 57-years-old, is the incumbent Premier of Buffalo and leader of the Social Credit Party of Buffalo. Although not technically a party leader, as the federal Social Credit Party does not have one, as the only current Social Credit member in a position of executive power, he is the de-facto face of the party. The SoCreds advocate for the Canadian government to issue debt-free money every month to the people, in order to combat the depression. As Premier, however, Aberhart has had limited success implementing Social Credit policy.

The SoCreds have not mounted a nation-wide campaign, rather focusing on regional support in the west to pressure Parliament into adopting their manifesto.

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A marvel of inter-party unity, the Circus Tent Coalition has managed to get their primaries into action. Despite worries that the coalition would not have been able to organize their primaries, it appears that they have been able to agree upon a direct course of action. As directed by the Coalition leadership, primaries were decided to move within regional sections. Starting in the industrial heavy region of the Mid-Western states, it produced results that while not definitive it surely shows a pattern.

Starting in the state of Illinois, the majority of the Coalition Delegates leaned towards longtime Activist Eugene V. Debs of Indiana. Though Forty-Seven of these delegates moved to support the longtime socialist, the remaining Eleven decide to endorse Progressive Republican Senator Robert M. La Follette of Wisconsin. It is believed that this result towards the end of February is what ultimately caused Senator La Follette to seriously consider a bid for the Presidency as the Circus Tent Coalition’s nominee, instructing respective members of his voting pool to actively campaign for him in the Republican and Circus Tent Coalition primaries.

His direction for respective voters to campaign for him seems to have paid off as he managed to capture the twenty-four delegates of Minnesota, a feet that surprised many as the state was expected to be unpledged. Due to the states close proximity to the sate of Wisconsin (which has also pledged its twenty-six delegates for their own Senator) allowed for more Pro-La Follette activity to make rounds in the state. It also didn’t complicate the issue that the Labor Party of America is seriously interested in a La Follette nomination, actively campaigning for the Senator.

Something that did increase the shocks waves within the Coalition is the support for Senator Thomas Walsh of Montana in the states of North and South Dakota, not winning the entirety of the delegates but still managed to earn a few. Winning Five delegates in total (Three from North Dakota and Two from South Dakota), his entry into the primaries had interrupted momentum that Former Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan of Nebraska had built within the state of North Dakota (the remaining seven delegates going to Former Secretary Bryan). It is believed that this is the result of an agreement between the Nonpartisan League, the National Woman’s Party and a small faction of the Prohibition Party, all three parties believing that the Senator from Montana could appeal to a broader audience then the current selection (the National Woman’s Party turning away from the Former Secretary because of his lack of steam towards Woman issues during his campaign). What rose him to the prospect of a true contending candidate is his public announcement that he is supportive of being a nominee, stating that he would actively campaign as nominee for the Coalition if he managed to garner support among the Western States (which is the next region that shall engage in primaries).

In a manner that wasn’t unexpected, the States of Nebraska and Indiana fell behind their respective home born sons (sixteen delegates going for Former Secretary Bryan and Thirty going towards Mr. Debs respectively). Though this was equally followed with Michigan following their neighbors around Lake Superior, awarding twenty of its delegates for Senator La Follette (the remaining ten being undecided

The final primaries ended in a rather unimpressive stalemate, none of the candidates winning anything that gave a deciding factor. It was believed that Former Secretary Bryan would have been able to garner support in the States of Iowa, Kansas and Missouri but the split within the Prohibition Party and the National Woman’s Party had left those states divided. One delegate from Iowa ultimately would devote themself to Senator Walsh while the rest of the state decided to go undecided, Kansas and Missouri similarly decided to not to pledged themselves to any candidate. The final Mid-Western State of Ohio sought a similar result, the primary in the state being the most hectic as no majority was able to form (though Deb managed to place highest with 38.6% of the vote and La Follette following closely with 32.3%).

It is apparent that Mr. Debs and Senator La Follette are clear frontrunners in Coalition Primaries, Former Secretary Bryan not having the same appeal that he once had as a third-party interest. As the next portion of the nation goes into their primaries, many are wondering who will be able to carve themselves out a better portion of the public

Activist Eugene V. Debs of Indiana

A name that needs no introduction, Activist Eugene V. Dubs has performed many accomplishments for the Socialist Party of America. Rising to prominence as a Trade Union leader, he founded the American Railway Union in 1893 and in 1894 organized one of the most consequential strikes in United States history. After being convicted for defying a court injunction against the Pullman Strike, he spent six months in prison and became an ardent socialist. Founding a slew of political parties, he eventually became the founding member of the Socialist Party of America in 1901 and ran multiple times as its presidential candidate. Running on as the candidate for workers rights and opposed to child labor, he has constantly presented himself as the proud voice for the working class whether man or woman. Greatly opposed to the U.S. entry into the Great War and the oppressive measures placed upon those who dared speak out, he was sentenced under the Espionage Act in 1918 and has been serving a ten year stint ever since. If elected president it may bring about serious questions about if a current inmate can hold the office, that is if he is selected.

Senator Robert M. La Follette of Wisconsin

Despite being as Progressive as one can get, Senator Robert M. La Follette has always found himself under the shadow of the late President Theodore Roosevelt. Initially entering national politics as a member of the House of Representatives in 1884, he established himself as a friendly Republican who occasionally strayed from party doctrine. After losing reelection in 1890, he converted into a firm Progressive and managed to become elected to the governorship of Wisconsin. Implementing a direct primary system, a commission to regulate railroad rates and the nations first comprehensive worker compensation system, his reputation as a reformer was solidified. Winning election to the U.S. Senate in 1906, he continued his fight against monopolies and powerful money trusts. Though expected to be the front running Progressive in 1912, the late Theodore Roosevelt blocked out Fighting Bob’s hope for the candidacy that year. In recent years, he has been very vocal in his opposition for the U.S. to join the League of Nations and the treatment of many Americans during the war such as the infamous Palmer Raids. Though a preferred candidate among the Labor Party of America and the Non-Partisan League, would he be willing to accept nomination if he continued to appear in the Republican Primaries.

Former Secretary William Jennings Bryan of Nebraska

A figure familiar with earning support from third parties, Former Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan has had a storied career. First entering politics as a member of the House of Representatives in 1892, he made a name for himself as a remarkable orator who took the cross of Progressivism on his shoulders. Arguing for the regulation of trusts and the coinage of free silver, he became a well regarded expert on the national economy and used that reputation to help establish the first federal income tax during peace time. Moving the Democratic Party away from the Conservative Bourbon Democrats and after delivering his remarkable “Cross of Gold Speech”, he managed to become the youngest Presidential nominee in history at 36 in 1896. Managing to win the Democratic nomination two more times, he had managed to establish himself as anti-imperialist, Pro-Women’s Suffragist and Pro-Campaign Reform. Becoming Secretary of State in 1913, he would resign from that position in 1915 because of his opposition to the Great War. Pro-Prohibition and moral reform, he has become the front running candidate for the Prohibition Party and some from the National Woman’s Party but has faced some resistance from some factions in recent days. Though a strong candidate in some regards, would the nation be willing to vote for him again after so many years.

(This Coalition part has proven so much more difficult then I had originally hoped, sorry for the long delay).

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The Party of The Establishment:

The Second Union Party was formed in July of 1892 after President John Bidwell concluded that continued partisan conflict was undermining the federal government’s response to the Red Plague pandemic and the escalating nationwide labor unrest. Drawing direct inspiration from the National Union coalition formed during the Civil War, the party emerged as a broad alliance composed of the Republican Party, the Prohibition Party, and the agrarian and populist wings of the Progressive Party following the departure of the party’s labor faction earlier in the year. Although the coalition contains differing ideological tendencies, its constituent groups remain united around support for federal stability, preservation of public order, and continued national coordination against the pandemic and general strike movement. Political opponents and labor activists increasingly refer to the organization as the “Party of the Establishment,” arguing that its primary purpose is the defense of existing political and economic institutions during a period of national instability.

President Bidwell, despite serving as the principal architect of the coalition, announced that he would not seek election to a full presidential term, stating that the nation required a more broadly accepted and politically experienced figure to lead it through the crisis. His decision opened the convention field to multiple candidates representing the varied interests of the coalition’s member factions. Supporters of the Second Union frequently frame the movement as a continuation of Abraham Lincoln’s wartime Union, emphasizing themes of national unity, constitutional continuity, and institutional preservation. As delegates from across the coalition gather in Baltimore to begin balloting for the party’s first presidential nominee, the convention is viewed by much of the national press as a defining moment in the federal government’s effort to maintain political cohesion amid one of the most severe crises in modern American history.

The Frontrunners of Freedom & Stability:

Frederick Dent Grant - Lieutenant Governor Frederick Dent Grant emerges as one of the most recognizable Republican figures within the Second Union Party convention. The eldest son of former President and Commanding General Ulysses S. Grant, Grant initially pursued a military career, serving in the United States Army and eventually attaining the rank of Major General. Following in his father’s political footsteps, he later departed military service to enter public life as a member of the Republican Party, successfully running for Lieutenant Governor of New York in 1888 alongside Governor Warner Miller. During his tenure, Grant cultivated a reputation as a loyal Republican reformer, particularly through his public opposition to the political influence of Tammany Hall and urban machine politics within New York City. Grant’s reelection in 1891 has strengthened his standing within the national party and quickly led many Republicans to view him as a viable candidate for either the presidency or vice presidency in the upcoming 1892 election. He became an early supporter of the Second Union movement, arguing that political consolidation was necessary to restore national order and effectively combat the Red Plague and growing labor unrest. Although initially regarded as a secondary candidate at the convention, Grant’s position improved significantly after former Republican nominee John Sherman withdrew from the race following a minor case of the Red Plague. Sherman’s withdrawal left Grant as the leading Republican-aligned contender within the convention and positioned him as one of the principal voices advocating continuity, stability, and institutional reform within the coalition.

William McKinley - Representative William McKinley enters the convention as one of the rising figures of the Republican Party and a prominent voice within the Second Union Party. Widely regarded as a political protégé of former President Rutherford B. Hayes, McKinley has built a national reputation through his advocacy of protective tariffs, industrial expansion, and a more assertive American role abroad. His long tenure in the United States House of Representatives, dating back to the 1870s, alongside his role as one of the leading Republican voices in Congress since 1888, has strengthened his credentials as an experienced legislative leader during a period of national crisis. McKinley is campaigning on a platform centered around economic protectionism, arguing that strong tariff policies are necessary to preserve American industry and protect workers during the ongoing instability. Many Republicans within the coalition view him as a disciplined and experienced leader capable of restoring national confidence. However, his outspoken support for American imperial expansion and criticism of the Silverite movement have weakened his standing among Progressive delegates, particularly western populists and agrarians. As a result, McKinley faces a difficult path to the nomination unless he is able to secure overwhelming support from the Republican bloc at the convention.

John Sergeant Wise - Governor John Sergeant Wise has served as the Progressive Governor of Virginia since 1889 and has emerged as one of the leading advocates for racial equality and reform within both the Progressive Party and national politics more broadly. His election to the governorship was widely viewed as a major political upset, as both Liberal and Republican candidates failed to overcome the lingering influence of the Readjuster movement in Virginia politics. As governor, Wise has aligned himself closely with agrarian reformers, minority communities, and western Silverite interests, helping establish himself as the leading Progressive-aligned candidate within the Second Union Party convention. His candidacy is strengthened by endorsements from Secretary of State James B. Weaver and Senator Henry M. Teller. Despite his reformist reputation, Wise continues to face criticism from Republican delegates due to his prior service in the Confederate Army during the Civil War. Opponents argue that his wartime background conflicts with the Unionist image the coalition seeks to project, though Wise’s supporters counter that his later advocacy for civil rights and political reform demonstrates a clear transformation. While his appeal among Republicans remains limited, his near-unified support from the Progressive wing gives him a strong chance of remaining competitive during the convention’s early ballots.

The Opportunists & Draftees:

Several minor draft candidate movements have also sprung up as the first ballot approaches the Second Union Convention. To vote for any of these candidates select the “Write-In / Other” option on the ballot and comment your preferred candidate below.

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Ron Paul's stature as the nation's leading Libertarian is likely enough to ensure the vast majority of fiscal conservatives vote for him in November. He needs a running mate who'll expand his base.

Republican/Reform Party presidential nominee Ron Paul is a little bit closer to choosing a vice presidential nominee. He's down to his top four nominees after eliminate Senator Dirk Kempthorne and Governor Dick Randolph from contention. Paul believes his presence on the ticket alone is enough to win over fiscal conservatives, so there's no need to choose an ideologically similar running mate. Instead, he'll focus on expanding his base. His final four options are a reflection of that goal.

Jon Huntsman remains the odds-on favorite for the nomination, but all four of the remaining options are realistic.

Paul is still considering Jon Huntsman, a billionaire industrial magnate and philanthropist and sitting Governor of Utah who appeals to all sectors of his base, Manuel Lujan Jr., the experienced, pragmatic Governor of New Mexico who, if selected, would be the first Hispanic major party VP nominee, Sam Nunn, a conservative Democrat with great foreign policy credentials who could help Paul reach across the aisle to the Gravel Democrats he's trying hard to win over, and Christine Todd Whitman, his senate colleague from New Jersey, an anti-tax moderate with liberal positions on social issues who would be the first female VP nominee for the Republican Party. All are strong choices, and all would expand Paul's base in some way. Huntsman remains the consensus "safe choice", but all four of them have a good shot to be the Republican/Reform Party vice presidential nominee in November. Shortly, we should know who Ron Paul chooses.

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People's Deputy German Titov (Independent with WCPSU and CPSU(u) support)

Second man in Space and People's Deputy German Titov is joint candidate of two communist parties. He represents a rejection of fierce militancy and radicalism in favor of warm nostalgia for the better days of the Soviet past. Uncompromising and blunt, Titov, upon receiving the nomination, took control of the election campaign and focused on restoring the social security system, addressing the problems of underfunding in the healthcare and education systems and reviving the Soviet space program. At the same time, communists rejected a sweeping rollback of market reforms and an attack on private property. Titov cautiously supports the restoration of Soviet sovereignty in the Pamirs, but does not emphasize this in the campaign and does not make loud statements about supporting the deployment of even more troops to Tajikistan.

German Titov

Speaker of Council of People's Deputies Alexander Moroz (Socialist Party)

The main winner of the recent parliamentary elections, Alexander Moroz is paving his way to the presidency. He emphasizes his legislative achievements as speaker of the lower house of parliament. A vote for the Socialists is an opportunity to support gentle renewal, rising prosperity, and competent governance without external shocks and the reckless leadership of the bearded general. Moroz relies on the support of the agrarians and the red directors. The Socialist faction has shifted significantly toward the center during his parliamentary leadership, but Moroz instead presents this as a readiness for responsible governance and blames Rutskoy and Kuchma for the government's fall. Socialists block the reckless appointment of Sergey Glazyev as prime minister and, unexpectedly, emerge as defenders of the Central Bank's independence, which Communists want to eliminate. Socialists gently oppose the annexation of the Pamirs and the deployment of troops there, but support the president's actions in Yugoslavia. Moroz, one of Ukraine's favorite sons, is trying to play this card and refuses to play the hawk.

Alexander Moroz

Incumbent President Alexander Rutskoy (Civil Union)

"Don't change horse in midstream", goes a Russian proverb, which has almost become the current president's slogan. His election campaign is built on existing achievements, the support of numerous governors, and a new social program with a clearly social democratic character. In his new term, Rutskoy promises to roll back the "neoliberal reforms" implemented by Kuchma, restore order, touting his existing achievements, and quickly end the war in Tajikistan, drawing on the experience of resolving the conflict in Bosnia. Rutskoy also attacks the Central Bank's "anti-people policies" and promises to quickly repay loans to international investors, allegedly imposed on it by Yeltsin and Yavlinsky, and restore his foreign policy influence. Rutskoy also strives to catch the wave of spiritual revival, but a public divorce and the former first lady on the ballot are hitting him too hard. However, too often, Rutskoy seeks to blame everyone but himself for his failures.

Alexander Rutskoy

People's Deputy and former First Deputy Prime Minister Grigory Yavlinsky (Yabloko)

Former First Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Reform in Yeltsin's government and People's Deputy Grigory Yavlinsky unites moderate democrats around himself. He is the father of the economic reforms that saved the Soviet Union's economy from the brink of collapse, but he also took too many unpopular steps. Yavlinsky's platform advocates the continuation of cautious market economic reforms, arguing that the left's methods for restoring prosperity and funding the social budget simply won't work with current oil prices. At the same time, he criticizes Kuchma for his excessive ties to the new big business. Yavlinsky is the most socially progressive candidate, with strong views on women's rights and linguistic minorities. Yavlinsky supports a definitive end to the war in Tajikistan with the unconditional withdrawal of troops from there and is opposed to any annexations. He also believes that the Soviet Union should abandon its renewed support for Cuba, Angola, and Vietnam. Yavlinsky was born into a Jewish family in Lvov, but he hasn't been very successful in courting Ukrainian electorate. Instead, he enjoys increased support in Belarus, where Yabloko is particularly strong. He opposes confrontation with West and supports continued détente and the further opening of the Soviet market, which is in need of investment. Yavlinsky supports reform of the Ministry of Security and the abolition of the death penalty, as well as the further rehabilitation of political prisoners.

Grigory Yavlinsky

Former Prime Minister Leonid Kuchma (Independent, with United Democrats and Rukh support)

A former aerospace engineer who became a technocratic head of government, Leonid Kuchma rightly believes that he saved the Soviet economy by implementing necessary market reforms and freeing it from the shackles of what the state could no longer control regulation, defeating the barterization of the economy, stabilizing inflation and national currency exchange rate. He is most reformist candidate, having secured the support of the United Democrats and reluctant support of Rukh. Kuchma's Ukrainian language skills improved during the campaign, but he advocates for maintaining Union unity. He is one of Ukraine's favorite sons and trying to play this card. Kuchma emphasizes himself as a strong manager, capable of addressing the real challenges facing the country, devoid of ideological debts, and speaking with a track record of real victories. He is supported by large and medium-sized businesses, which see Kuchma as a protector against the left and the military. Kuchma supports reform of the Ministry of Security and the abolition of the death penalty. The former prime minister advocates maintaining good relations with the West, emphasizing Europe as an essential economic partner for the Soviet Union. Kuchma takes a cautious stance on Tajikistan, not supporting the annexation of the Pamirs or escalation, but believes that Soviet troops should remain in the country until a unified government can be established.

Leonid Kuchma

Former First Lady Lyudmila Novikova-Rutskaya

The former first lady agreed to her campaign to exact revenge on her husband, but unexpectedly emerged as a prominent candidate, captivating the hearts of many women and a vocal critic of the corruption surrounding her husband, unafraid to name his advisers, whom she herself suspected of dishonesty and corruption. Lyudmila lacks a prominent platform, but her entire campaign is carefully managed by a few publicity-hungry journalists. It also plays into Novikova-Rutskaya's hands that none of her opponents dare criticize her openly: her ex-husband, who once backed down, remains silent on the advice of his advisers, and her other rivals don't take her seriously or even promise to offer her this or that position if they win. Novikova-Rutskaya supports the immediate withdrawal of troops from Tajikistan.

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Paul Wellstone and his wife celebrate their victory in the 1992 Green Party presidential primaries.

In the 1992 Green Party presidential primaries, Paul Wellstone, a little-known political organizer and presidential advisor from the Twin Cities toppled a political goliath in California Governor Tom Hayden to win the presidential nomination. He is now in the process of selecting a running mate. His primary concern: name recognition. Wellstone is up against three candidates, President Dick Van Dyke, Former President Mike Gravel, and Senator Ron Paul, who all have established names and broad-based movements. Wellstone, on the other hand, is still relatively unknown. The right vice presidential selection could change that instantly. Wellstone also wants a vice president with governing experience, as he knows his best path to win the White House is by campaigning as an experienced, steady-handed politician who serves the people first, a stark contrast from the relative inexperience and anti-"big government" ethos of his competitors.

Out of the available vice presidential choices, one woman stands out above the rest as the best possible option:

Former Governor of Massachusetts Barbara Ackermann

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Barbara Ackermann was the Governor of Massachusetts from 1979 to 1985 and the Secretary of Health and Human Services under Mike Gravel from 1985 to 1989. She has considerable executive experience both on the state and federal level, strong progressive stances on both social and economic issues, and high national visibility from her relentless work combatting the AIDS crisis at HHS. Since the end of her tenure as Secretary of Health and Human Services, she's been a leading activist for federal protections for same-sex couples, raising her progressive credibility even more. If selected, she'd also continue the Green Party's streak of having at least one woman on every presidential ticket, a streak that their 1988 presidential nominee, Angela Davis, is fighting hard to preserve. However, Ackermann is on the older side, as she'll be nearly 68 by the time she is inaugurated. She's also less labor-oriented and more socially progressive than the average Green Party politician, which could push Walt Brown's bloc of rural Greens towards Ron Paul.

He's also considering a few other choices, such as:

California EPA Director Larry Agran

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Larry Agran is a close ally of Wellstone's primary opponent Tom Hayden, and would be a good choice if Wellstone wants to preserve party unity at all costs. He's also a brilliant policy mind and a media darling who'd be excellent support for Wellstone on the campaign trail. Under his leadership, California enacted the strongest environmental protection laws in the country. Thus, he's the preferred choice for Vice President of the party's environmentalist wing. The only problem: Agran has even less national recognition than Wellstone. A Wellstone/Agran ticket would be strong, but the pair would have their work cut out for them getting their message across to people outside of Green Party circles.

Former Secretary of State Ramsey Clark

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Ramsey Clark is likely the most nationally-recognized running mate Wellstone could get. He served as Attorney General from 1969 to 1975 under Robert F. Kennedy, then returned to executive branch service in the Gravel administration, serving as UN Ambassador before being elevated to Secretary of State. Clark is an extraordinary orator, has decades of foreign policy experience, and is one of the leading faces of the anti-war movement. He's also a strong personality, and frequently clashed with Wellstone during their time together in the Gravel Administration. Clark has supported Wellstone throughout the 1992 election, but there's concern the friction between the two men could return if they share the Green Party ticket. There's also worries that his national gravitas could overshadow Wellstone entirely. Clark would be a headline-grabbing VP selection, but commanding media attention doesn't always translate to electoral success. Just ask Tom Hayden.

Former Governor of West Virginia Ken Hechler

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Ken Hechler is a left-wing icon. During his tenure as Governor of West Virginia from 1975 to 1983, he turned the state into a policy lab for left-wing progressivism. He's got decades of executive experience, a long and storied history of pro-labor and progressive policy stances, and is beloved by the working-class, rural Americans. However, at 78 years old, he'd be by far the oldest vice president ever elected. He's also reluctant to accept the role due to his age and desire to stay in West Virginia. But, he's still energetic, as good a campaigner as ever, and a great choice if Wellstone wants to lean in to winning over the rural left.

Congressman Dennis Kucinich of Ohio

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Dennis Kucinich, a Congressman who's represented parts of Cleveland in the House since 1973 is exactly the high-profile choice Wellstone needs. Kucinich has led the People's/Green Party in the House since the late 1970s, and is a nationally recognized progressive and pro-labor activist. He's also a strong campaigner, although he does little to expand the electoral map for Wellstone, as the two share nearly identical political positions and are from the same home region. Kucinich is also seen as a beltway politician by some parts of Wellstone's base due to his long tenure in Congress and reputation for reaching across the aisle. Choosing Kucinich would be good for the party, but not the best option for electoral success.

State Senator Tonie Nathan of Oregon

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From 1977 to 1983, Tonie Nathan was the leader of the Libertarian Party in Congress. Since the 1980s, she's moved considerably to the left and officially joined the Green Party in 1990. She currently leads the party in the Oregon State Senate, where they're part of a majority coalition with the Democrats. Nathan was a local television host before becoming a politician, so she's very media savvy. She's also a strong campaigner. Nathan holds progressive positions on social issues such as abortion, gay rights, and the environment, but she also holds neoliberal stances on economic issues, favoring free trade and deregulation. That could help Wellstone with independents, but the labor wing of the Green Party would likely revolt if Nathan is selected as his running mate. She'd be a strong asset to the Wellstone campaign, but choosing her is risky.

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(July 13th-???, 1964)

The Tv Turns on again, though instead of showing Antlantic City it shows the West; Daly City, California.

A Reporter rambles on about about the atmosphere and the surprising contender of Stassen against Incumbent Nixon, then the camera zooms in on the convention floor where it shows a very small, I mean incredibly small, maybe Twenty or so people waving Stassan banners and signs while the rest of the convention is chanting "Nixon's The Only One!, Nixon's The Only One!, Nixon's The Only One!" over and over again as they wait for their man to take stage.

Meanwhile backstage, something's brewing..

The Cow Palace is hotter then you thought, way hotter, but gosh is it better then the chokingly damp cage of Vietnam.

You take a quick breather before needing to go back out and cheer up the rest of the Northeasterners, though it's quickly interrupted by one of Nixon's staffers.

"Vice President Lodge, Nixon wanted me to fetch you, h-"

He chokes on the cigerate smoke from one of the delegates from earlier,

"He's managed to get in contact with Stassen, he's currently on the phone with him."

You look up, a bit surprised,

"Really, well isn't that swell", you say as you take a sip of water,

"The President want's you to keep Rocky out of his way.. Or that's how he worded it at least."

You look at the man,

He looks back.

"Uh.. other then that I believe that's all Sir", the man walks off, leaving you alone.

You sit there, thinking, before eventually you get up to go to your changing room. As you about to enter the room a voice calls out, and you sigh.

"Hello John", you say as you turn to him,

John Lindsay, one of Rocky's boys for the convention walks up to you and tries to shake your hand and after a awkward second or two you eventually shake his.

"So what brings you to me today?", you say jokingly. You know why's he's here.

"Oh-Uh not much Mr Vice President just uh-wanted to ask you about if you've considered the agreeme-"

You interrupt him before he finishes,

"I'm sorry Lindsay but i'm still loyal to President Nixon and I will not abandon him and join Nelson.. Good day", you say as you close the door, as politely as possible, on him.

Lindsay just stood there, he wasn't totally shocked, as he was the Vice President after all... But still, he didn't need to be that rude about it.

Meanwhile...

"-Thank you again Stassen-"

A small chuckle is let out,

"-I'll make sure that you get your appropriate position in my administration once I win this, Goodbye now."

Nixon's smile faded as the call ended, all he did now was stand up and look outside the window, at the streets of his home state.

A knock came at the door.

"Come in", Nixon said, continuing to look outside,

The door creaked open, "Mr President, I-i gave the Vice President his orders.. Do you need me at all or..",

Nixon was silent.

The aid, who now was clearly around his teens, maybe early twenties, was about to close the door, when,

"Have you ever fought for something like this Mr..", Nixon still continued to look at the window.

The aid perked up, "Colm, uh, Steve Colm Sir.. A-and to answer your question Sir I-uh.."

"Haven't?", The President responded with,

"Well, not on this uh-level.. I did run for my Student's Union Vice President position though when I still went there.. Sir.",

The President said nothing,

Neither did Colm.

The silence was short, maybe only a few seconds, but for Colm it felt like ten maybe twenty minutes rather then such an insignificant amount of time.

"I'll tell you what kid, If you ever have to fight a battle like mine, then I'll feel sorry for you..", The President reached beside him and grabbed a flask. He still hadn't turned around.

Colm nodded, mostly to himself, before saying one last thing,

"I hope you managed to deal with Stassen Sir..", The President didn't turn back, but he did answer,

"I did.. Thank you uh-Colm..".

A door opened a bit, before finally closing.

The President was now Alone.

Nixon took a swig of the flask and watched as the black cat he was watching the whole time finally stopped looking at him and walked away, down the street, never to be seen by him again...

"Victory..."

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Well, the end of the caucuses have arrived. Everyone of them won their respective caucus, except for Bush, (technically) because once Kemp saw that Bush was tied with him for delegates, Bush and Kemp decided that Kemp would be Vice if Bush got the nomination, which is how that happened. Now, remember, whoever you vote will determine who moves on to the next round, so choose wisely.

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Innocence - something that is very rare in politics or history. There are always people who look to blame somebody and some who blame victims. American Innocense has not being a thing for a long time. There are always people who blame the other side, those who find an enemy and those who don't see others as humans. Many attribute the end of the American Innocense to the death of America's biggest "What-Ifs". This is a story of Frank Church, the last President of Innocense in America.

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Administration:

• Vice President: Robert F. Kennedy Sr.
• Secretary of State: James W. Fulbright
• Secretary of Defense: Ralph E. Haines Jr.
• Secretary of the Treasury: John Pastore
• Attorney General: Edmund Muskie
• Postmaster General: Harold Hughes (1973–1974), Richard Hatcher (1974–1975)
• Secretary of the Interior: Russell E. Train (1973), Robert Blackwell Docking (1973-1975)
• Secretary of Agriculture: Jimmy Carter
• Secretary of Commerce: Vance Hartke
• Secretary of Labor: Philip Hart
• Secretary of Health and Human Services (Created during the term): Mike Mansfield
• Secretary of Education (Created during the term): James A. Burke
• Secretary of Energy (Created during the term): Russell E. Train
• Secretary of Housing and Urban Development: Whitney M. Young Jr.
• Secretary of Transportation: Mike Gravel
• Secretary of Veterans Affairs (Created during the term): Max Cleland (1975–)
• Ambassador to the Coalition of Nations (CoN): Carl Stokes
• Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency (Created during the term): Barry Commoner

Chapter I – The Election of 1972 and the End of the Rockefeller Era

By 1972, the United States stood at the height of the Rockefeller Era. The Economy remained strong, the United States had achieved a big victory in the Space Race after the Moon landing, and American influence expanded after victories in the Arab War, Buganda, and Nicaragua weakened Japanese-aligned governments. Large infrastructure programs such as the PANAM railway system accelerated growth across North America and the Caribbean, while the Liberal Party dominated national politics after eight years in the White House.

However, President Nelson Rockefeller could not seek a Third Term because of constitutional term limits passed during the Marín Administration. His retirement created the first fully open Presidential Election since 1956 and immediately triggered a competitive Liberal Primary.

Several major figures entered the race. Secretary of State James W. Fulbright campaigned as an experienced Internationalist focused on preserving American leadership abroad. Michael King Jr. appealed strongly to Younger Progressives and urban Reformers, while Senator James Dean of California represented the Party’s growing Reform wing, calling for greater transparency and a less Interventionist Foreign Policy.

Ultimately, Senator Frank Church of Idaho emerged as the compromise Candidate capable of holding together Rockefeller’s broad coalition. Church positioned himself as a Moderate Progressive who supported Environmental Reform, civil liberties, and institutional accountability while avoiding ideological extremes. His calm public image and reputation for integrity appealed to voters increasingly tired of political polarization.

At the Liberal National Convention, Church secured the Nomination after several ballots and selected Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy Sr. as his Running Mate. Grandson of former Vice President, Kennedy energized Progressives, labor unions, Catholics, minorities, and voters in the Latin States while reinforcing the campaign’s anti-corruption message.

The Republican Party entered the Election weakened and increasingly Conservative after years of cooperation with the States’ Rights Party. Republicans ultimately Nominated House Minority Leader Gerald Ford of Michigan, a Pragmatic Moderate widely viewed as personally honest but politically cautious. To strengthen Conservative support, the Party selected Los Angeles Mayor Sam Yorty as Ford’s Running Mate, helping secure the Endorsement of the States’ Rights Party leadership.

Meanwhile, the Libertarian Party experienced its strongest moment yet under Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona. Goldwater attacked both Major Parties for expanding federal power and bureaucracy while defending Free-Market Economics and constitutional liberties. His Running Mate, Economist Thomas Sowell, became the First African-American vice-presidential nominee in Libertarian Party history and attracted attention for his criticism of Progressive Social Policy and federal expansion.

Throughout the campaign, Church remained the favorite. Rockefeller left office personally popular, the Economy stayed strong, and most Americans still associated Liberal leadership with prosperity and stability. Church focused heavily on moderation, honesty, and responsible reform rather than promising dramatic political change.

The Liberal coalition ultimately held together. Church won decisively with 426 Electoral Votes, carrying 37 States and the District of Columbia while receiving 49,4% of the Popular Vote. Ford won 85 Electoral Votes and 25,3% of the vote, while Goldwater achieved the strongest Libertarian result in history with 65 Electoral Votes, 24,3% of the Popular Vote and 10 States.

The Election confirmed the political realignment created during the Rockefeller years. The Liberal Party remained America’s dominant governing force, Republicans continued shifting toward Conservatism, and the Libertarian Party emerged as a permanent national Third Party.

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Chapter II – Reform and Responsibility

Frank Church was inaugurated as the 35th President of the United States on January 20th, 1973. He entered office during a period of economic prosperity and international dominance, but also inherited a country becoming increasingly divided politically and culturally after the rapid changes of the Rockefeller years.

Unlike Rockefeller’s aggressive and highly personal governing style, Church presented himself as restrained, Moderate, and institutional. In his inaugural address, he argued that prosperity alone could not sustain the republic and emphasized public trust, accountability, and responsible reform. These themes quickly became central to his Presidency.

The new administration largely balanced continuity with gradual change. Secretary of State J. William Fulbright remained in office to preserve stability abroad, while Vice President Robert F. Kennedy Sr. became one of the Administration’s most visible political figures. Kennedy appealed strongly to labor unions, Catholics, urban voters, and Younger Progressives, helping maintain the broad Liberal coalition assembled during the previous decade.

Church’s governing philosophy was often described as “Responsible Reform.” He supported expanding civil liberties, Environmental protections, and government oversight while avoiding the more confrontational rhetoric used by parts of the Liberal left. At the same time, he attempted to slow the growth of executive power and encouraged greater debate inside the Administration itself.

One of the Administration’s earliest priorities became Environmental Policy. By the early 1970s, pollution and industrial waste emerged as major national concerns, especially in large urban and manufacturing centers. In October 1973, Church signed legislation creating the Environmental Protection Agency, granting the federal government broad authority to regulate pollution and coordinate Conservation Policy.

The EPA quickly became one of the Administration’s most important domestic achievements. Liberals and Moderates praised the new agency as necessary to protect public health and modernize Environmental regulation, while Conservatives and Libertarians criticized it as another expansion of federal bureaucracy.

Meanwhile, President Church established further 3 Departments: Education, Energy, Veteran Affairs and reformed existing Department into the Department of Health and Human Services, the Department responsible for the NHS ever since. However, this was just getting something that Rockefeller set up done.

The Administration also promoted nuclear and alternative energy development in response to growing concerns about dependence on Middle Eastern oil. Church argued that long-term energy Independence was both an Environmental and national-security issue, leading to increased federal investment into nuclear infrastructure and energy research programs.

At the same time, Church increasingly focused on institutional accountability. Distrust toward the FBI and CIA had grown during the late Rockefeller years, with critics across the political spectrum arguing that intelligence agencies operated with insufficient civilian oversight. Church privately shared many of these concerns and soon began supporting proposals that would later evolve into major intelligence reform legislation.

However, preserving Rockefeller’s political coalition quickly proved difficult. Younger Progressives demanded faster Civil-Rights expansion and broader Social Reform, while Conservatives accused the Administration of accelerating federal overreach. The Libertarian Party also continued gaining support among Anti-Establishment voters dissatisfied with both Major Parties.

Despite these tensions, Church remained personally popular during his first years in office. Most Americans still associated Liberal leadership with prosperity, stability, and international success. Nevertheless, growing polarization, international instability, and rising distrust toward institutions increasingly threatened the fragile political balance inherited from the Rockefeller era.

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Chapter III – Crisis Abroad

Foreign Policy quickly became one of the defining challenges of the Church Presidency. Though the United States emerged victorious from the Arab War under Rockefeller, the postwar situation in the United Arab Republic remained unstable. The interim government struggled to maintain authority as separatists, monarchists, and radical Islamist groups competed for influence across the region.

In April 1973, only months after taking office, Church authorized the deployment of additional American troops and military advisors to support the interim government and prevent the collapse of the postwar settlement. The Administration described the mission as temporary stabilization rather than a new war, though the decision immediately divided public opinion. Hawks argued that the United States was not committing enough force to secure long-term stability, while Anti-War activists and Libertarians condemned further Foreign Intervention entirely.

The crisis worsened in December 1973 after the Syrian Republican League under Mustafa Tlass launched a rebellion demanding Syrian Independence from the United Arab Republic. The uprising rapidly escalated into a major regional conflict and intensified criticism of the Administration’s cautious Foreign Policy. Church ultimately avoided large-scale escalation, continuing military aid and logistical support while refusing direct intervention against the Syrian Rebels themselves.

At the same time, instability spread throughout the region. In Egypt, the monarchist movement known as the Golden Crown captured the coastal town of Agami in 1974 and called for the restoration of the monarchy. Meanwhile, extremist organizations continued growing across the Middle East, particularly the radical Islamist movement Yakhudh, which openly opposed both the interim government and Western influence in the region.

While the Middle East remained unstable, the Administration achieved a major diplomatic breakthrough in Asia. Relations between the United States and India improved dramatically under Indian Supreme Leader Sam Manekshaw, whose government increasingly distanced itself from Japan after economic and territorial disputes inside the League of Evil alliance.

Building on diplomatic contacts first opened during Rockefeller’s Second Term, Church traveled to India in 1974 in one of the most important Foreign-Policy visits of the decade. The visit received enormous international attention and significantly improved relations between the two countries. Though India remained authoritarian and formally outside the Coalition of Nations, both governments signaled interest in greater economic and diplomatic cooperation.

The Administration viewed closer relations with India as part of a broader strategy to weaken Japanese influence across Asia without direct confrontation. American diplomats also began improving relations with Indonesia and the Republic of Philippines during this period.

Meanwhile, Japan itself began experiencing serious economic stagnation after decades of rapid growth. Though still one of the world’s dominant powers, slowing Japanese growth created uncertainty throughout Asia and raised questions about the long-term stability of Tokyo’s international influence.

The Administration also faced growing fears of political violence and terrorism. In February 1974, former Cuban military officer Fulgencio Batista was captured in Mexico City and extradited to the United States for involvement in the conspiracy to assassinate Havana Mayor Fidel Castro years earlier. Batista’s trial became major international news and intensified public debate about international extremism and covert political violence.

By 1975, Church’s Foreign Policy produced mixed results. The United States strengthened relations with India and continued expanding its influence abroad, but instability in the Middle East persisted while extremist movements grew increasingly dangerous. Though America remained the world’s dominant power, many observers believed the optimism and stability of the early Rockefeller years were beginning to fade.

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Chapter IV – The Culture Wars

Though Foreign Policy dominated much of the Church Presidency, the Administration’s most divisive battles emerged over Social and Cultural Reform. By the mid-1970s, many Liberals believed the country had entered a new phase of Civil-Rights politics. With most major racial barriers dismantled long time ago, attention increasingly shifted toward discrimination against homosexual Americans.

During the 1972 campaign, Church supported expanding legal protections for homosexual citizens and viewed the issue as part of a broader effort to modernize American Civil-Rights law. Shortly after taking office, the Administration began preparing legislation that opponents quickly labeled the “Gay Rights Act.”

The proposed legislation would prohibit discrimination based on sexual orientation in federal employment and federally regulated workplaces while expanding protections in housing and public institutions. Progressive Liberals argued the bill represented a natural continuation of earlier Civil-Rights Reforms, while Younger voters and urban activists strongly supported the proposal.

Opposition rapidly formed among Conservatives inside the Republican Party, the States’ Rights Party, and parts of the Libertarian movement. Critics accused the Administration of undermining traditional social values and expanding federal authority into private life. Religious organizations became some of the bill’s strongest opponents, especially across the South and Midwest.

The debate exposed growing divisions inside both major parties. Several Moderate Republicans privately supported limited anti-discrimination protections but feared backlash from Conservative voters. At the same time, some older Liberals worried the issue could politically damage the Party at a moment when Conservative and Libertarian movements were already gaining momentum nationally.

Church attempted to frame the legislation as a matter of equal treatment rather than cultural revolution. Vice President Robert F. Kennedy Sr. became one of the Administration’s strongest defenders during the debate, arguing that Civil Rights could not remain selective. His support energized Progressives but also intensified Conservative opposition toward the Administration.

At the same time, Church promoted other reform proposals, including expanded immigration opportunities for highly skilled foreign workers and stronger protections for disabled Americans. However, many of these initiatives faced increasing resistance from Congress after Conservatives and Libertarians gained influence during the mid-1970s.

The conflict over Social Policy reflected broader cultural changes occurring throughout the country. Younger Americans, universities, and urban areas generally moved toward more Socially Progressive views, while many suburban and rural communities reacted against what they viewed as excessive cultural change. Television, schools, and popular media increasingly became central battlegrounds in these debates.

The Administration’s reform agenda also unintentionally strengthened the Libertarian Party. Though divided internally on some Social Issues, Libertarians successfully positioned themselves as opponents of both Liberal bureaucracy and Conservative moral traditionalism. Senator Barry Goldwater especially benefited politically by presenting Libertarianism as an alternative to both Progressive federal expansion and Social Conservatism.

Inside Congress, the “Gay Rights Act” quickly stalled. Conservatives organized to block the legislation, while Moderate Republicans largely avoided openly supporting the bill. By 1975, it became increasingly clear that the Administration lacked the votes necessary to pass the proposal in its original form.

Though unsuccessful legislatively, the debate marked a major turning point in American politics. Questions surrounding sexuality, discrimination, and cultural identity entered mainstream national politics for the first time and accelerated the growing polarization that increasingly defined the post-Rockefeller era.

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Chapter V – The Libertarian Revolution

The 1974 Midterm Elections became one of the most politically disruptive Congressional Elections in modern American history. Though President Church remained personally popular, growing distrust toward institutions, backlash against federal expansion, and cultural polarization weakened the Liberal Party’s dominance in Congress.

The Republican Party entered the Election still rebuilding after Gerald Ford’s defeat in 1972. Over the previous decade, Republicans increasingly cooperated with the States’ Rights Party, especially in Congress, where Conservative alliances became necessary to resist Liberal control. This strategy strengthened Conservative influence inside the Party but also weakened many remaining Moderate Republicans.

At the same time, the Libertarian Party emerged as the primary beneficiary of Anti-Establishment sentiment. Under Senator Barry Goldwater, Libertarians transformed from a protest movement into a serious national political force. The party attracted Younger Conservatives, Anti-War voters, suburban professionals, and many Americans dissatisfied with both Major Parties.

The Election results shocked much of the political establishment. The Liberal Party suffered significant losses in both the House and Senate, while Libertarians achieved their strongest congressional performance in history. Republicans also lost seats, but their cooperation with the States’ Rights Party prevented a complete Conservative collapse.

For the first time in years, no party controlled a stable congressional majority.

The crisis became immediately visible inside the House of Representatives. Republicans, Libertarians, and the States’ Rights Party all agreed that Liberal dominance needed to end, but divisions quickly emerged over leadership. Former Republican Presidential Nominee Gerald Ford remained House Minority Leader, though many Libertarians and States’ Rights politicians viewed him as too Moderate and too supportive of federal institutions.

Recognizing that he lacked sufficient support, Ford Announced he would step down from House leadership and retire at the end of his term. His departure symbolized the declining influence of the Republican Party’s Moderate wing.

After negotiations between Conservatives, Republicans, Libertarians, and States’ Rights representatives, Representative George H. W. Bush of Texas emerged as Compromise Candidate for Speaker of the House. Young, Pragmatic, and strongly Pro-Business, Bush proved acceptable to all major anti-Liberal factions and was Elected Speaker on the first ballot.

The Senate experienced even greater instability. Senate Majority Leader Richard Nixon attempted to preserve Republican control by negotiating with Libertarians and the States’ Rights’ politicians. However, many Libertarians deeply distrusted Nixon after years of political maneuvering against their Party and refused to support him.

Unable to secure enough votes, Nixon resigned as Senate Republican Leader before later Announcing his Retirement from politics entirely. Several Republicans attempted to replace him, including Bob Dole, Bill Brock, and Richard Schweiker, but none could unite the increasingly fragmented Conservative coalition.

Eventually, Republicans, Libertarians, and States’ Rights Senators agreed on Roman Hruska of Nebraska as Compromise Leader. Hruska, the seventy-year-old son of Czech immigrants, was a reliable Conservative with relatively Moderate Social Views, making him acceptable to the coalition’s competing factions.

The Midterms permanently reshaped American politics. The Libertarian Party became a genuine national force capable of influencing legislation and congressional leadership, while Republicans increasingly depended on alliances with Libertarians and the States’ Rights Party to remain competitive.

For President Church, the Election created enormous political difficulties. Though still personally respected by much of the country, he now faced a deeply divided Congress where nearly every major reform proposal required complicated bipartisan negotiation. Conservatives blocked much of the Administration’s social agenda, particularly the “Gay Rights Act,” while Libertarians resisted further federal expansion.

Nevertheless, the new political environment also created opportunities for unusual bipartisan cooperation, especially on institutional and military reform. Those reforms would soon become some of the Administration’s most significant legislative achievements.

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Chapter VI – Reform in an Age of Distrust

Despite the political fragmentation that followed the 1974 Midterms, the Church Administration still managed to secure several major reforms through bipartisan cooperation. While most social legislation remained stalled in Congress, institutional and military reform attracted support from Liberals, Republicans, and Libertarians alike.

One of the Administration’s largest priorities became reforming the American intelligence community. Distrust toward the FBI and CIA had steadily grown during the late Rockefeller years as journalists, activists, and politicians increasingly accused intelligence agencies of operating with insufficient civilian oversight. Church strongly supported reform and privately believed federal intelligence institutions had accumulated too much unchecked authority.

In 1974, Speaker George H. W. Bush introduced the American Intelligence Reform Act with support from members of multiple Parties. The legislation proposed placing both the FBI and CIA under the authority of a newly created Office of the Director of National Intelligence while also establishing mandatory declassification of intelligence records after thirty years.

Though the proposal received public support from Reformers and Libertarians, Conservatives and national-security officials strongly opposed parts of the legislation, arguing that excessive oversight could weaken intelligence operations during a period of rising international instability. As Congressional resistance grew, the bill stalled and never fully passed during Church’s Presidency.

The Administration achieved greater success with military reform. Continued instability in the Middle East and public dissatisfaction with the draft increased pressure for modernization inside the armed forces. President Church supported restructuring the military command system while reducing political tensions surrounding compulsory service.

The result became the Military Reform Act of 1975, better known as the Bush–Goldwater Act due to the major roles played by Speaker Bush and Senator Barry Goldwater in securing its passage. The legislation became one of the most important bipartisan achievements of the decade.

The act streamlined the military chain of command by strengthening the authority of the Joint Chiefs of Staff and clarifying the command structure between the President, Secretary of Defense, and regional military commanders. It also allowed women to volunteer for military service under the same standards as men, though they remained exempt from conscription.

Another major provision created the American Foreign Legion, allowing foreign volunteers to serve in exchange for an accelerated path toward citizenship after honorable military service. Supporters argued the program would strengthen the military while encouraging immigration by highly motivated skilled individuals.

The legislation also established the Office of Veteran Affairs to assist former servicemen with education, employment, medical services, and housing loans. The proposal received overwhelming public support, though several Libertarians initially criticized the expansion of federal spending before eventually backing the final compromise.

The Bush–Goldwater Act significantly increased the national profiles of both George H. W. Bush and Barry Goldwater. Bush emerged as one of the Republican Party’s most important younger leaders, while Goldwater further solidified his control over the Libertarian movement by proving Libertarians could shape national legislation rather than simply oppose government action.

At the same time, fears of political violence and extremism continued growing. In July 1974, former Cuban military officer Fulgencio Batista was convicted for involvement in the conspiracy to assassinate Havana Mayor Fidel Castro and sentenced to death by lethal injection. The case intensified public debate about international terrorism and covert political violence.

Meanwhile, intelligence agencies increasingly warned about the expansion of Yakhudh. Though many Americans still viewed terrorism as primarily a foreign problem, federal officials became increasingly concerned that extremist groups were developing networks capable of operating internationally, including inside the United States itself.

By late 1975, the Church Administration achieved several important institutional Reforms but faced growing uncertainty both abroad and at home. International instability continued worsening, political polarization deepened, and fears of extremism steadily increased despite continued American prosperity.

Only weeks later, those fears would become reality.

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Chapter VII – “The Day American Innocence Died”

On October 9th, 1975, President Frank Church was shot in the chest twice during a rally in Los Angeles. He later died in the hospital. His death became became one of the most traumatic events in modern American history. The killing shocked the nation politically and emotionally, ending much of the optimism that had defined the early 1970s. Newspapers across the country soon referred to the event as “The Day American Innocence Died.”

Church remained personally popular despite growing political polarization and international instability. His reputation for honesty, moderation, and integrity made his death especially devastating to many Americans. Massive crowds gathered in major cities after the Announcement, while television and radio networks suspended normal programming for continuous coverage of the crisis.

The assassin was quickly identified as Mohamed Morsi, an Egyptian-American radical Islamist connected to Yakhudh. Federal investigators soon discovered that the Assassination was not an isolated attack, but part of a broader conspiracy designed to decapitate the American government through coordinated strikes against senior political leaders.

According to investigators, Yakhudh operatives planned attacks against President Church, Vice President Robert F. Kennedy Sr., Speaker of the House George H. W. Bush, and congressional leadership. The organization hoped the Assassinations would create political chaos inside the United States and weaken American involvement in the Middle East.

Three days before Church’s Assassination, Speaker George H. W. Bush survived an attempted attack by another Yakhudh operative and sustained minor injuries. At the time, little information about the attack was publicly released, though Bush was later seen limping during several meetings after the Assassination. Other planned attacks were prevented after federal and local law-enforcement agencies launched emergency security operations across the country.

The Assassination immediately transformed national politics. Public anger toward extremist organizations exploded, while criticism intensified against intelligence and security agencies accused of failing to stop the conspiracy despite earlier warnings about Yakhudh’s expansion.

The tragedy also briefly united much of the country politically. Liberals, Republicans, Libertarians, and even many States’ Rights politicians publicly condemned the attack and participated in memorial services honoring the late president. Church was widely remembered as a decent and principled leader whose Presidency had been cut short before many of its goals could be completed.

Vice President Robert F. Kennedy Sr. was sworn in as President shortly after Church’s death. The transition occurred peacefully, though under extraordinarily tense circumstances. Kennedy inherited a frightened and politically divided country increasingly concerned about terrorism, instability abroad, and the security of American institutions themselves.

International reactions were similarly dramatic. Coalition allies expressed solidarity with the United States, while governments across Europe, Asia, and Latin America condemned the assassination. Even several governments hostile toward American influence denounced the attack publicly, fearing that international terrorism threatened global stability more broadly.

Church’s Presidency ultimately lasted less than three years, yet it occupied a critical transitional moment in American history. He inherited a country shaped by the prosperity and confidence of the Douglas and Rockefeller years, but increasingly faced the political fragmentation, cultural conflict, and international instability that would define the late twentieth century.

Though many of his reforms remained unfinished, Church left behind an important legacy. The Environmental Protection Agency, military modernization, veterans’ programs, and growing demands for intelligence oversight all survived beyond his Presidency. His Administration also accelerated the transformation of American politics, particularly the rise of the Libertarian Party and the growing cultural divide surrounding federal authority and Civil Rights.

Above all, Frank Church became remembered as a symbol of integrity during an increasingly uncertain era. His Assassination not only ended a Presidency, but also shattered much of the national confidence that had defined the post-Douglas age.

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(August 24th-???, 1964)

The Convention floor on the second day, was quite energetic, which was a good sign despite the first days deadlock between Humphrey and Wallace, mainly thanks to you.

All you needed now was to get Morses and Brown's delegates to switch from Humphrey to y-

"Mr Shriver", you turned around to see one of your staff calling you. You finished up your conversation with one of the Massachusetts delegates that supported you in the first round and walk over to the man.

"You needed me?", you said to the man who you now had noticed was looking a bit.. Strange. He didn't respond at first.

"Uh.. Senator Humphrey has been calling your room for the last thirty minutes Sir, I uh-answered and he was talking about meeting him as soon as possible.", You look at the man for a second or two, thinking about what he said.

"Well I suppose I may as well go see him, maybe he has something worthy of telling me.", you go with your staffer towards the Senator's current quarters area.

As your walking you notice some of his staff walking past, probably going to try and convince some unsure delegates for the man. Finally after a few minutes of walking in mutiple corridors, you finally arrive at the man's door.

"Good luck Sir..", The staffer leaves quickly.

You knock on the door a few times before a voice calls you in.

You notice your not the only one he's called here as Pat Brown and Morse are both here as well..

"Sit down Shirver, please.", Humphrey says as he pulls a chair out for you.

You take the seat and he gets to explaining.

"Mr Shriver.. I know we don't have the best relations, but were both Democrats, specifically Liberal Democrats"

You lean in a bit

"Let's be honest here Shriver, I know your only running because Kennedy thinks I'll screw this up, you know, end up like Stevenson , but I don't think he knows what he's getting you int-"

"You want me to give you my delegates.."

Humphrey looks up,

".. Yes.. But I was willing to give you something in return for said delegates"

Brown and Morse look at each other before Morse tries to stand up to say something

"H-humphrey I-"

Humphrey looks at him and notions for him to calm himself before continuing,

"How would you feel about getting the role of Secretary of Health, Education and Welfare?"

Morse takes a breath while Brown looks at Shriver. Shriver stands up and goes to think while looking away from Humphrey, who, unlike the other three is smiling to himself while he waits for Shriver to answer.

The room is quiet for a minute or two, before,

"Mr Humphrey..", The three look up at Shriver, who is now facing Humphrey.

"I'll call Jack to tell him of my desicion".

"Which is?", Humphrey looks up at him, waiting for him to confirm this agreement.

"I-I'll hand over my delegates to you.. J-just.."

He is unsure of what to say.

He shakes hands with Humphrey, though not entirely enthusiastic about it before quietly leaving the room.

The room is once again quiet before Humphrey speaks up once more,

"So Morse, how do you feel being my preferred choice for Vice President?".

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1876 would prove a watershed moment in American history. The Republican Party had proved its utter dominance over US politics even in what ought to have been dire electoral circumstances. The Democrats have found themselves absolutely trounced by the Republicans and Liberals even in the Deep South where it was thought the party could hold on to power through a mix of agrarian populism and white supremacy. While Tilden managed to carry much of the former Confederacy, Senate and House elections resulted in victory only when a Democrat ran unopposed. The border states and several of the more pro-Union Southern states like Tennessee, Arkansas and Louisiana all went for the Liberals. The postwar order established during Reconstruction has resulted in the permanent empowerment of Black Americans who whole heartedly back the Party of Lincoln. Thanks to aggressive Federal enforcement and a sympathetic judiciary, every attempt by the White “Redeemers” to disenfranchise Black Americans, whether through legislation or violence, had been smashed by Washington. 

Some blamed the nomination of Tilden, an urban Yankee with beliefs far closer to the Liberals than the agrarian base of the party. Others blamed the party’s embrace of former Confederates which undid whatever trust had been painstakingly regained with Northerners after the Civil War. Still others cited the fundamental contradiction embedded in the party’s leadership structure regardless of geography: that the supposed populist base of the Democrats was being led by the very elites they hated. In reality it was a combination of all these reasons and more that the Democrats are dying. They would cling on in 1878 but it was clear that the Republicans main opposition was the Liberals now, not the Democrats. Though it had taken longer to die than their old rivals the Whigs, ultimately the Party of Jackson proved itself as much a relic of the antebellum years. Amidst a chaotic party conference in 1879 in Baltimore where a populist coalition of laborers and farmers attempted to get the party to adopt an unabashedly inflationary and relief centric platform it all came crumbling down. Rather than seriously contend with this popular movement, the party elite locked them out and approved a pro-gold and fiscally conservative platform. This tactical victory proved a massive strategic blunder for the Democrats who underestimated just how much their base would follow this new generation of politicians rather than elite incumbents. In numerous local elections across 1879 and several special Congressional elections the Democrats saw huge defeats to former members who had defected and stood as independents. 

With the party unraveling, more conservative Democrats bolted for the safety of the Liberals, the most shocking of which was the defections of Winfield Scott Hancock and Thomas Bayard. This was the deathknell of the Democrats. With two of the most prominent candidates for the nomination now in another party and Tilden declining to run due to health issues, what remained of the Democratic leadership cancelled their planned convention for 1880. With the end of the Grant Presidency on the horizon there is a new party ready to be birthed, a party dedicated whole heartedly to the interests of the little guy, an army to wage war on the robber barons in this Gilded Age. However every newborn needs a name and this party is no exception.

Voters will get to choose the name of the new party. For those who want to suggest their own name vote Draft and write the name below. If that name gets the more votes then the other options it will be the new name.

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President Rutskoy suffered through another sleepless night in the Kremlin. He hadn't planned to give up and run for reelection, but now he had to make a choice. He had come to power through a cascade of accidents and was still torn between enormous compromises, lacking even a coherent ideology. Rutskoy had accomplished much, but recently he had been undermined. Incumbent president's approval ratings continued to decline. After the conflict with Kuchma, the president realized it was high time to make a choice. Moreover, life itself presented him with three options for conducting the election campaign and building his future image.

Social Democracy with Local Characteristics

Moscow Mayor Gavriil Popov is one of the president's closest allies, despite his beginnings as a member of Democratic Russia and an ally of Yeltsin. Popov is a relatively moderate Social Democrat and a leader of the left wing within the ruling party. In addition to a shift toward European social democracy and broad party mobilization, the Moscow mayor could propose organizing broad support for regional leaders, albeit by increasing the powers of governors and republic leaders. Of course, Popov has been accused of various things, from the brutal suppression of "Labor Russia" protests to sympathizing with collaborators during World War II. However, he has remained loyal and seems to offer the most reliable path, one that doesn't require the president to make any drastic moves.

Popov's path is a way to secure the support of regional elites and red-lined leaders who are satisfied with the status quo and stability. Moscow mayor managed to dismantle the regional bloc assembled by Sobchak, securing support in Belarus, Crimea, Gagauzia, Latgale, Tatarstan, Udmurtia, Bashkortostan, and Kazakhstan. He is also willing to bring even communist governors, such as Kuzbass Governor Aman Tuleyev, over to the president's side.

He is supported by Justice Minister Oleg Rumyantsev, head of Central Russia Vasily Lipitsky and almost all the old Social Democrats who survived the turmoil of the 1990s. But isn't it they who brought Rutskoy to his current position?

Gavriil Popov

Homeland, Army, Faith

All the major successes of his first term were achieved thanks to foreign policy and maintaining national unity. Maintaining the army and the Ministry of Security allowed the president to feel the support of armed forces even in the most difficult moments. Trust in the generals helped him effectively resolve the conflicts in Georgia and Chechen-Ingushetia. Only the army didn't try to dissuade him from sending troops into Tajikistan. The invasion of Yugoslavia and the Berlin Agreements marked the peak of the president's popularity in his first term; wounded patriotic sentiment seemed to be reviving.

Rutskoy successfully exploited the mass conversion to Orthodoxy, and the Church as a whole supports him: the president maintains good relations with both Patriarch Alexius II of Moscow and Metropolitan Filaret of Kiev. Meanwhile, while Alexius II at least attempts to maintain neutrality and declares that the church should not interfere in politics, Filaret openly prays for his health, especially after the president supported the canonical Orthodox Church through administrative means during the Kiev Schism.

Beheaded nationalists and patriots see the president as their banner, especially after Yugoslavia. Acting Prime Minister Sergey Glazyev is actively rallying them into a single organization to support the president's reelection, and even former opposition figures on the right are switching to his side. Even those irritating Eduard Limonov's national-liberals and the loudmouthed brawler in parliament, Lysenko, are joining him. However, for this trickle of support to become a broad river, a step toward them is necessary.

Acting Prime Minister Sergey Glazyev

A Deal with the Devil

Money and control over the media. That's what an effective campaign of voters needs. The new Russian capitalists are so afraid of a communist revanche under one guise or another that they are ready to support the president, shower him with money, and switch all media under their control to a pro-Rutskoy propaganda mode. Of course, there's a reason for this.

Journalists have already dubbed this alliance of the country's largest oligarchs the "Seven Bankers," a reference to the Time of Troubles, when Moscow was ruled by boyar families. The president's new friends are interested in further market reforms, but voices from the Ministry of Security claim they have no ties to the Americans. The new young first lady likes these people and the care they provide.

Car king Boris Berezovsky is proposing an ambitious plan to first re-elect the president and then organize a Civil Union majority in the next Duma. He's as cunning as the devil, and his allies are no better: NTV owner Vladimir Gusinsky and banker Mikhail Khodorkovsky, who wants to get their hands on state oil, have no principles other than the desire to make money. However, they are willing to invest in victory on a fair commercial basis, and Rutskoy needs their money now.

Mikhail Khodorkovsky and Boris Berezovsky

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Lyudmila Novikova, still formally First Lady, also had a sleepless night until the divorce proceedings were finalized, despite her unfaithful husband already introducing his young mistress as his new wife. She had no regrets about bringing the conflict to the media, but things have only gotten worse since then. Her husband clearly used all his influence to ensure she didn't get a single ruble during the divorce proceedings. However, she was front and center in Soviet and international newspapers and hoped to finally break into modeling.

"The First Lady should run for president herself to express the anger and disappointment of all Russian women who are experiencing the consequences of their husbands getting lost in politics and card-painting and forgetting normal human feelings", said the talking head of journalist Sergey Dorenko, whose reports had already destroyed the former Communist leader Kuptsov. The nagging thought that poured out of every other newspaper and every third TV show took root in the First Lady's mind. After all, what could be better revenge on an unfaithful husband? Or is it too risky?

Photos from a past life

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Both communist parties of New Union are choosing their candidates ahead of the 1996 presidential elections, planning to engage in a contest and try to get their candidate through to the second round.

Workers' Communist Party of Soviet Union is a reorganization of "Communists for the Soviet Union" coalition. Workers' Communists continue to radically reject all reforms and refuse to compromise with the Rutskoy government, blaming it for the collapse of the Soviet Union and its capitulation to capitalism and America. Despite this, a moderate wing has emerged within the party during this time, composed of those dissatisfied with the CPSU(U) but also considering the socialists too right-wing.

People's Deputy Viktor Anpilov is the leader of the protest wing of WCPSU and "Labor Russia" movement, which continues to be the loudest voice on the streets calling for the overthrow of Rutskoy. Anpilov enjoys the strongest support among workers, trade unions, and youth within the party. Former journalist doesn't delve too deeply into ideology, although commentators note that his ideology favors radical leftist ideas over statist and dictatorial ones. Anpilov is most willing to court nationalists and the right, for which he is condemned by members of his own party.

Viktor Anpilov

Union Council Deputy Oleg Smolin is a university professor, blind from birth, and former leader of Labor Party. Smolin represents the party's moderate wing, focused on social reform, and is the most active legislator among the Workers' Communists, co-authoring the new Education law. His platform focuses on the effective restoration of pension and social security obligations, avoiding such divisive issues as attitudes toward Stalin and Gorbachev.

Oleg Smolin

People's Deputy Nina Andreeva is an icon of the "anti-perestroika movement" and one of the recognizable faces of the left-wing protest against Gorbachev, who has since attacked Rutskoi. Andreeva is known for lecturing in North Korea in 1992. Within the Workers' Communist Party, Andreeva represents the most uncompromising Stalinists, who see the struggle against reform primarily as a moral and ideological confrontation, intertwined with nostalgia for past greatness. Andreeva demands that the Soviet Union be restored by force, returning not only Tajikistan.

Nina Andreeva

Professor Mikhail Popov is the author of the economic program and the most consistent Marxist within the party. Popov is one of the most famous Marxists in the Soviet Union who take this ideology seriously and attempt to develop it, finding answers to the failures of Brezhnev's "developed socialism" within his own ideology.

Mikhail Popov

If the party congress fails to agree on a single candidate, there is a proposal to nominate German Titov, the second man in space and a member of parliament, for president. The former cosmonaut does not intend to run independently, but has agreed to be nominated. Titov is a moderate and safe option, with a strong reputation. However, he is far from the radicalism of the working-class communists and was rumored to be ready to return to the CPSU(U) faction. However, he could be the party's key to winning moderate votes.

German Titov

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CPSU(u) took second place in the elections and held the position of the main opposition party until the fall of the Kuchma government. Now, United Communists support Glazyev's acting government, forcing Rutskoy to shift left. A fierce nomination battle has erupted within the CPSU(u), as it became clear that Valentin Kuptsov could no longer control the party as he once did.

People's Deputy and former Second Secretary of CPSU Yegor Ligachev, a former ally and then opponent of Gorbachev, is an icon of the old nomenklatura, which wants to recapture 1987. Ligachev was elected as an ordinary deputy from his native Tomsk, but quickly regained influence within the party amidst a vacuum and unrest. He enjoys unquestionable authority among the older section of the party, but is not particularly popular among younger communists and speaks little about his program. Ligachev is a supporter of restoring the territorial integrity of the Soviet Union and curtailing privatization. Nevertheless, Ligachev supports Rutskoy's actions in Yugoslavia and Rwanda and believes that the communists must be prepared to maintain government support at the cost of appointing their ministers.

Yegor Ligachev

People's Deputy and Secretary of the Communist Party of Ukraine Petr Simonenko, a beloved son of the Donbass who enjoys the support of the "red directors," is considered the second-in-command in new CPSU(u). He has made a fantastic career, yet is still young and popular. Simonenko is supported by miners and their trade unions, as well as the nomenklatura of the "red belt." He hopes to attract additional votes from across Ukraine. He advocates halting privatization and repealing the privatization of "strategic enterprises" and introducing a state monopoly on liquor production. Simonenko criticized Kuchma government, but after its fall, he became one of the key advocates for joining the government.

Petr Simonenko

Union Council Deputy and Secretary of the Party of Communists of Belarus Sergey Kalyakin is literally beloved son of Belarus, the nephew of the head of Belarus, Nikolai Dementey. Kalyakin represents the most moderate, almost openly social democratic wing within the CPSU(U). He is the most cautious on foreign policy and focuses on issues of social support and civil liberties. Kalyakin opposed the deal with the Civic Union, proposing to try to form a coalition with the socialists. Kalyakin is a staunch internationalist.

Sergey Kalyakin

People's Deputy and Second Secretary of Communist Party of Russia Gennady Zyuganov is a young orator and a protégé of young Russian communists. Zyuganov is a proponent of the broadest possible coalition, and he also originated the idea of ​​combining communist and "Russian-Slavic" ideas. He advocates an alliance with right-wing patriots and nationalists, while simultaneously supporting Rutskoy's party's entry into the government.

Gennady Zyuganov

If the party congress fails to agree on a single candidate, there is a proposal to nominate German Titov, the second man in space and a member of parliament, for president. The former cosmonaut does not intend to run independently, but has agreed to be nominated. Titov is a moderate and safe option, with a strong reputation. Titov was elected from Worker Communist, but ready to return to the CPSU(U) faction. However, he could be the party's key to winning moderate votes.

German Titov

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Ron Paul, the 1992 Republican and Reform Party nominee.

Ron Paul has done what pundits believed to be impossible at the beginning of primary season. He has somehow won both the Republican and Reform Party presidential nominations. Paul has united conservatives behind a platform that is anti-tax, anti-regulation, anti-war, and deeply pro-individual rights. He carries a diverse but fragile coalition ranging from hardcore Libertarians to anti-tax moderates into the general election. Now, he must choose a running mate that'll appeal to an ideologically divided base.

There is one clear early favorite for the nomination:

Governor of Utah Jon Huntsman Sr.

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Jon Huntsman, the Governor of Utah since 1989, might be the most universally acceptable choice on Ron Paul's shortlist. Huntsman is a billionaire philanthropist with strong religious values and more moderate stances on economic policy than Paul. He's also got strong foreign policy credentials after serving as a US Ambassador during the Kemp Administration. Huntsman appeals to pretty much every group Paul is trying to court in some way: moderates, conservatives, independents, libertarians, anti-establishment activists, the business community, and the religious right all see admirable traits in the Utah governor. However, Ron Paul's campaign has thrived on disruption. This choice feels far too safe a move considering the candidate we're dealing with.

Paul is also considering some more unconventional options, such as:

Senator Dirk Kempthorne of Idaho

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Dirk Kempthorne is a young, charismatic politician who's represented Idaho in the US Senate since 1985. Ideologically, Kempthorne is a close match with Paul, being a pro-business conservative with a Libertarian streak on regulatory policy. Kempthorne would also be a major asset to Paul on the campaign trail, given that he's young, media-savvy, and a talented speaker. However, Kempthorne does little to expand Paul's base, considering his ideological overlap with the Republican/Reform Party nominee. He's also less nationally recognized than some of the other candidates Paul's is considering to be his running mate.

Governor of New Mexico Manuel Lujan Jr.

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Manuel Lujan is a businessman-turned politician who served in the U.S. House of Representatives for 20 years before becoming Governor of New Mexico in 1991. Lujan is a respected, senior Republican who holds moderate views on social issues and believes in Kempist pro-business and pro-growth economic policies. Lujan is a beloved leader of the growing bloc of Hispanic Republicans, and if selected, he'd become the first Hispanic vice presidential nominee for a major party. On the flip side, Lujan will be 65 years old early next year and is not an energetic campaigner. He's also deeply tied to the Republican establishment, which could draw the ire of Paul's anti-establishment base.

Senator Sam Nunn of Georgia

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Sam Nunn is a conservative Democrat who's represented Georgia in the U.S. Senate since 1981. Ron Paul has never been afraid to reach across party lines, and adding Nunn, an expert on foreign policy and defense issues, adds a lot of credibility to his campaign. Nunn is easily the most conservative Democrat in the Senate, voting in line with Senator Paul's philosophy of low taxes and minimal government spending more often than not. He's slightly more liberal on social issues, strongly opposing gay rights but supporting abortion, gun control, and affirmative action. Nunn would be a good choice if Paul wants to reach across the aisle and court moderate and Southern Democrats, but he could alienate Paul's base, especially Republicans, who may stay home in November rather than vote for a candidate who frequently shows disloyalty to the party that just awarded him their presidential nomination.

Former Governor of Alaska Dick Randolph

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Dick Randolph and Ron Paul were two of the biggest national figures in the Libertarian Party at it's height in the late 1970s. Paul defected to the Republicans in 1983, the same year Randolph became Governor of Alaska. Randolph later joined the Reform Party in 1986. The two share a lot of history together, and as a result, Randolph has deep credibility within Paul's movement. He's also seen as a policy visionary for helping create the Alaska Permanent Fund, one of the first universal basic income programs in the country, paid for by oil and gas revenues. However, his achievements as Governor could be overshadowed by his activities after leaving office. Since 1991, Randolph has been a top lobbyist for the healthcare industry and has worked behind the scenes to build up support for ending Medicare For All by privatizing Medicare. Randolph's lobbyist background and support for a politically radioactive policy position are going to be easy targets for Ron Paul's opponents to attack him on if he chooses the former Governor of Alaska as his running mate.

Senator Christine Todd Whitman of New Jersey

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Christine Todd Whitman has represented New Jersey in the US Senate since 1991. Her upset victory over Democrat Bill Bradley helped Republicans re-gain the Senate for the first time in nearly 40 years. She's an anti-tax fiscal conservative with moderate stances on social issues, aligning well with Paul's ideology while still being very appealing to moderate Republicans. Whitman would also become the first female vice presidential nominee for the Republican Party if selected. However, populists and Reform Party activists may be turned off by her selection, as she comes from a wealthy political dynasty and is considered "too establishment" by the more radical factions of Paul's base.

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1994 elections dealt a heavy blow to the democratic movement, which had lost Boris Yeltsin. Only two democratic factions entered parliament on party lists. However, since then, popularity of both Rutskoy and left has declined. Reformist, Free, and Constitutional Democrats formed a unified faction in Supreme Soviet, and now, after lengthy negotiations, they are meeting in Yekaterinburg to choose their single candidate for the 1996 elections.

To everyone's regret, Boris Yeltsin is no longer a candidate – a second consecutive heart attack has left him deeply ill, and the former prime minister himself barely delivered his welcoming speech at the unification congress. Another clear frontrunner, Eduard Rossel, head of the Ural Republic, also declined to run. The fiercely contested congress is filled with a multitude of aspiring candidates, especially with the two main frontrunners locked in a bitter battle.

St. Petersburg Governor Anatoly Sobchak is the most famous of the old democrats, the leader of the Movement for Democratic Reforms, and the mayor of the second most important city in the country. A former law professor, Sobchak is popular for his role model, considered a patron of business and free enterprise, and has succeeded in creating the most favorable business conditions in the entire Soviet Union in his city. He combines the image of a social conservative and an economic liberal. Sobchak is supported by the active members of the former Democratic Russia. On the other hand, his party failed to win a seat in parliament on party lists, and the mayor's reputation has been tarnished by the Salye Commission investigation, which accused the mayor and his deputy, Vladimir Putin, of ties to organized crime, effectively controlling the entire regional economy and embezzling humanitarian aid. These nominal allies are locked in a fierce battle, not just for the nomination.

Anatoly Sobchak

People's Deputy Marina Salye is the leader of the Free Democrats faction in the Supreme Soviet and the former leader of Radical Democrats in the Supreme Soviet of RSFSR. She is known as a staunch radical democrat, opposed to cooperation with Rutskoy, and a supporter of the fight against organized crime. Salye is the most socially progressive candidate and is far removed from the ostentatious conversion to Orthodoxy popular among democrats, although she herself has not sought to flaunt this. Salye entered into an irreconcilable confrontation with Governor Sobchak, whom she considered a traitor to democratic ideas and an accomplice of criminals. As a result, the Free Democrats factions in the parliaments of St. Petersburg and Northern Russia began blocking Sobchak's entire agenda. In response, media outlets allegedly linked to Sobchak and his aides launched a vicious PR campaign against Salye, culminating in her outing and accusations of same-sex relations. Although the outing was negatively received among democratic activists, it could prove too important for conservative voters, whose support the Democrats need to defeat Communists.

Marina Salye

Nizhny Novgorod Governor Boris Nemtsov, a well-liked young reformist governor, has implemented exemplary economic reforms in his region, setting a model for other Democrats. Nemtsov is not well known and is barely legally eligible for election as president, but he is far removed from the intrigues of the capital and maintains a broad coalition of supporters, from the Greens to the Christian Democrats. He is considered Yeltsin's informal favorite, despite the fact that Yeltsin has not openly endorsed anyone. Nemtsov is perhaps the most moderate of all the Democrats on the possibility of cooperation with the Civil Union, but he is a staunch anti-Communist. Nemtsov is a prominent advocate of non-intervention in the war in Tajikistan and an opponent of any annexations.

Boris Nemtsov

Leader of Conservative Party of Russia, Lev Ubozhko, is a former dissident, a political prisoner, and a staunch anti-Communist who has already become a perpetual candidate. Ubozhko represents an attempt by conservatives and nationalists who have joined the coalition to nominate a candidate acceptable to the majority of democrats. Ubozhko unites patriotic, anti-communist, and conservative ideas, but his reputation is undoubtedly clear of any ties to gangsters. The remnants of the liberal democrats have also joined Ubozhko's coalition.

Lev Ubozhko

Father Gleb Yakunin is a former people's deputy of RSFSR, a Christian dissident and political prisoner, a priest of the Russian Orthodox Church, one of the leaders of the liberal movement within the Church, and a supporter of restoring unity with the Russian Orthodox Church Outside of Russia, founded by White émigrés. Yakunin is the leader of the movement for the rehabilitation of political prisoners and for KGB reform, and he could potentially bring liberals and conservatives together.

Gleb Yakunin

General Lev Rokhlin is the most celebrated military leader since the collapse of the Old Soviet Union. Rokhlin led the operation to overthrow Zviad Gamsakhurdia in Georgia and the operation against the Wahhabis in Mountainous Chechnya, after which he refused to accept the Hero of the Soviet Union award, declaring that he would not accept the award for the civil war. He is not in He is running an open campaign for the nomination, but is widely known and willing to accept the nomination. Rokhlin will attract supporters of a strong hand and order, but few know his true economic and social views.

Lev Rokhlin

Support Grigory Yavlinsky

The former First Deputy Prime Minister and leader of the Yabloko faction in the Supreme Council is running independently, without consulting the United Democrats. Despite this, there is a faction supporting Yavlinsky. He is more socially progressive and economically moderate than the average democrat, and may also be associated with reforms considered painful, or, conversely, be a recognized leader of reformers.

Support Leonid Kuchma

Former Prime Minister Leonid Kuchma has not yet officially launched his campaign, but it is clear to everyone that he will run for president. Kuchma has a reputation as a "strong manager" and a successful reformer, but has not yet presented his platform and is too tied to the "red directors."

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Key Cabinet Positions:

Prime Minister: Boris Yeltsin (1991-1993), Arkady Volsky (acting) (1994), Leonid Kuchma (1994-1996), Sergey Glazyev (acting) (1996)

First Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Reform: Grigory Yavlinsky (1991-1993), Viktor Pinzenik (1994-1996)

Minister of Agriculture: Mikhail Lapshin (1991-1994), Alexander Lukashenko (1994-1996)

Minister of Security: Leonid Shebarshin (1991-1996)

Minister of Foreign Affairs: Vladimir Lukin (1991-1993), Yevgeny Primakov (1993-1996)

Minister of Defense: Dmitry Yazov (1991-1992), Vladislav Achalov (1992-1996)

Finance Minister: Mikhail Zadornov (1991-1993), Viktor Pinzenik (1993-1996)

Economy Minister: Grigory Yavlinsky (1991-1993), Mikhail Malei (1994-1996)

Foreign Trade Minister: Sergey Glazyev (1991-1996)

Justice Minister: Sergey Baburin (1991), Oleg Rumyantsev (1991-1996)

Foreign Policy:

Under Rutskoy, the "parade of sovereignties" ended, taking the form of a "velvet divorce." Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Moldova, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Turkmenistan, and Tajikistan gained independence from Moscow. At the same time, the second president managed to preserve the "Slavic core" of Soviet Union and suppress most local conflicts through a series of referendums under the "Lukyanov formula". He also secured recognition from the newly independent states of their new borders and the renunciation of their claims to Soviet territory. The most serious complications occurred in Checheno-Ingushetia, where armed uprisings and guerrilla warfare by radical separatists against Soviet government and the appointed head of the republic, General Ruslan Aushev, broke out in the mountainous region in 1993. By 1996, the armed uprisings had been suppressed, and the radicals had lost popularity among the Chechen population. However, a series of terrorist attacks in Grozny and Nazran opened a new security threat from Radical Islamist.

Withdrawal of Soviet troops from Eastern Europe was completed. Some Soviet troops remained in Baltics and Central Asia until 2000, but were withdrawn from Moldova and Transcaucasus. Soviet Union began a forced reduction in its army, focusing on maintaining its nuclear forces.

A significant détente was achieved, and new relations with the United States and European countries began to be built. The peak of the allied relationship came in 1992, when Moscow and Washington agreed to deploy Soviet peacekeepers to Yugoslavia, and a relationship of trust developed between Presidents Rutskoy and Bush. However, after the Clinton administration came to power in Washington, Soviet-American relations began to cool again. Tensions reached their peak with the Novi-Travnik Ambush, when Soviet troops violated their peacekeeping mandate by intervening in the genocide of Bosnian Muslims in the Lašva Valley carried out by Croatian militias. Despite this, the Soviet Union's economic dependence on Western economic aid remained. Relations warmed again after Berlin Agreements on Bosnia (the updated Vance-Lukyanov Plan) and especially after Soviet support for the French-American intervention in Rwanda.

The United States and the Soviet Union managed to achieve significant progress on disarmament and de-escalation issues, where Moscow was forced to yield, but relations between Rutskoy and Clinton were never as warm as before, and the Soviet president himself repeatedly said that he "misses Bush" after yet another difficult negotiation with Clinton.

Fmr US President Nixon and USSRRUE President Rutskoy in Moscow

Rutskoy's first term was marked by a series of raging local conflicts in the post-Soviet space. USSRRUE intervened in the civil war in Georgia, overthrowing President Zviad Gamskhuardia, who was accused of plotting genocide in Adjara, a Muslim-populated region in southwestern Georgia, and installing a transitional regime in Tbilisi led by former Soviet Foreign Minister Eduard Shevardnadze. Meanwhile, the non-intervention of Soviet troops helped Armenia win Nagorno-Karabakh War, while Azerbaijan, weakened by the civil war, found itself in crisis.

However, the most dramatic and unpleasant conflict for Moscow was the war in Tajikistan, where the first post-Soviet government did not last even a year. Soviet troops had to repel multiple attempts by the mujahideen to invade from Afghanistan, while a multi-faceted civil war raged within Tajikistan itself, involving forces of the old nomenklatura, democrats, bandits, Wahhabi Islamists, Pamir separatists, and Uzbek irredentist forces, supported by the Uzbek government, who appealed to the "Lukyanov rule" for their own benefit. In 1995, Rutskoy authorized the deployment of additional peacekeeping forces to Tajikistan, but this only prolonged and exacerbated the war, strengthening the position of Tajik Islamists. The situation was further complicated by the appeal of the authorities of the self-proclaimed Autonomous Republic of Badakhshan, a Pamir separatist entity within the Soviet autonomous region of the same name, to "restore Soviet sovereignty over the Pamirs".

Civil war in Tajikistan

Domestic Policy:

Rise of President Rutskoy allowed the Union to implement the economic reforms it needed. 500 Days program developed by Deputy Prime Minister Grigory Yavlinsky and its sequel, "Agree to Chance", made it possible, with the help of Western financial aid, to implement radical economic reform through shock therapy and relaunch the Soviet Union's socialist economy on a new path. However, tensions between the president and the government led to the resignation of Prime Minister Yeltsin and Deputy Prime Minister Yavlinsky and the curtailment of the privatization of large enterprises. Nevertheless, thanks to the efforts of the new Minister of Economy, Mikhail Malei, creeping privatization took a far more detrimental form, as Yavlinsky had planned: the former directors of enterprises, known as "red directors," became the de facto and then de jure owners, while formally state-owned corporations became de facto independent in the hands of their managers. The most famous example was Gazprom, a giant of the Soviet gas industry, which, under the leadership of its CEO, Rem Vyakhirev, had its own funds to support opposition media and politicians and financed the campaign of Socialist Party. At the same time, the economy was largely under the control of gangsters and clans of employees of Ministry of Security, a fusion of the KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which were becoming increasingly indistinguishable from each other. Anatoly Chubais, former Minister of State Property Affairs under Yeltsin, described the system that developed under Rutskoy as "gangster cooperative socialism". The anti-crime campaign launched by Rutskoy after 1993 rectified the situation only by allowing former KGB officers to defeat the open gangsters in the market for "power business".

Nevertheless, the main achievement of the Yeltsin government was the conclusion of the new Union Treaty, a complex compromise between the democrats and Rutskoy, and between Army and thousands of street protesters between Moscow and Kiev. The new treaty was signed by 35 republics, culminating in an agreement to simultaneously dissolve Russian FSFR and Ukraine SSR as unified republics. Each of the new republics, however, no longer enjoyed the same independence as it had under Gorbachev's later rule. Supreme and Constitutional Courts of the renewed Union departed for Kiev. 1992 Constitution and the new language law made Ukrainian the second official language, while other indigenous languages, from Rusyn and Latgalian to Buryat and Koryak, received broad rights at the local level.

In response to the strengthening of the newly formed centers of power in the new republics, a new "Law on Local Self-Government (Zemstvo)" was issued by the end of the 1990s, enshrining the mandatory election of governors and mayors and empowering local authorities, taking power away from the republics.

Rutskoy was widely accused of wasting Western aid on funding his own Ministry of Security, which for the first time since Lavrentiy Beria united the KGB and the police under one roof, as well as on controversial programs such as the resettlement of compatriots from the newly independent republics. The president defended himself by arguing that this had prevented genocide of the European (predominantly Russian and Ukrainian) population in Tajikistan and facilitated peaceful resettlement from increasingly hostile Uzbekistan and Turkmenistan, rather than simply importing loyal voters. Furthermore, the return of ethnic Circassians from the ravaged Yugoslavia by Soviet peacekeepers was a major operation. Open borders triggered a wave of both emigration and the return of some of the emigrants of previous years.

The defeat in the parliamentary elections did not deal president as severe a blow as his opponents had expected. The victorious Socialists became even more receptive to negotiations than their former allies. Socialist leader Alexander Moroz chaired the Supreme Council, and a compromise candidate, seemingly a technicality, was elected prime minister: Leonid Kuchma, the former head of the Central Ukrainian government, known for his effective economic reforms. A space engineer by training, he shared similar views with Moscow Mayor Gavriil Popov, who had become an important ally of President Rutskoy. Rutskoy again succeeded in securing emergency powers from the Supreme Council, this time shared between himself and the prime minister. Kuchma's government managed to make significant progress in combating hyperinflation and the budget deficit, as well as implement financial reform, reverse the nascent barterization of the economy, pay off budget debts to pensioners, and overcome the crisis of non-payment of utility bills. Under Kuchma, the Soviet Union saw its first significant foreign investment, and the gradual privatization of unprofitable state-owned enterprises was once again initiated. The decline in production continued, and the economic shock and decline in prosperity were still felt, but under Kuchma, the population of Soviet Union began to have hope.

Leonid Kuchma

For the future, and this era itself was called the birth of the "Second Russian Capitalism". Having come to power with the votes of the socialists, Kuchma effectively implemented market reforms, which can be explained by the shift of the Socialist Party to the center, but soon came into conflict with the incumbent president.

Rutskoy suspected the popular Kuchma of planning to run in the 1996 elections himself, and the conflict between them began to escalate as early as 1995, especially when the Kuchma government announced plans for a next wave of privatization. During the public conflict between the president and prime minister, Rutskoy dismissed Kuchma, attempting to blame him for the negative developments in the country. Now-former prime minister publicly lashed out at the president and announced his candidacy for the 1996 presidential election. New acting government now relied on Rutskoy's deal with the United Communists.

Lyudmilagate

Alexander Rutskoy with his wife Lyudmila

President Rutskoy's reputation was undermined by an unexpected, scandalous divorce. Rutskoy's second marriage, to fashion designer Lyudmila Novikova, had been for nearly a quarter of a century. She became a model First Lady, on par with the first ladies of United States. This marriage was considered exemplary, and the president himself actively showed off both his sons to the public: Dmitry, born from his first marriage, and Lyudmila's son Alexander, who had been a student during his father's term. However, in reality, the relationship between the spouses was far from normal. Rutskoy was particularly irritated by his wife's desire to interfere, as he himself believed, in politics and run her own business with renowned fashion designer Valentin Yudashkin, whom Rutskoy detested. Relations between the spouses further worsened when Lyudmila began actively defending Yeltsin before his resignation. In 1995, after a nervous heart attack, Lyudmila temporarily became paralyzed on half her body. Her husband visited her in the hospital twice within six months.

After recovering, Lyudmila nevertheless entered into open conflict with her husband, especially after receiving confirmation of his affair with his personal assistant, Irina Popova, 26 years younger than Rutskoy, who even became pregnant by the president. Popova made no attempt to hide their relationship, confirming to the press that the president had long since separated from his wife, and that Rutskoy himself had filed for divorce, proposing a quiet settlement.

Irina Popova and Alexander Rutskoy

Situation was exacerbated by a property dispute between Rutskoy and Novikova, which completely soured their relationship. Lyudmila decided to give a detailed interview to the press. In it, she recounted her husband's numerous infidelities, how she helped him get back on his feet after being wounded in Afghanistan, and how, when she needed help and support after suffering a stroke and paralysis on the left side of her body, Rutskoy offered no assistance. Rutskoy himself, in turn, had the temerity to accuse his wife of infidelity during his service in Afghanistan.

This dealt a huge blow to the president, who had previously cultivated the image of a converted Orthodox Christian. "Lyudmilagate", as the Western press dubbed the most high-profile family scandal in Russia's recent history, had catastrophic consequences—Rutskoy's approval rating plummeted to 20% in a matter of weeks, raising a serious threat of an opposition victory in the elections.