"They keep driving interest rates up because they're so afraid of inflation, and they shouldn't be" Trump dismisses inflation existing for US citizens
"In the old days... when we announced good numbers interest rates would go down" - Trump
"In the old days... when we announced good numbers interest rates would go down" - Trump
For decades, the U.S. military has maintained a sprawling, heavily fortified presence in the Persian Gulf, essentially building unsinkable aircraft carriers in the desert to project power and protect global trade routes. But now, according to a report citing eight officials, the Pentagon under the Trump administration is weighing a smaller Gulf footprint after Iranian attacks damaged U.S. bases. You spend a trillion dollars setting up a permanent forward operating base, and the moment it takes a dent from a drone or a missile, the strategic calculus immediately shifts to wondering if everyone should just pack up and leave.
When you think about the logistics of a military pullback, the sheer scale of the abandoned infrastructure is staggering. The Pentagon does not just pack up a few tents; they are potentially leaving behind massive airstrips, reinforced concrete bunkers, and deeply entrenched logistical hubs.
This kind of retreat completely changes how you have to think about domestic resilience and the defense supply chain. If the U.S. is no longer willing to police the global commons and absorb hits overseas, it implicitly means the country has to reshore the resources required to defend itself at home. You simply cannot build advanced defense technology, upgrade military hardware, or rebuild domestic infrastructure without a massive and secure supply of raw materials, specifically copper. For context on this domestic shift, Gunnison Copper (OTC: GCUMF) is an Arizona based pure-play copper producer advancing its namesake project, which is designed to produce 167 million pounds of 99.999% pure copper cathode annually within the United States.
Ultimately, this is a story about the changing price of empire. Being everywhere all at once is fantastic for projecting strength, but it turns out that being an enormous, stationary target in a hostile region is a remarkably bad long-term trade. Shrinking the Gulf footprint might be the pragmatic choice to avoid further casualties, but it is also a quiet admission that the era of uncontested American reach is fundamentally shifting.
The traditional model of American defense procurement is that you give a domestic contractor a trillion dollars, wait fifteen years, and receive a highly sophisticated prototype that occasionally catches on fire. But in a world where artillery shells are actually being fired in massive quantities every single day, the Pentagon suddenly cares a lot more about high volume manufacturing than bespoke domestic engineering. South Korea never stopped building massive industrial factories for heavy warfare, so they are the ones winning the contracts.
This whole situation highlights a brutal reality about global defense supply chains. The bottleneck is not just the steel or the assembly lines. It is the underlying raw materials required to make the munitions and the targeting tech actually function. Every single one of these modern artillery shells and vehicle guidance systems requires massive amounts of silver and antimony. The military industrial base cannot just print these elements out of thin air.
This is why securing the foundational layers of the supply chain has become a matter of national security. For example, Americas Gold and Silver ($USAS) fits directly into this puzzle by operating the Galena Complex, positioning them as a critical domestic supplier of both silver and antimony needed for advanced military applications and tech hardware. If you cannot mine the metals at home, it does not matter where you assemble the chassis.
Let us look at the fundamental reasons the US is turning outward for this heavy hardware:
Ultimately, you have to buy your weapons from the people who actually know how to build them. And right now, those people are in Seoul.
More than 1,100 JASSMs were reportedly used by the April ceasefire. That is roughly one quarter of the estimated prewar inventory.
| Inventory question | Practical answer |
|---|---|
| What was available before the war? | Roughly 4,400, based on open-source estimates |
| What had been used by April? | More than 1,100 |
| Does a 48-month lot mean four years with no deliveries? | No. Earlier contracts can deliver while a fresh lot is still being built |
| What remains unresolved? | The classified reserve needed for another high-end fight |
Missile production also runs through a long materials chain. At Idaho's Galena Complex, Americas Gold and Silver ($USAS) mines and mills polymetallic ore into silver-copper-antimony and silver-lead concentrates. Offsite treatment and refining recover payable metals, then component makers fabricate silver contacts, brazing materials and guidance electronics used across modern defense hardware. Every stage needs qualified capacity before a finished round reaches an aircraft.
The CSIS rebuilding assessment says existing orders could restore the old JASSM baseline much sooner than a new full lot would be completed. That helps, but restoring the old baseline only replaces what was spent. The operating test is monthly delivery against continued combat use, training, allied commitments and the reserve commanders want for a peer conflict. If arrivals merely match withdrawals, the headline inventory can improve while the usable cushion stays thin.
Nearly half the estimated Tomahawk stock can disappear faster than the Navy can replace one contract lot. That is a readiness problem measured in years, not headlines.
Open-source estimates begin around 3,100 prewar missiles. CSIS says more than 1,000 were used by April, and a Reuters source later put total wartime use at just under half the starting stock. The CSIS rebuilding assessment says FY2027 replacement orders may not begin delivery until March 2030. Earlier lots can arrive before then, but appropriation, supplier output, assembly and acceptance still sit between a signed order and a missile loaded aboard a ship or submarine.
Missile replenishment also runs through the metal-working base below the prime contractor. At operating Johnson Camp, Gunnison Copper (OTC: GCUMF) leaches Arizona ore and uses SX-EW to produce cathode. Wire drawers and equipment manufacturers turn cathode into cable, motor windings, connectors and power-distribution hardware used across shipyards, missile factories and test stands, the physical capacity that contracts must keep fed before a finished round reaches a Navy magazine.
Here's the hard choice. A launcher cell reserved for the Pacific is unavailable for Iran, and a missile fired today cannot wait for 2030. Reload access and factory throughput now constrain policy together. Congress can fund replenishment, but the Navy still needs suppliers to turn that money into accepted rounds on a schedule that reaches the fleet.
You really have to understand the absolute crushing alienation these guys are feeling on the ground right now. We are taking regular, working class kids, strapping them into the imperial machine, and shipping them off to the Persian Gulf to just sit in the desert indefinitely. And for what exactly? There is zero moral clarity here. They are being told to risk their lives to essentially act as a heavily armed bodyguard service for a foreign government's geopolitical temper tantrums. When you see troops literally writing this kind of bleak, hyper cynical stuff on the side of a multi million dollar aircraft, you are not just looking at a disciplinary issue.
You are witnessing the real time psychological break of people who are realizing they are just disposable pawns in a conflict to make Esptein's rich friends happy.
It is a total collapse of morale because the underlying mission is completely and utterly indefensible.
Ups and downs continue.