r/asian_decolonization

I think this was the event that have most waves of effect have in the socialist bloc in the could war and events after it feels even today.

Kazakhstan deports Russian streamer Ksenia Guzaeva, bars her for five years

WIKI : In Famine, Memory, and Politics in the Post-Soviet Space: Contrasting Echoes of Collectivization (a communist codeword for the enslavement of peasants) in Ukraine and Kazakhstan, James Richter highlights: The link between the genocide argument and the use of Kazakh language was made explicit by the historian Kaidar Aldazhumanov in an interview with Radio Azattyq in 2014. In this interview, Aldazhumanov suggests that foreign scholars and even Russian speakers at home do not regard the famine as genocide because "they cannot read witnesses or evidence in the Kazakh language and rely fundamentally on research in Muscovite .... They do not want to know anything about research in the Kazakh language, nor do Muscovite researchers or Muscovite speakers living in Kazakhstan

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=eIUMDdpCnE4

Context : https://idel-ural.org/en/archives/one-of-the-most-heroic-acts-in-the-modern-history-of-udmurtia/ https://www.rferl.org/a/man-sets-himself--fire-russia--udmurtia-language-protest-against-language-bill/30156654.html

By the 1830s, the Sikh Empire, led by Maharaja Ranjit Singh, had become the dominant power in much of the Punjab. Over the previous few decades, Ranjit Singh's armies had expanded rapidly, taking territory from Afghan rulers and bringing places such as Peshawar under Sikh control. This expansion eventually brought the Sikhs to one of the most important gateways between the Indian subcontinent and Afghanistan: the Khyber Pass.
In 1836, the Sikh general Hari Singh Nalwa, one of Ranjit Singh's most trusted commanders, captured Jamrud, a settlement located at the eastern entrance of the Khyber Pass. The location was extremely important. For centuries, the Khyber Pass had been one of the principal routes through which armies, merchants, and migrants traveled between Afghanistan and the Indian subcontinent. By controlling Jamrud, the Sikhs could effectively guard the eastern entrance to the pass and keep a close watch on movement between the two regions. Nalwa immediately began strengthening the position by constructing a fort there.

The Afghan ruler, Dost Mohammad Khan, was deeply concerned by this expansion. The Sikhs had already taken Peshawar, and now they had established a fortified position almost directly at the entrance to the Khyber Pass. From the Afghan perspective, this raised the possibility that the Sikhs might eventually try to push even farther west into Afghanistan.

In the spring of 1837, Dost Mohammad saw an opportunity to strike back. Much of the Sikh military leadership and many of its best troops were away in Lahore for the wedding of Ranjit Singh's grandson, Nau Nihal Singh. With Jamrud relatively weakly defended, Dost Mohammad sent a large Afghan army toward the fort, commanded in the field by his son Akbar Khan. The exact size of the Afghan force is disputed, but it greatly outnumbered the Sikh defenders, who numbered only several hundred to roughly a thousand men depending on the account.

The Afghans surrounded Jamrud and placed the small Sikh garrison under intense pressure. The defenders nevertheless refused to give up the fort and sent urgent messages to Peshawar requesting help. Hari Singh Nalwa was stationed there at the time and was reportedly ill, but when he learned how serious the situation had become, he decided to march to Jamrud with whatever troops were available. Rather than simply remain behind the fortifications, Nalwa led his men out to confront the Afghan army. His arrival turned what had begun as a siege into a much larger battle.

The fighting was extremely fierce. The Sikh forces initially attacked the Afghans successfully, throwing parts of their army into confusion and forcing them back. The battle then became a chaotic and extremely close-range struggle, with heavy casualties on both sides. During the fighting, Hari Singh Nalwa was mortally wounded. The exact circumstances of his death are uncertain, and later Sikh and Afghan traditions contain dramatic stories about his final moments. What is much more firmly established is that Nalwa was fatally wounded during the battle and died shortly afterward.

Nalwa's death was a tremendous blow to the Sikh Empire. He had been one of Ranjit Singh's most experienced commanders and had played a major role in the empire's expansion toward the northwest. His loss was particularly serious because the Sikh frontier in this region was difficult to defend even under normal circumstances. However, the Sikh position at Jamrud did not collapse with him.

The garrison continued to hold the fort while Sikh reinforcements were sent toward the frontier. The Afghans had succeeded in inflicting severe casualties and killing Nalwa, but they had failed to capture Jamrud. When Sikh reinforcements eventually arrived, the Afghan army withdrew from the area. Jamrud remained in Sikh hands, as did Peshawar, and the Afghan army had returned to Afghanistan without achieving its main objective. At the same time, the death of Nalwa left a major hole in Sikh military leadership. The battle had shown that the Sikh frontier could survive a major Afghan assault, but it had also demonstrated how difficult and costly defending that frontier could be.

After Jamrud, Dost Mohammad had a potentially important opportunity. Hari Singh Nalwa was dead, the Sikh army had suffered heavy casualties, and the Afghan forces had demonstrated that the Sikh frontier could be challenged. Yet Dost Mohammad did not follow up by launching a full-scale attempt to retake Peshawar. Dost Mohammad instead approached the British government in India, particularly Governor-General Lord Auckland, seeking British involvement in resolving the dispute over Peshawar. He essentially wanted the British to help him deal with the Sikh Empire and recover territory that Afghanistan regarded as rightfully belonging to it. Contemporary and later accounts describe this as part of Dost Mohammad's broader effort to obtain British support against the Sikhs. This was significant because Britain was becoming increasingly interested in Afghanistan. The British were worried about Russian influence in Central Asia and wanted Afghanistan to serve as a buffer between British India and potential Russian expansion. The British, however, had their own interests. They were reluctant to simply hand Peshawar back to Afghanistan or openly confront Ranjit Singh on Dost Mohammad's behalf. And this eventually became part of the much larger diplomatic crisis that led to the First Anglo-Afghan War.

From the Sikh perspective, Jamrud had revealed something rather uncomfortable. The Sikh Empire had been extremely successful at conquering territory in the northwest. But maintaining that territory was much harder. Peshawar was a particularly difficult province to govern. It was populated largely by Pashtun communities, many of whom had their own local political structures and had resisted Sikh rule. The Sikh government therefore couldn't simply administer Peshawar in the same way it administered Lahore or Amritsar. And now Nalwa (the man who had been one of the most important figures in securing the northwest) was dead.

Paolo Avitabile was the Kardar (administrator/governor) of Peshawar. Nalwa was primarily a military commander who had personally led Sikh expansion into the northwest while Avitabile's principal job was to make Sikh rule actually function, and he was extraordinarily harsh. Avitabile became notorious for using severe punishments, executions, and intimidation to suppress resistance. Later accounts famously characterized his administration as a rule of “gallows and gibbets.” His brutality wasn't simply random sadism, though; it was part of a deliberate attempt to impose order on a frontier where the Sikh government had struggled to exercise consistent authority.

In the long run, however, the Sikh Empire's position deteriorated rapidly. Ranjit Singh died in 1839, and the strong central leadership that had held the empire together disappeared. What followed was a period of political instability, with several rulers succeeding one another in quick succession and growing tensions between the royal court and the powerful Sikh army. The British East India Company, which already controlled much of the territory surrounding the Punjab, increasingly took advantage of this instability. The result was the First Anglo-Sikh War of 1845-1846, which ended with a Sikh defeat and much greater British influence over the empire. A second conflict, the Second Anglo-Sikh War of 1848-1849, ended with the British decisively defeating the Sikh forces. On March 29th 1849, the British formally annexed the Punjab, bringing the Sikh Empire to an end only twelve years after the Battle of Jamrud. The young Maharaja Duleep Singh was removed from power, and the former Sikh territories became part of the expanding British Empire.

I’m not sure who the artist is sadly

context : https://www.atlanticcouncil.org/blogs/ukrainealert/reclaiming-russias-historical-lands-how-far-do-putins-imperial-ambitions-extend/

I call for the decolonization of occupied Tayouan! This land belongs to the 500,000 aboriginal people. It is currently being occupied by people who migrated from the Qing dynasty and China in the 1940s. This land was stolen from the aboriginal people and forced to learn a foreign language and culture.

This is what traditional Tayouan culture and people look like.

Not this

I urge the 20 million people who don't want to be Chinese or assimilate into traditional Tayouan culture to move to Japan. They are currently occupying the aboriginal peoples land!

Picture from 2019

Context : https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=IDe6PfE60TE