
My top June longforms
Happy July 5th! Just wanted to pop in with my favorite stories I read and shared in the newsletter.
Have a great rest of your weekend!

Happy July 5th! Just wanted to pop in with my favorite stories I read and shared in the newsletter.
Have a great rest of your weekend!
Lyra McKee was shot and killed whilst observing rioting in Derry, Northern Ireland in 2019.
An essay reflecting on how America's 250th birthday became less a shared celebration than another symbol of our political divide.
Have we lost the ability to celebrate national milestones together, regardless of politics?
Electronic music’s club culture is facing an existential moment as bigger venues, higher ticket prices and social media turn dance floors into spectator events.
This essay argues that “being a good person” is not enough to change society in any meaningful structural sense. It distinguishes between individual moral behavior ("micro-morality") - being honest, kind, ethical in daily life - and large-scale social change ("macro-morality"), which requires collective action and engagement with institutions and systems of power. Indeed, sole reliance on micro-morality creates a type of 'moral schizophrenia' - the ability to feel decent while the world burns around us.
This was, in fact, a central concern of the Frankfort School. Adorno, Horkheimer and Marcuse all recognized that individual morality is powerless against modern systems (capitalism, bureaucracy, mass culture). Their tone was bleak, pessimistic. The Gandhi example seems to provide historical proof that a bridge between micro and macro morality is possible - he used it for collective action. He turned his individual morality into a tool for larger collective action.
Habermas approached this same problem. In The Theory of Communicative Action, he distinguishes between the lifeworld (everyday communication, shared norms, personal moral reasoning) and the system, which is driven by money, power and bureaucratic logic.
Republican leadership is orchestrating an economic collapse. They are willfully dismantling the safeguards that contained 1929 and 2008, ripping them out on a fixed schedule.
Behind every great fortune lies a great crime. — commonly attributed to Honoré de Balzac
Republicans are rushing to cut what remains of the safety net and deregulating the banks at once.
This downturn will hit harder than 2008 because the safety net is vanishing. In 2007, Medicaid and food aid caught millions of laid-off workers, and Republicans are cutting both now. The debt dwarfs the 1929 level too, when federal borrowing equaled 16.3 percent of the economy against today’s 100 percent. A crash mints winners. The wealthy bank their gains through tax cuts, dividends, and executive pay, then sit on cash while the crash forces families to dump homes and stocks at a loss. The same investors buy the wreckage cheap, as they did after 2008, when bulk purchases of foreclosed homes built the corporate landlord industry.
This past week, on June 18, 2026, the comment period closed on three federal proposals to ease bank-capital rules and cut the surcharge on the largest banks, freeing the Federal Reserve, the OCC, and the FDIC to finalize them. Those agencies already cut supervision staff 30 percent and moved to publish the stress-test models banks use to pass.
Trump signed the One Big Beautiful Bill Act in July 2025 on the same schedule. It cuts Medicaid 887 billion dollars and 10 million people by 2034 through 80-hour work rules and provider-tax limits. SNAP loses 2.4 million people a month, the Thrifty Food Plan freezes, and benefits drop 14 dollars by 2034. Medicare faces 490 billion dollars in cuts through 2034, a sequester Republicans refused to waive. Social Security depletes in 2032, forcing a 22 percent cut.
The bank rules written after 2008 are next. Trump is repealing the protections built when subprime loans, unregulated derivatives, and 30-to-1 leverage escaped regulators. Net worth fell from 69 to 55 trillion dollars, and unemployment doubled to 10 percent. Dodd-Frank answered in 2010 with capital requirements, the CFPB, and derivatives clearing.
Alan Greenspan died on June 22, 2026, at 100, days before the comment window closed. Greenspan chaired the Federal Reserve from 1987 to 2006 and spent those years championing deregulation and bank self-regulation. The 2011 Financial Crisis Inquiry Commission blamed his deregulatory push and his refusal to curb subprime securities for stripping the safeguards that could have stopped the 2008 collapse.
Greenspan admitted the error to Congress in October 2008, conceding that banks had failed to protect themselves. Trump is now rebuilding the conditions Greenspan’s own record condemned.
Trump is undoing each safeguard. Bessent ran the CFPB for days, then Vought took over on February 7, 2025, froze enforcement, and moved to cut off the Bureau’s money. A federal judge blocked him on December 30, 2025, ordering funding to continue while the litigation proceeds.
On November 25, 2025, federal agencies eased capital rules, effective April 1, 2026, cutting tier 1 requirements for the largest banks. Bessent named the goal: “responsibly deregulating the financial sector to accelerate what I call the re-privatization of the economy.” The rollback erases fifteen years of safeguards across consumer protection, bank capital, anti-money-laundering reporting, and private-credit oversight.
Project 2025 wrote the plan down. Page 705 of Heritage’s Mandate for Leadership merges the FDIC into one banking regulator and swaps federal oversight for “competition and market discipline.” A 2017 Heritage report went further, urging Congress to cut deposit coverage to 40,000 dollars and end it. Russell Vought, who now runs the CFPB, helped write the blueprint.
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The richest 10 percent gain 2.7 percent more income by 2034; the poorest lose 3.1 percent to the Medicaid and SNAP cuts. The law cuts taxes 4.5 trillion dollars, most for the top. The rollback hands billions to the eight largest banks, spent on dividends and executive pay, not loans. The banks keep the gains; the families losing coverage pay.
The 1929 crash began with unchecked speculation. Investors bought on margin, posting 10 percent of the price. Regulators ignored the securities markets, and deposits lacked federal insurance. The market fell in October 1929, and the margin loans came due.
Thousands of banks failed, and the Depression followed. Congress built federal deposit insurance in 1933 and the Securities and Exchange Commission in 1934 to answer the failures that destroyed a generation of savings.
The debt is the difference. In 1929, federal debt equaled 16.3 percent of the economy, leaving room to respond. By March 2026, that figure hit 100.2 percent of GDP and passed 39 trillion dollars by June. That total exceeds the nation’s yearly output, and Trump’s borrowing erased the capacity that funded the 1929 recovery.
Picture the United States in 2028 if Trump prevails in court. He has dissolved the CFPB or starved it of funds, and banks set their own capital floors. Anti-money-laundering reporting covers a fraction of current activity, and private lenders extend trillions outside federal supervision. Regulators lack the authority to halt a run.
A crash does the political work votes cannot. Naomi Klein named the pattern in 2007: governments exploit the chaos after a disaster to impose privatization, deregulation, and cuts that voters reject in calmer times. The shock paralyzes opposition, and officials lock the changes into law before the public recovers. A financial crash works the same way. The wreckage buries the paper trail, the panic justifies a bailout, and the firms that lobbied for deregulation collect the rescue. The wealthy buy the wreckage at a discount and emerge owning more of the country.
A century of safeguards, built after the crashes of 1929 and 2008, is being dismantled by a decades-long Republican project that Trump is now accelerating to the end. They swore to protect Social Security, Medicare, and Medicaid. They are engineering the next collapse.
Republican leadership knows the imminent damage. The Congressional Budget Office scored the risk before the vote: 10 million lose coverage, the poorest tenth lose income, the trust funds run dry. Leadership read the projections, then passed the law. For your own money, find an advisor who earns a flat fee and avoids commissions.
The love of money is the root of all evil. — 1 Timothy 6:10
The work continues.
Wendy
Sources
Originally published at https://wendy664.substack.com.
Eleven years after Rush's farewell performance, I attended the band's first show with Anika Nilles and Loren Gold. Rather than simply reviewing the concert, I wanted to capture what it felt like to watch Geddy Lee and Alex Lifeson honor Neil Peart while finding a way to move forward as Rush.
The piece looks at the atmosphere inside the Forum, the tribute videos, Anika's debut, Geddy's vocals after the long hiatus, and why the evening felt like a memorial that fans never had the opportunity to share in 2020.
The boss had "clearly developed some sort of mental disorder," she said. "Spending the whole day talking to ChatGPT and making decisions about the future of your company and the people who work there based on what it 'tells' you seems insane."