Atlanticism? Why Dugin is wrong about Land and Sea
A Duginist leader published a text on Atlanticism, arguing that the concept still has great explanatory power in portraying the projection of American power.
Indeed, there is much utility in the overarching idea of Maritime Power, present in Classical Geopolitics, and of which Atlanticism is an application. It is worth noting, however, that the Russian geopolitician Alexander Dugin falls into a strict dichotomy in his approach to these terms, giving them a "metaphysical" and eschatological content that leads to contradictions that are difficult to escape.
The Brazilian author of the cited piece states that, according to Dugin, "maritime powers (like Athens, Carthage, and Great Britain in other eras) are those driven by a mercantile ethos. Their existential center being the exchange and accumulation of goods, this has implications in other areas. The method of expansion is the construction of trading posts and coastal colonies; the values are materialistic, egalitarian, and individualistic. Instability and precariousness are positively valued, so there is an impulse to relativize all types of limits, borders, and taboos."
This is indeed the framework within which the Russian thinker frames his "philosophy of history," marked by the confrontation between thalassocracies (maritime powers) and tellurocracies (land powers). However, in doing so, Dugin deviates in a Manichean way from the writings of Carl Schmitt, an intellectual whose work is only fully understood against the backdrop of Christian theology. Schmitt considered the Eastern Roman Empire [better known as the "Byzantine Empire"] a civilization of the sea, alongside Venice, and Athens and Carthage, cited by our Duginist author.
It is worth remembering that Constantinople is the Mother Church of Russia. It was through this Thalassocratic (Sea) Empire, supposedly of "materialistic, egalitarian, and individualistic values," that Orthodoxy not only arrived in Kievan Rus', but also spread and developed throughout Muscovy. If Russia could call itself the "Third Rome," operating the myth of translatio imperii so well-liked by Dugin, it is because it considers itself in the lineage of a maritime civilization.
For Schmitt, the great danger lay not in the Sea as an expression of individualistic or mercantile values, but rather in the 'spatial' rupture that occurred at the dawn of Modernity, and which created conditions for the complete conversion to the Open Sea, that is, to the Oceans, later unified.
It is true that this situation allowed for the emergence of an Oceanic World Empire capable of encircling all lands. However, nineteenth-century technological developments provided the possibility for land powers to also fight for a World Empire, a fundamental point in the work of Halford John Mackinder (the struggle for the "Heartland"). Both land and sea can fall into what Schmitt called Caesarism, the Bonapartist re-emergence of a type of non-Christian imperial power. An Empire that is not Katechon, in the words of the German jurist.
Katechon is the figure cited by the Apostle Saint Paul as an "obstacle" to the reign of the Antichrist. In traditional theology and in Schmitt, it refers to a Christian and providential idea of the Roman Emperor, a function that would always be exercised by a character or State throughout history. Dugin, in turn, mobilizes these ideas in a fetishized way, claiming that Katechon is the Russian people themselves, whom he calls the "Throne of God," an epithet that the offices of the Orthodox Church actually confer on the All-Holy and Pure Theotokos (that is, the Blessed Virgin Mary).
According to Dugin,
>"Russia, which today enters the final battle against chaos, is in the position of one who fights against the antichrist himself. But how far we are from this high ideal, which the radical nature of the final battle demands. And yet... Russia is the 'prepared throne'. From the outside it may appear to be empty. But it is not. The Russian people and state carry the katechumens. [...] We, the Russians, carry the Throne of the Prepared. And in the history of mankind there is no mission more sacred, more lofty, more sacrificial than to lift Christ, the King of kings, upon our shoulders. As long as there is a Cross on the throne, it is the Russian Cross, Russia is crucified on it, she bleeds her sons and daughters and all this for a reason... We are on the right path to the resurrection of the dead. [Dugin, Genesis and Empire, 2022 - an excerpt from this book is also available here]
However, for Schmitt, the function of Katechon was also performed by Constantinople, a maritime power. And against a land power:
>"[The Eastern Roman Empire], as a maritime power, achieved what Charlemagne's land power was unable to: it acted as a bulwark, a Katechon, as it is said in Greek. Despite its weakness, it withstood the attacks of Islam for centuries, preventing the Arabs from conquering all of Italy. In the absence [of Constantinople], Italy would have become part of the Muslim world, like North Africa, and all of ancient and Christian civilization would have disappeared." [Schmitt, 1942]
The German even goes so far as to claim that the British Empire of the early 19th century was a Katechon in the pursuit of global equilibrium.
Schmitt's perspective on the dispute between Land and Sea—which he believed had been shaken by another revolution, the conquest of the element of air, which also provides several interesting reflections, including from a theological and metaphysical point of view—was not that of a Manichean confrontation between Good and Evil, repeated indefinitely throughout history. Land and Sea are representations of two mythological monsters, and as such, powers of Nature, to which men, in their freedom, can choose to adhere. There is no intrinsic problem in either of them, as long as they are under divine aegis, or complemented by elements of Nature not contemplated in this duality of Classical Geopolitics.
Dugin's Manichean tendency to demonize one of the elements of Nature will have repercussions on his approach to gender and on his noology, given the distorted Platonism of the Russian thinker, who associates Thalassocracy with woman and matter, and both with chaos that must be subdued through war, as in the myth of Kulturkampf. But this is a contradiction to be addressed elsewhere.
Text taken from Sol da Pátria