u/FormalPossibility709

Other non-locals showing their true colours

Original source a handbook of Jammu and Kashmir state 1947, archived by JammuKashmirArchives

A 1936 edition of History of the State of Jammu and Kashmir, prescribed as a Class IV textbook for primary schools across the State by the Education Department under a circular dated 17 May 1926.

Beginning with Sheikh Sahib's statement in 1949, continuing through discussions with international representatives, reports in newspapers such as Avanti, commentary associated with the Christian Science Monitor, the visit of Chester Bowles, and finally the publication and support of the Dixon Proposal in the New York Times in July 1953, the speaker argues that a discernible tendency favouring an "independent Kashmir" had steadily grown and attracted attention both within political circles and in the international press.

Sethi tells that the post-Delhi Agreement period reflects a strongly political and emotional moment in the Kashmir debate. He begins by referring to the visit of American diplomat Adlai Stevenson to Kashmir and his meetings with Sheikh Abdullah. According to Sethi, most members of the Cabinet were not even informed about these discussions, yet Stevenson later claimed that Sheikh Abdullah had presented a vision of an "independent Kashmir."

Sethi then shifts focus to international influence in Kashmir’s political situation. He argues that the Dixon Plan is being pushed upon the State by imperialist powers and claims that United Nations observers were actively present across the region, allegedly distributing resources in a way that supported the "independence" movement. In his view, these activities were not neutral but were shaping political outcomes.

He further links the Kashmir situation to global geopolitics, arguing that Western powers, especially America interferance in different countries. He cites examples such as Iran under Dr. Mussadiq, the Korean conflict, and China under Chiang Kai-shek, to suggest a pattern of anti-democratic intervention. Britain and America, he claims, stand together against democratic movements.

Sethi firmly states that such foreign intervention will not be allowed to succeed in the State and emphasises the need for democratic traditions to become deeply rooted within Kashmir itself.

He then refers to the situation after the Delhi Agreement, stating that two political tendencies were emerging within the region: one favoring complete merger with India, and another favoring "independence." The text ends abruptly after this point, leaving his concluding thought incomplete in the source.

image-1: Adlai Stevenson

Source: chicago tribune

image-2: The Delhi Agreement

Source: jammukashmirarchives

This is Part-IV of the series

Empire, Accession & Jammu and Kashmir

by Krishen Dev Sethi

Part-I Reading Krishan Dev Sethi in 1953

Part-II Tribal Invasion, the Dixon Plan and the Politics of Praja Parishad

Part-III The Rise of the Independent Kashmir Idea

The post of IGP was split into two IGP Kashmir and IGP Jammu, IGP Kashmir was taken over by Rao Rattan Singh Jamwal and IGP Jammu was Brigadier Udey Chand Bakshi.

Source: jammukashmirarchives

Why ruin balordesh? why should policies of Kandi be imposed on pahari area? people were dissing JKNC for protesting for statehood? lol so that at the end your future kids will have company of the locals and not bagadis,

avg jammu wala: "Yaar meine pura india dekha lekin jammu jaise ache log nhi dekhe"

DONT EXPECT PEOPLE TO REMAIN SAME IF THE WHOLE DEMOGRAPHY AND CULTURE IS SHIFTED JAMMU PEOPLE WILL BECOME LIKE DELHITES AND DONT BLAME LOCAL PEOPLE THEN,

DONT EXPECT US TO BEND OVER FOR YOUR OWN CAUSE.

c. 1909–1912: Subedar Major Gopala Singh, IOM, OBI, Sardar Bahadur, photographed with a fellow officer of the 41st Dogras during his tenure as the regiment's 2nd Subedar Major.

Keep your ego to yourself and get ur facts right before ranting on twitter

There's too much trash now. All you've done is add fuel to the fire. You've put all these areas at risk due to poor waste management.

Today, another person went missing at 7 Waterfall, Sarthal.

People laugh at traditions until mountains remind them that not every place is meant to be treated casually.

Locals have said for generations respect the Pahadi Devta, respect the place, respect the water.

You are not special because you came with a camera, reels or confidence.

Even around 15,000 deodar logs (stir/gallar) were swallowed there in the same manner.

Call it faith, call it nature, call it warning but respect local beliefs and local knowledge.

Some places are visited.
Some places are entered with respect.

In Part-II, we saw how Krishan Dev Sethi connected the Tribal Invasion, accession, the Dixon Plan, and the political movements that emerged in Jammu & Kashmir.

Part III looks at another question raised by Sethi: how did the idea of an "independent Kashmir" begin gaining attention both inside the State and internationally?

Sethi points to a series of incidents which, in his view, showed a gradual rise in support for the idea of an independent Kashmir.

He begins with 1949.

According to Sethi, Sheikh Abdullah had reportedly stated that it would be in the best interests of the Kashmir Valley to remain independent. Sethi says this statement was important because it suggested a political direction different from the options that were being discussed at the time.

He says that those who opposed this idea immediately saw it as a serious political issue and raised it on the floor of the Assembly. In their view the proposal of an independent Kashmir was not just a theoretical discussion but something that could have major political consequences.

Sethi then moves to Sheikh Abdullah's visit to the Security Council.

During that visit, Sheikh Abdullah is said to have met the Yugoslav representative Aneš Bebler.

According to Sethi, Bebler reportedly told Sheikh Abdullah that his idea of an independent Kashmir was entirely correct.

Sethi says that reports of this conversation later appeared in newspapers, bringing the discussion into the public domain and increasing interest in the subject.

The narrative then shifts to 1950–51.

Sethi says that when American diplomat Chester Bowles visited Kashmir, he held several meetings and discussions with Sheikh Abdullah. What Sethi finds significant is what happened afterwards.

A report appeared in the Italian newspaper Avanti claiming that Bowles had made efforts aimed at securing an independent status for Kashmir.

For Sethi, the publication of such a report in an international newspaper showed that the idea was attracting attention beyond the State itself.

He also refers to the Christian Science Monitor.

According to Sethi, a representative of the newspaper interviewed Sheikh Abdullah and also appeared to favour the idea of an independent Kashmir.

He presents this as another example of the proposal receiving support in influential international media circles.

Sethi then comes to July 1953.

He says that on 5 July 1953, the New York Times published the Dixon Proposal, and on 6 July the newspaper reportedly came out in support of it.

By connecting these events together, Sethi argues that there was a continuing pattern in which the idea of an independent Kashmir, or proposals associated with it, was receiving publicity and endorsement through international channels.

According to Sethi, these incidents formed a connected chain.

He links Sheikh Abdullah's reported statement in 1949, the meeting with Aneš Bebler, the reports in Avanti, the discussions involving Chester Bowles, the Christian Science Monitor interview, and the publication of the Dixon Proposal in the New York Times.

For Sethi, all of these developments pointed toward a growing international interest in the idea of an independent Kashmir.

Whether one agrees with his interpretation or not, his speech provides an important insight into how some political leaders in Jammu & Kashmir viewed the events leading up to 1953.

In Part IV, we will look at how Sethi connected these developments to foreign influence, the Delhi Agreement period, and the political crisis that followed in 1953.

on duggapedia you can go much deeper. All upcoming parts will be first updated on website.

image-1: Sheikh Abdullah (left) with DP Dhar(centre) at the UN, 1948.

Source:jammukashmirarchives

image-2: Aneš Bebler a Yugoslav diplomat and a political Commissar.

Source:jammukashmirarchives

Portrait of Raja Bahadur Khan, ruler of Astor(now Astore) with his children photographed during the summer of 1885. The Raja was encountered by a British expedition at Astor between 18 and 20 July 1885.
Contemporary accounts described Bahadur Khan as a handsome and cordial elderly ruler, approximately 70 years of age.

Was in Kathua town for two days and damn, I love this place near Ravi-Tawi Irrigation Colony. The vibe here is amazing you honestly can't find this kind of energy in Jammu.

Chromolithograph from William Simpson's 1867 work.

In Part-I, we saw how Krishan Dev Sethi viewed Jammu & Kashmir as a part of the larger Great Game between the British Empire and Tzarist Russia and how he believed British strategic interests shaped many developments in the State.

Then came the Tribal Invasion of 1947. Krishen Dev Sethi says that British generals and officers were behind the scenes of this invasion. He tells how the leaders had proof about the involvement of several British officers.

But according to him, the peoples movement in Kashmir forced these plans to fail and the officers had to admit defeat in their design.

He further says that the people of Jammu and Kashmir wanted to make their own choice regarding accession, but Pakistan's actions left them with no time to think. The invasion forced the state to take a decision.

When the state decided to accede to India, uncertainty was created through the Governor-General, which Sethi suggests delayed the matter at a crucial time.

He then talks about the Dixon Plan. The National Conference rejected the Dixon Plan but later, movements were launched in the state which, according to him helped create conditions that could pave the way for it.

Sethi also discusses the formation of the Praja Parishad in Jammu. He says that after its formation, it received support from communal organisations in India.

He reminds the Assembly of a statement made by Dr. Syama Prasad Mookerjee, where Mookerjee said that Jammu and Ladakh should be merged with India while Kashmir should be allowed to choose its own path.

According to Sethi, people influenced by this idea went on claiming that the Praja Parishad movement represented the entire state. But he argues that this was far from the truth.

He says that people in Jammu did have genuine problems language issues, lack of government services, unemployment, rehabilitation and resettlement of ex-soldiers. These were real concerns which the government failed to address properly.

However, Sethi argues that certain reactionary parties raised slogans and movements to fulfil their own political designs. He believed efforts were being made to create an atmosphere where proposals like the Dixon Plan could gain acceptance among the people.

For him, these were not isolated events. They were part of a larger chain of political activities that had been unfolding over several years, with the support of Dr. Mookerjee and like minded political forces.

In Part III, we will examine how Sethi believed the idea of an "independent Kashmir" gained attention in political and international circles, and why he saw this as a turning point in the events leading up to 1953.

on duggapedia you can go much deeper. All upcoming parts will be first updated on website.

image-1: Pt. Prem Nath Dogra with Executive Member of 
Praja Parishad 

Source:jammukashmirarchives

image-2: Sir Owen Dixon, the United Nations Mediator for Kashmir, in conversation with Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah during his visit to Srinagar. ( for better connection in Part-III)

Source:jammukashmirarchives

These outsiders and all, bruh i hate it so much ngl boils my blood when someone post location of a place bro these are not ur home address no one asked for it u dumbtrucker.