u/PdMDreamer

Hello! As the title suggests, I know nothing about technocracy and what I know, I got it from Kaiserredux, so...personally, when I hear the word TECHNOCRACY, my mind flies immediately to the STEM side of human knowledge and to the first and second sector of a country's economy

My question is, does technocracy and technocrats see also humanists as part of a technocratic government? If so, all of the humanist branches (art, sociology ecc...) or just some of them?

Hello! As the title suggests, I'd like to play as syndicalist Wallonia, but I don't know how to do it. The closest i got is to turn wallonia into a republic and make the POB (labor party) win the elections. In theory, you can end up syndicalist via elections but, in my gameplay when it's time to chose a leader for the POB, the only option is the social democrat candidate, making it impossible to follow through the democratic syndicalist path

Clickbait title aside, I assume that most people in here are on the "socialism can be achieved only internationally" wing of internationalalism, so that brings me to my question

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If [insert whatever country] had a revolution tomorrow (or a ballot? Idk, I'm just saying it so demsocs can participate) and it was the only country where the revolution won, would you still try to push for the most radical views you have to bring forth socialism, or would you take a step back since you'd be the only socialis country around? Would you be willing to collaborate with China, Cuba etc..

This was something that i had in mind for a while so i wanna hear y'all thoughts about it. Since the protagonist of the story is someone we can't make references to, i'm gonna call him STREAMER

As i was making my last post here on the sub (i cant link it for idk what reason sorry) i was thinking on how STREAMER is, at this point, a ""reactionary"" figure inside of anglophone breadtube. When i say reactionary, i dont mean straigh up nazi, just "an obstacle in progess"

To understand this, let us imagine as an avarage breadtuber who just gets started. If one of our videos end up on the STREAMER stream, we'd get a nice boost to our channel but the thing is that the STREAMER, doesn't potray everyone on the left the same way. He repetedly attacked (strawmanning is a better way to call it) positions made from anarchists, libsoc and non-tankie marxists and his political position is something i call moderate ML where he is defenetly more progressive than the historical MLs, but still sees the USSR as the model to follow. The only left wing content that he shows is either other creators that fall into the moderate ML camp or democratic socialists (another Lassalle W). As youtube creators, at this point we either keep our own ideas even toh we'll see lesser views etc... or we start to become moderate MLs too knowing fully well that we can't really disagree a lot with the STREAMER or he'll drop us from his roster of content creators he shows on his streams

No wonder we ended up with "marxists" online (tiktok i'm looking at you) that will say and propegate ideas that Marx himself attacked and opposed back in the 1800s. The (english) Left can't really grow cause of the cage it has cast itself in. This also backfires outside the english speaking world since other content creators just take these talking points and repeat them but in their original language

Before we finish, i don't think that the STREAMER has a discord server with every breadtuber who past 1k followers where he pushes them to become MLs or they get killed or something, i just wanted to see if anybody else noticed this thing too. I also don't believe that this post will change much. The only ones that can save us are leftcoms, ancoms and ultras that bully Lassalians on tiktok

Club degli Amici dell’Umanità
The CAU was a surprise inside of the RSI political world. This Club was founded by Anna Maria Mozzoni, historical feminist activist in the Italian Peninsula, who had to give the leadership position to Ersilia Bronzini due to her old age. While it is true that the CAU is the only Club in the RSI with a majority female membership rate and that it has feminism as one of its core ideas, the Club wasn’t born just as a tool of women’s emancipation, but its main mission is to bring emancipation to all of humanity: not only industrial workers or only agricultural workers, but the whole of humanity. Their humanitarian founding paper sees the Club fight for the emancipation of those who were historically left behind by society such as kids, women, queer people, immigrants, ethnic and linguistic minorities, disabled people, older people etc…This is why the Club doesn’t really have any inside faction since all of these different emancipatory movements fight for the same end goal. “No one is free till everyone is free!”. This is their motto, found on their banners and over the doors of their headquarters in Turin. After the establishment and consolidation of the UEC (and RSI), the CAU was the main Club to sponsor and help political immigrants who found home in the new socialist society after being expelled by their countries due to their socialist political affiliations. This network of international aid brought the CAU to incorporate the Ligo De La Homaro Unuo, an esperanto Club that successfully pushed for the use of esperanto as international language inside the UEC

Chairwoman of the CAU: Ersilia Bronzini
Vice-Chairman of the CAU: Aldo Mieli
Chairperson for the youth wing: Maria Montessori
Chairwoman for the women wing: Gabriella Rasponi Spalletti
Editor of the La Giustizia: Luigi Bassi 
Club Accountant: Emilio Zannerini

P.1 Art Movements For a Socialist World

P.2 Cultural Movements for a Socialist World

P.3 Map of the EUC

P.4.1 Part 4.1 of Summer Revolution: The Club system and the RSI Clubs

P.4.2 Club Socialista Marxista

P.4.3 Club dei Lavoratori della Terra

P.4.4 Nuova Unione Sindacale Italiana

P.4.5 Nuova Alleanza dei Socialisti Libertari

P.4.6 Club Mazziniano & CEP

P.4.7 FMI & CLI

Federazione Mutualista Italiana
Proudhon lives!! As we already saw, the ideas of the father of anarchism, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, found fertile ground all over the UEC. In Italy, the new mutualists can be found in the NASL, some in the CB and then here, in the FMI. The FMI welcomes all artisans, small business owners, small landowners and everyone who embraces the ideas of the French philosopher. The FMI, while being influenced by anarchist thought, aren’t themselves anarchists but “mutualist republicans” as they refer to themselves. Their ideas don’t really touch the government since they’re more preoccupied with the economical reality of the SRI. Their more radical idea comes from their vision of a new monetary reality: While the UEC should have one unitary currency controlled by a central popular bank, inside the territories, multiple currencies should be able to compete with one another so to facilitate local exchange and productivity 

Chairman of the FMI: Angelo Crespi
Vice-Chairman of the FMI: Meuccio Ruini
Chairperson for the youth wing: Ernesto Rossi
Chairwoman for the women wing: Ernestina Paper
Editor of the L’Unità: Giuseppe Prezzolini
Club Accountant: Luigi Gasparotto
Head for the Club-Union's relations: Gaetano Salvemini  

Club del Lavoratore Italiano
Way before the Summer Revolution, social patriotism was founded inside the working class movement, even inside the same socialist parties where internationalism was seen as one of the core beliefs of these parties. With the explosion of the Summer Revolution and its international reach, this Club is seen as a dead man walking. With a very small influence inside the RSI society, the CLI was funded by social patriots that wanted to create a self-reliant and independent RSI. Unfortunately for the Club, this core belief was fastly forgotten by its members since many of the members are just citizens of cities and towns near the border with the capitalist countries and so they want their preoccupations and fears to be heard by the National Assembly. The Club, born the 28 of November 1913, by May of the following year would completely disappear and close its doors

Chairman of the CLI: Enrico Corradini
Vice-Chairman of the CLI: Sergio Panunzio
Chairperson for the youth wing: Dino Grandi
Chairwoman for the women wing: Elisa Majer Rizzioli
Editor of the Il Popolano: Augusto Turati
Club Accountant: Nicola Sansanelli
Head for the Club-Union's relations: Gino Baroncini

P.1 Art Movements For a Socialist World

P.2 Cultural Movements for a Socialist World

P.3 Map of the EUC

P.4.1 Part 4.1 of Summer Revolution: The Club system and the RSI Clubs

P.4.2 Club Socialista Marxista

P.4.3 Club dei Lavoratori della Terra

P.4.4 Nuova Unione Sindacale Italiana

P.4.5 Nuova Alleanza dei Socialisti Libertari

P.4.6 Club Mazziniano & CEP

Club Mazziniano
Despite the fact that the PRI wasn’t a socialist party, they too took part in the revolutionary struggle in hopes that they could take control after the monarchy was abolished so as to establish the federal Italian state Mazzini wanted to see. Unfortunately for them, the revolution not only was waving the red and black banners, but it also made it so that they could never take control of the mass movement the way they wanted to. Now that the revolution ended, they too had to become a Club to have some numbers inside the National Assembly. Of all the Clubs, theirs is the only one that wants to restore both the parliament and capitalism via the establishment of a mixed economy. Inside the Club the only dissident “faction” is one called Gli Arditi di Pisacane: taking their name from Carlo Pisacane, they’re the only socialist faction inside the Club, pushing for a mutualist economy based on Proudhon’s teachings. The Club Mazziniano, even though openly not being socialist, get their political influence due to their participation inside the revolution. To be called a “Mazziniano” is a positive attribute that describes a revolutionary and true to their ideas person

Chairman of the CB: Pietro Nenni
Vice-Chairman of the CB: Giovanni Conti
Chairperson for the youth wing: Italo Balbo
Chairwoman for the women wing: Carmela Emiliani
Editor of the L’Iniziativa: Ubaldo Comadini
Club Accountant: Egidio Reale
Head for the Club-Union's relations: Carlo Rosselli

Club per l’Emancipazione del Proletariato
With the expulsion from the PSI at the beginning of the Summer Revolution, many reformist socialists found themselves in a strange position: if they oppose the revolution but this one fails, the reactionary forces will crush them anyway, if the revolutions succeeded, they’d be crushed by the revolutionary left once it took power. With this in mind the reformist wing of the PSI decided to not oppose but also not endorse the revolution and to wait out to see what they’d do. At the end, the revolution succeeded and so too the reformists had no choice but to try to play the political game of this new society. But now that Socialism was here, what would they do? Their whole thing was to achieve Socialism peacefully, one reform after the other. The reformists needed to be born again, with new ideas and goals: yes, Socialism arrived, but much of the proletariat and the peasants are still illiterate even in their adulthood! How can they successfully defend and make this new society prosper without the proper help? The CEP pushes for a centralized state that can move the economy towards the creation and distribution of wealth. This job would be initially done by experts such as former politicians and policy makers and professors and scientists who married the cause of the proletariat. While experts would move the RSI towards greater wealth, the state, following Ferdinand Lassalle theories, would promote worker’s coops so that the proletariat could learn to emancipate themselves. Initially the fame and reputation of the Club’s founders made it so that the CEP could be seen as a small, but decently strong political reality inside the RSI. With every year passing though, the Club would lose members and with every election, whether it was at a local, regional or national level, the numbers of delegates who were card carrying Club members would decline. The Club will see in 1919 a rebranding due to their new Club members constituents 

Chairman of the CEP: Filippo Turati
Vice-Chairman of the CEP: Ivanoe Bonomi
Chairperson for the youth wing: Enrico Molè
Chairwoman for the women wing: Anna Kuliscioff
Editor of the L’Associazione Socialista: Guido Podrecca
Club Accountant: Carlo Bassano
Head for the Club-Unions relations: Ludovico D’Aragona

P.1 Art Movements For a Socialist World

P.2 Cultural Movements for a Socialist World

P.3 Map of the EUC

P.4.1 Part 4.1 of Summer Revolution: The Club system and the RSI Clubs

P.4.2 Club Socialista Marxista

P.4.3 Club dei Lavoratori della Terra

P.4.4 Nuova Unione Sindacale Italiana

P.4.5 Nuova Alleanza dei Socialisti Libertari

Nuova Alleanza dei Socialisti Libertari
Of course with the spreading of the revolution from the Helvetic mountains to the Italian peninsula, the anarchists were some of the first to build up the barricades and rally the population into revolt. Following Malatesta’s ideas, anarchists allied with the PSI, the PRI and other authoritarian revolutionary movements. Anarchists managed to take control of many towns, factories and farms and so their influence was very present when the revolution ended but that's when their influence started to lay down. With the proclamation of the first National Assembly, the anarchists went through a split between those that refused to participate in this new “proletarian” government and those that decided to chip in, the latter ones created the Nuova Alleanza dei Socialisti Libertari, shortened as NASL, a federated club present throughout the SRI. The NASL members decided to join the National Assembly so as to protect the victories that anarchists gained during the revolution such as liberated factories and the many town communes. Another reason behind this decision was also the fact that many anarchists saw this new form of government as something different from the previous nation-state governing bodies and so it could be used to push society to move towards anarchism. Differently from the other Clubs, all of the inner bodies of the NASL (Chairman, Vice-Chairman etc…) are substituted with a council of delegates. The only body who still has a vertical structure is the NASL official magazine L’Avvenire Anarchico. The NASL are commonly known both by non-government participant anarchists and by other non anarchists realities as “right-wing anarchists”

• The Syndicalists: The influence of the unions in the revolution was felt by every pre-revolutionary political bodies and so it’s normal that, inside the NASL, the Anarcho-Syndicalists have a great influence even though they lost some political strength since some of them moved to the NUSI while others remained in the NASL. These two factions may be divided by Club affiliation, but their relation is one of mutual support and mutual policy goals. Inside the NASL, the Syndicalists found out their allies in the Collectivists. Like the Collectivists, the Syndicalists believe that money should be done away and substituted with labour vouchers, making them at odds with the Communists and the Mutualists. Another difference is of course the role of the unions: for the Syndicalists, the unions are the bodies that will bare the grunt of moving towards Communism, while the Collectivists, while still supporting the unions, see other bodies (popular assemblies, mutual aid clubs etc…) sharing the same importance and end goal of the unions
• The Collectivists: With their many similarities with the Syndicalists and their historical influence inside the Labour Movement, the Collectivists (jokingly referred as the Bakuninites) gained a lot of influence inside the RSI also because they managed to bring to life inside of anarchist communes all the strategic praxis the Collectivists of the 1st Internationale were fighting for. Funnily enough, many of the points and ideas proposed by the Collectivists are the same ones as the ones brought on by the Libertarian Marxists. The only difference between the these two camps, other than the usual ideological squabble, is the fact that the Collectivists wants to see the end of the SRI state as soon as possible while the Libertarian Marxists argue that this may take a while to realize 
• The Communists: Probably the most radical of the NASL factions, the Communists not only want to see the immediate end of the new SRI state, but they also want to bring communism as soon as they can. Following the theories of the Russian Peter Kropotkin (now living in the capital of the Switzerland Social Federation), they argue that all the necessary machinery, technology and science for the achievement of communism was already present and that to deny this reality, was unscientific if not straight up reactionary. While some anarchists communes are sustaining themselves in what could be already called communism, many right-wing anarchists prefer to stick with the Syndicalist and Collectivist praxis since they believe that the newly freed society could bring so much more in terms of discoveries and technology and that jumping immediately into communism right now, would bring the end of this new socialist reality
• The Mutualists: With the Social Revolution creating the new society, many artisans and small landowners discovered the teachings of the father of anarchism Pierre-Joseph Proudhon. This discovery was not only made by anarchists; as we will see Proudhon’s influence can be found in other Clubs too. The NASL Mutualists see themselves as the real followers of Proudhon since they’re the only ones that want to see the end of the State. The Mutualists are the only ones inside the National assembly to push the idea for a variety of currencies to  freely compete inside the RSI and the UEC

Chairman of the NASL: Collective Administration
Vice-Chairman of the NASL: Collective Administration
Chairperson for the youth wing: Collective Administration
Chairwoman for the women wing: Collective Administration
Editor of the L’Avvenire Anarchico: Luigi Fabbri
Club Accountant: Collective Administration

Head for the Club-Union's relations: Collective Administration

P.1 Art Movements For a Socialist World

P.2 Cultural Movements for a Socialist World

P.3 Map of the EUC

P.4.1 Part 4.1 of Summer Revolution: The Club system and the RSI Clubs

P.4.2 Club Socialista Marxista

P.4.3 Club dei Lavoratori della Terra

P.4.4 Nuova Unione Sindacale Italiana

Nuova Unione Sindacale Italiana
During the revolution, the USI (Unione Sindacale Italiana) was at the forefront of the uprising, probably second only to the PSI. On the 18th September 1912, only after a couple months from the start of the revolution, the USI, FIOM, CGdL, SFI and other minor unions, decided to merge and create one big union so as to better organize the workers and the insurrection. From this union the Nuova Unione Sindacale Italiana, the NUSI, was born

• Revolutionary Syndacalists: The goal of this camp has, in many ways, already been achieved; through the strength of the unions and the general strike, the revolution has won, the old bourgeois order has been dismantled and now the workers are the masters of their fate. What needs to be done is the question that runs through the halls of the union’s headquarters. There may be many different ideas on how to build socialism but one thing is sure: the economy needs to be unionized. Many cities and towns not only in Italy but also in France already see their economy in the hands of unions. The goal is to bring the whole economy under the unions control so that the workers may finally have a say in their workplaces, whether through the state or through good old fashioned rank and file propaganda in the workplaces. Some revolutionary workers fall into the Marxist camp and strive for Communism while others are not and for them the birth of a Republic made of Unions is the end goal itself. One thing is sure though: despite the difference, Sorel’s myth is now a ghost of the past, and a new myth must arise, the myth of the union worker!
• Anarcho-Syndacalists: This camp has great strength inside of the NUSI. While their goals are the same as those of the NASL (also known as right-wing anarchists), these anarchists decided to stay inside the NUSI so as to move it toward anarchists end goals and to defend the many anarchists unions and communes that spread throughout the RSI. The declaration of Free Catalonia and their anarcho-syndicalist economic system is the reality these Italian anarchists want to bring to the RSI. Due to their connection to their Catalonian comrades,not only the more right wing and nationalistic elements inside the RSI, but also some Marxists and fellow Syndicalists see them with suspect in some cases even calling them double-agents working and being more loyal to the Catalans than the Italians
• Market Syndicalists: With the end of Capitalism, finally the markets are free from the boss men and fat cats of old. The Market Syndicalists, while still wanting to see the whole economy under union control, believe that not only different factories and farms should compete in the market, but also the unions. The same way that the customers have the power to make or break this or that factory, the worker also has this power when it comes to deciding which union to join. Unions should compete in this new market to push one another through competition to give better conditions and advantages to the workers. The Market Syndicalists aren’t fully against the state as they see it as an arbiter whose job consists of regulating the market by fighting against union made monopolies. All the welfare services that once were in the hand of the state, would transfer under the unions who would offer them for free as they are paid with the profit made by the union owned businesses  
• The Common Man Syndicalists: As the unions went from being just a bargaining tool for the working class to a legitimate economic and political force, many non-factory workers decided to get together so as to have their interests represented in the new Socialist society. This camp of the NUSI is made up of white collar workers, doctors, teachers, small business owners and artisans. While many are not sold on the idea of the unions owning their businesses, many accept this new arrangement since they can see it can benefit them and can help them not being alienated inside this new socialist society
• Agrarian Syndicalists: Even though the CLT is very well rooted in the RSI countryside, in some cases some farms entered in contact with the NUSI before the Federterra. This brought farms and countryside towns to join the NUSI. While not being an influential faction of the NUSI, their collaboration with the syndicalists made it so that exchange between the syndacalist towns and syndicalist farms are based on barter where the farms give food and animal based products in exchange of tractors, fertilizer and other factory made products
• National Syndacalists: While the movement was taking steam before the revolution, the international nature of the Summer Revolution put an end to the movement even before it gained real influence. Still, as the first National Assembly of the RSI came to be, inside the NUSI, National Syndicalists were present even though their number was around the hundreds against the 1.5 million of the NUSI. With the passing of time, the National Syndicalists would entirely disappear from the NUSI and it would be seen as an old men's movement by the majority of the population. The last theoretical flight of the National Syndicalists was the acceptance of internationalism in their own terms: the Summer Revolution was the son of Prussian steel rationalism, the French revolutionary spirit, the democratic spirit of the Swiss mountains and the romanticism of Italian culture. This weird form of internationalism was used to rally against the backwards Austrians, Slavs and Russians and the Capitalistic Monsters of the West (USA and UK)

Chairman of the NUSI: Alceste De Ambris
Vice-Chairman of the NUSI: Arturo Labriola
Chairperson for the youth wing: Palmiro Togliatti
Chairwoman for the women wing: Virgilia D’Andrea
Editor of the Guerra di Classe: Armando Borghi
Club Accountant: Ottavio Dinale 

P.1 Art Movements For a Socialist World

P.2 Cultural Movements for a Socialist World

P.3 Map of the EUC

P.4.1 Part 4.1 of Summer Revolution: The Club system and the RSI Clubs

P.4.2 Club Socialista Marxista

P.4.3 Club dei Lavoratori della Terra

Club dei Lavoratori della Terra
As the revolution spread from the cities to the countryside, Federterra, an agrarian union born in 1901, found itself forced to side with the revolution and so decided to create a short-lived political party to better organize the countryside workers: the Partito dei Lavoratori della Terra (Workers of the Land Party). Other than representing the interests of farmers and former peasants, the Club also seeks to bring representation to small rural towns on the territory. As the revolution came to an end, the party transformed into a Club like many other Clubs at the time. Let’s see what factions and ideas find home in this CLT

• I Fasci Italiani: The main faction of the Club, takes the name from the Fasci Siciliani, a movement of both urban and rural workers born in Sicily in the 1880s. I Fasci, also known as The Center, fights for the recognition of small farmers and former peasants. During the revolution, many renters and agricultural wage labourers took direct control of the land they used to work on. The Center seeks to combat against the nationalization of the land promoted by the CSM and the CEP instead pushing for the spreading and the subsidization by the RSI of agricultural unions and cooperatives and the redistribution of large estates formerly owned by nobility and landlords. The Center, and CLT at large, views the State with suspicion and so push for a more decentralized government focused more on local issues
• Le Mondine: This faction of the Club is the second strongest faction and it’s completely made up of women since many times, peasant women were the ones to ignite the revolution in rural towns. Their economical and political positions align with those of the Center and so their focus is centered around female led issues such as the establishment of welfare for widows and mothers, the promotion and empowerment of women in the workplaces and even abortion rights. While picturing themselves as a beacon for all women, especially the rural ones, their name comes from the mondine, seasonal rice paddy female workers, who were very active during the revolution. Their influence inside the Club is also thanks to the fact that the chair(wo?)man is a woman, making the CLT one of the two clubs with a woman wich such position
• The Municipalists: The Municipalist faction is usually made up by former mayors from small rural towns but also sees farmers and rural workers. This faction believes that the redistribution of the land would be best if the farms and fields were given in the hands of the municipalities finding themselves in the center between the State monopoly and the direct farmers control over the land 
• The Progressives: This faction is composed of people of science and culture such as doctors, lawyers and teachers, that practice their job in small rural towns. This faction looks at all the progress found in the big urban cities and wants to bring these innovations to countryside and mountain towns. These men of science wish to see their places of residence lit by electric light, connected with the outside through phones, paved roads and train stations and to see their school were many of them work bring education even to the adults who were forced to work instead of attending school
• The Traditionalists: As the name suggests, this faction is mainly concerned with the social and patriarchal status quo that still lives in the majority of rural towns. They don’t see the Mondine well and are skeptical of big cities and their offspring. All of the members are what could be seen as old patriarchs of their villages, engaging in one last fight before disappearing in the history books

Chairman of the CLT: Argentina Altobelli
Vice-Chairman of the CLT: Nino Mazzoni
Chairperson for the youth wing: Giuseppe Donati
Chairwoman for the women wing: Adelaide Coari
Editor of the Giornale di Agricoltura: Emilio Morandi
Club Accountant: Fausto Gullo 
Head for the Club-Union's relations: Carlo Vezzani

P.1 Art Movements For a Socialist World

P.2 Cultural Movements for a Socialist World

P.3 Map of the EUC

P.4.1 Part 4.1 of Summer Revolution: The Club system and the RSI Clubs

P.4.2 Club Socialista Marxista

Club Socialista Marxista
The Marxist Socialist Club (or CSM) is the heir of the pre-revolution PSI and it holds the majority of the seats in the National Assembly due to the PSI being at the forefront of the revolution. The PSI became a Club the 11th November 1913 and, as the name suggests, it acts as the meeting place of all revolutionary marxists inside of the RSI . Let’s now see the various factions inside the Club:

• The Revolutionary Center: This is the most influential faction of the club. With the start of the revolution, the reformists inside the party were given a choice: either being expelled or getting behind the revolutionary wave. The expulsion of a big part of the reformists plus the revolutionary wave taking over the Italian proletariat saw the radical left of the PSI become the leading force of the party. Now that the revolution is over, the Revolutionary Center policies for the Italian Commune follow the Marxist line brought on by the Marxist forces of the UEC for the establishment of a true and international dictatorship of the proletariat. These policies initially were taken directly from Marx and Engel’s Communist Manifesto (such as application of all rents of land to public purposes, heavy progressive or graduated income tax, abolition of all rights of inheritance etc…) but with time some of them (such as the transferring all rent to the state) changed due to the influence of the CLT and the NUSI and some delegates internal to the CSM closer to the agrarian proletariat and the syndicalists. Nationalization of major industries is the immediate goal of the Center, in line with the various Marxists Clubs of the UEC. While nationalization exists in capitalist countries as well, the main difference is that the Marxist nationalization sees the workers manage their workplaces directly while still following and pushing to reach quotas decided by the National Assembly. This is why this economic model is called the “democratic nationalized industry” model. Monetary speaking, since the new social order is seen as the very first stage of the dictatorship of the proletariat, the Center pushes to create a new currency shared by all of the UEC so to strengthen the European economy and preparing it to move towards Lower Phase Communism once the time is ready .Still, the Revolutionary Center sees these changes as only a temporary backtrack and so still stay on course and keep propagating their ideas especially thanks to the stronghold they have on the official CSM magazine Avanti!

• The Right Marxists: This is probably the least influential faction of the Club and its numbers are very slim, with probably only a couple hundred of members of the CSM. In theory, this faction doesn’t really disagree with the Marxist Center; the only major points of disagreement are the agrarian question, usually siding with the peasants and against the nationalization of the land, and how the new government should work, wanting to see the National Assembly formed by delegates directly elected by all the citizens, and a new Assembly, made up only by the Clubs. This new Assembly would have the direct function to write and decide for policies while the National Assembly would be there just to confirm them or not. This last point is something that the Right Marxists have in common with the CEP (the old reformists) and the left wing of the Club Mazzini (the old PRI) even though the latter two want to bring back the pre revolution political parties. Usually members of this faction see their articles published by Avanti! but they find more fortune in local non affiliated journals or the magazines of the more right wing Clubs

• Syndicalist Marxists: The syndicalist faction is the second strongest faction inside the Club. This power comes from the alliance that was formed during the revolution between the PSI and various Syndicalist figures and organizations. With the victory of the revolution, in many cities all of the means of productions were in the hand of Syndicalist unions and organization giving the NUSI and this faction much of their influence inside the of the RSI. While still agreeing with the program proposed by the Center, the Syndicalist Marxists find themselves against the nationalization of big industries and in favour of their “unionization”. They also find the concept of “unionization” a great card for the resolution of the agrarian question

• The Libertarian Marxists: This is the left wing of the Club. Third in place for influence inside the Club, this faction is made up of former anarchists turned marxists, unorthodox marxists and PSI members that closely worked with anarchists during the revolution. The thing that mainly sets them apart from the other two factions, is their sympathy for the various anarchist communes present inside the UEC. These Marxists see these communes as communism realized and so they want to move the UEC towards the classless, moneyless, stateless Marx wrote about. While the goal is the same as the anarchists, Libertarian Marxists believe that communism can’t’ be achieved already and so they propose policies that see the decentralization of power (economical and political) so to speed up the “withering away of the state” and “the free association of the producers”. The latter position also explains how the Libertarian Marxists give more attention to the new organizational bodies born during the revolution such as factory councils, neighborhood and town assemblies, mutual aid networks etc… Another point of divergence from the Center is that while the Center pushes for the establishment of a singular currency in the UEC, the Libertarians push for the use of Labour time vouchers since they see the new social order already as the Lower Phase of Communism. The Libertarians also push for the de-comodification of basic needs such as food, shelter, water, clothing. In 1921, most of the Libertarians will leave the Club and join the Futurists in their own Club

• The Jacobins: Influenced by the First French Revolution, the Jacobins, also present in other Clubs and political affiliations, want to exacerbate the tensions between the UEC and the capitalists countries so as to wage a liberation war and bring socialism to these countries. With the passing of time the Jacobin movement gains a life of its own creating a Club of their own in 1915 that acts like a big tent Club open to everyone who wants to use war to “liberate the proletarians of world”

• The Futurists: Another cross Club movement, this faction is mainly composed of artists and it acts as the artistic and propagandistic arm of the Club. Many of their artworks can be seen in Avanti! and other publications. With their glorification of industry and progress, they support policies that favour the urban proletarian and the industrialization of the SRI. Going onwards, the Futurists, with the Libertarians, will create their own Club in 1921 pushing for radical ideas (abolition of marriage, abolition of prisons, anti-clericalism) and bringing them closer to the NASL and the CAU

 

Chairman of the CSM: Antonio Graziadei
Vice-Chairman of the CSM: Francesco Misiano
Chairperson for the youth wing: Antonio Gramsci
Chairwoman for the women wing: Angelica Balabanoff
Editor of the Avanti!: Giovanni Bacci
Club Accountant: Giacinto Menotti Serrati
Head for the Club-Union's relations: Bruno Buozzi

P.1 Art Movements For a Socialist World

P.2 Cultural Movements for a Socialist World

P.3 Map of the EUC

P.4.1 Part 4.1 of Summer Revolution: The Club system and the RSI Clubs

With the victory of the Summer Revolution, the newly born UEC (United European Communes) had to focus their attention not only to the transformation and establishment of Socialism but also had to find a way to create a new political system adapted for the newly born Socialist reality. After long debates that took place between the various rebelling factions, the Paris Commune was seen as the overall model to take inspiration from. The biggest changes in the new socialist electoral system were:

• Universal suffrage for everyone living inside the UEC without distinction of sex, race, religion, ethnicity and occupation. Minimum age for voting was brought down to 20 years old throughout the UEC
• Abolition of political parties and politicians. From a system based on representation, one based on delegation was set up where everyone who’s 20 or older can run to be elected to the local political, national and international bodies. Those voted in can’t take any decisions, they can only represent the will of the constituents that voted them in and can be recalled by the voters if the constituent feels like the delegate swayed away from their desires 
• The delegate position (throughout all the levels) only lasts for a period of 5 years. After that, the ex-delegate can be re-elected in a position of delegation only after 10 years of “civilian” life

Even though this new political system saw the end of political parties as we still see in liberal democracies around the world, in reality many of them didn’t die out but evolved in something new. Looking back at the legacy of the First French Revolution, political parties transformed into Clubs. 
But how does a Club work? After the end of the political parties, Clubs were born as ideological and political bodies for the new society. The Clubs are structured in a “pyramidal” way with the headquarters usually found in the Capitol of the National Commune (Paris, Berlin, etc…) and then with subsidiaries scattered all over the territory. Even though the only thing needed to found a subsidiary is for the founder of the local section to be part of the Club, usually a subsidiary is established after a minimum of 3 members are present in a town/village.
The Clubs are seen as a highly democratic body by those that participate in it and reflect the voting system of the UEC. The base votes a delegate that represents them at the provincial level. There the delegates vote for someone to represent them at the regional level, then regional level does the same for the national level. The majority of the Clubs also elect a president and a vice-president which jobs are to represent the Clubs on international levels, elect the chief editor of the Club magazine, the chairperson for the youth wing and women wing of the Club, the accountant for the Club and the head for the Club-Unions relations
Everyone who reached adulthood (20 years old) can become a member of a Club regardless of sex, race, ethnicity and religion.
Almost all Clubs started and follow a founding paper written when the Club was formed where the ideological framework of the Club is set to stone.
On paper, ideological questions can be brought on, discussed and settled by every level of the Club. This doesn't happen very frequently and the ideological and policy lines are decided beforehand by the delegates in the headquarters and then get to be voted on by the single members.

Even though it is not required, the majority of the UEC citizens that decide to run as delegates, are part of a Club. After the Revolution, many new Clubs were born to represent particular interests (ex. peasantry, artists etc…) or to represent political positions that didn’t participate in political life under the previous liberal democracies (ex. right wing anarchists). 
To better understand this point, we will take a look at the first national assembly of the Italian Socialist Republic (from now on we will use the name RSI to refer to it) and we will analyze their Clubs, the differences between them and the various tendencies that a Club can hold inside itself.
The RSI national assembly is made up of 340 delegates, 10 from every province inside its territory. The First RSI National Assembly took place the 15th of January 1914 and the represented Clubs and associations were:

• Club Socialista Marxista (Marxist Socialist Club): heir of the defunct PSI (Socialist Party of Italy) with 78 seats
• Club dei Lavoratori della Terra (Club of the Italian Agricultural Proletariat) with 59 seats
• Nuova Unione Sindacale Italiana (New Italian Syndacalist Union) with 57 seats
• Nuova Alleanza dei Socialisti Libertari (New Libertarian Socialist Alliance) with 37 seats
• Club Mazziniano with 34 seats
• Club per l’Emancipazione del Proletariato (Club for the Emancipation of the Proletariat) with 29 seats
• Federazione Mutualista Italiana (Italian Mutualist Federation) with 16 seats
• Various non aligned or minor Clubs in total occupying 15 seats
• Club del Lavoratore Italiano (Italian Worker’s Club) with 9 seats
• Club degli Amici dell’Umanità (Friends of Humanity’s Club) with 6 seats

In the next instalment we will start to focus on the different Clubs, starting with the CSM and it's inner factions

P.1 Art Movements For a Socialist World

P.2 Cultural Movements for a Socialist World

P.3 Map of the EUC

P.S. Hello! I'm well aware that there will be a lot of grammatical inconsistencies, so please close an eye. Thank you!