Voi ragazze preferite l'approccio dal vivo o via chat?
Mi rivolgo a voi ragazze, vi chiedo: preferite essere approcciate dal vivo - in modo educato e rispettoso ovviamente - o preferite direttamente l'approccio online (datings apps, instagram ecc.)?
Mi rivolgo a voi ragazze, vi chiedo: preferite essere approcciate dal vivo - in modo educato e rispettoso ovviamente - o preferite direttamente l'approccio online (datings apps, instagram ecc.)?
Recentemente ho letto la notizia che un comune Veneto aveva un solo agente di PL, questo successivamente ha dato le dimissioni ed è toccato al Sindaco occuparsi di fare le funzioni di agente di Polizia Locale.
La cosa assurda è proprio nel titolo, com'è possibile che esistano comuni con 1 solo agente che deve occuparsi di fare tutto e comuni con comandi strutturati come Milano ove la PL è quasi una seconda questura?
Prima di parlare di qualsiasi riforma della PL a mio avviso si dovrebbe rivedere il minimo di abitanti in cui debbano essere esercitate le funzioni della locale, altrimenti non cambierà mai nulla.
The night raid by the Carabinieri's GIS (Special Intervention Group) in Vigevano marks the operational climax of an investigation into a brutal turf war between North African narcos vying for the monopoly over drug trafficking hubs in Lombardy. The backstory dates back to June 21, 2026, outside the Aquamore swimming pools in Seriate (Bergamo), where a masked hit squad unleashed absolute chaos in broad daylight in front of families and children. The gunmen fired at least eight rounds—including five bursts from an AK-47 Kalashnikov assault rifle and three shots from a Skorpion submachine gun—in an attempt to assassinate a rival compatriot, who miraculously survived the ambush. The two hitmen responsible for the raid, Moroccan nationals in their thirties accused of attempted murder and illegal possession of military-grade weapons, were eventually tracked down by the Bergamo Carabinieri to a safehouse apartment on Corso Milano in Vigevano. Given the extreme danger posed by the fugitives and the well-founded fear that they could be hoarding a heavy arsenal and might return fire in the middle of an urban area, the Carabinieri high command deployed the elite GIS tactical unit. On the night between August 29 and 30, 2026, after cordoning off the entire perimeter with the support of the Bergamo Compagnia and anti-riot units, the special forces launched the assault at midnight. Utilizing the disorienting effect of two flashbang grenades and tear gas, they neutralized the two suspects before they could react. The investigation did not stop at the Vigevano blitz: in the days immediately following, investigators arrested two more accomplices in their twenties belonging to the same logistical network in the Milan area. This led to the discovery of a massive, military-grade arsenal hidden in the woods, consisting of five Kalashnikovs and heavy tripod-mounted machine guns ready for action, confirming the paramilitary escalation and sheer ruthlessness of this North African drug trafficking organization.
An ambush in the heart of the mountains as he was returning from a plot of land he owned, followed by four shots from a buckshot shotgun. This is how 68-year-old boss Raffaele Afeltra was killed around 7 PM on Sunday. Having been released from prison three years ago, he was considered for a very long time to be at the top of the Afeltra-Di Martino clan of Pimonte, despite being detained for over twenty years.
A hitman waited for him among the dense vegetation along the dirt road leading toward the former state highway to Agerola and opened fire from close range, targeting only the passenger side of the green Fiat Panda driven by a 35-year-old, who witnessed the ambush and remained unhurt.
The man, who is Afeltra's son-in-law, was questioned as a person with knowledge of the facts throughout the night by the carabinieri of the Castellammare di Stabia company and the investigative unit of the Torre Annunziata Group, who are investigating the Camorra murder that has shaken the Lattari Mountains area.
This is a high-profile murder that could also reshape certain power dynamics within the local Camorra, which is characterized by very close family ties and known for brutal acts like yesterday's.
In recent months, two of Afeltra's nephews ended up in prison, accused of murdering their best friend, Carmine Zurlo, and making his body disappear. It was a "lupara bianca" (a mafia-style murder with a hidden corpse) carried out a few winding kilometers further down, also in rugged terrain among the woods of the Lattari Mountains.
Behind the Afeltra murder lies a long trail of blood, featuring (unsolved) killings over the past decade, all taking place between late August and early September, all using the same methods, and all linked to the management of the drug trade—ranging from illegal Indian hemp plantations to supplies of marijuana, hashish, and cocaine for the local drug markets.
The murder of Giuseppe Scorza, committed at dawn on August 28, 2026, in Lauropoli, updates a long chronology of bloodshed in the Sibari area. Since June 2018, there have been nine murder incidents with eleven victims, alongside two disappearances considered by investigators to be possible cases of "lupara bianca" (mafia-style hidden murders) and three failed attempts.
Not all of these incidents share the same level of judicial clarification. Trials have been held or preliminary investigations concluded for some, while others remain without definitively identified culprits.
The murder of Giuseppe Scorza in Lauropoli
The latest crime was committed at 5:38 AM on August 28, 2026, on a side street of Via Fiume in Lauropoli di Cassano allo Ionio. Giuseppe Scorza was struck by shots fired inside the office of a company engaged in cleaning and grounds maintenance.
The company's owner, Renato Elia, was also seriously wounded in the ambush, managing to reach a bar about forty meters away to ask for help.
Giuseppe Scorza was the son of Maurizio, who was murdered on April 4, 2022, along with his partner. This family connection is a relevant element for investigators, but it does not in itself prove the existence of a link between the two crimes.
The chronology from 2018 to 2026
June 6, 2018 – Villapiana Lido
Leonardo Portoraro is killed by an armed group using a Kalashnikov and a semi-automatic pistol. According to the investigative reconstruction, the hit was carried out by two perpetrators supported by a getaway driver.
December 2018 – Schiavonea
Pietro Longobucco disappears and is subsequently found dead in the waters of the port of Schiavonea. Examinations of the body reveal gunshot wounds. The discovery is documented by the news chronicles of the time, but initial identification depended on DNA testing. During the same period, Antonino Sanfilippo, indicated by the anti-mafia directorate (Dda) as a close associate of Longobucco, disappears. His van is recovered in the waters of the port, but no trace of the man is found. Investigators frame his fate under the hypothesis of "lupara bianca".
July 1, 2019 – Corigliano-Rossano
Cosimo Rosolino Sposato disappears after being last seen in the Cantinella area. His motorcycle is found properly parked. This disappearance is also viewed by investigators as a possible case of "lupara bianca", but the absence of the body makes it impossible to officially register it as a confirmed murder.
July 23, 2019 – Contrada Apollinara
Pietro Greco and Francesco Romano are killed in a double ambush in the urban area of Corigliano. The two victims were together when the firing squad went into action.
January 31, 2020 – Historic Center of Corigliano
Domenico Russo is wounded in an attack, but manages to survive. His name had been associated in investigative reconstructions with Pietro Longobucco.
June 3, 2020 – Contrada Caccianova
Francesco Elia is assassinated near his farm in the territory of Cassano allo Ionio. A Kalashnikov was also used to carry out the crime.
December 2, 2020 – Sibari
Giuseppe Gaetani is killed near his home. He was considered by investigators to be close to Leonardo Portoraro.
April 4, 2022 – Contrada Gammellone
Maurizio Scorza and his partner Hanene Hedhli are found dead inside a car in the countryside of Castrovillari. Both were killed with gunshots. For the double murder, Francesco Adduci was sentenced in the first instance to 21 years of imprisonment. The ruling is not final, and the appeal process is still pending.
May 3, 2022 – Schiavonea
Pasquale Aquino is assassinated with gunshots. The Dda investigations subsequently led to the exercise of criminal proceedings against individuals accused, in various capacities, of conspiring in the crime.
May 2, 2023 – Sibari
Antonella Lopardo is killed inside her home by shots fired using different weapons. The crime is included by investigators in the sequence of bloodshed that took place in the Sibari Plain.
December 23, 2023 – Sibari
Francesco Bloise escapes an assassination attempt while inside his car. The shots fired at him miss the target.
October 24, 2025 – Cassano allo Ionio
Domenico Forastefano, considered for years by investigators to be one of the main leaders of the 'Ndrangheta in the Sibari area, is wounded in the arm by gunshots in the countryside of Cassano allo Ionio.
August 28, 2026 – Lauropoli
Giuseppe Scorza is killed inside the office of a business on a side street of Via Fiume. Renato Elia is seriously wounded.
The balance of power between Abbruzzese and Forastefano
In previous investigations, the Catanzaro Dda had described a convergence of interests between the Abbruzzese and Forastefano groups, journalistically referred to as a "mafia pax". The agreement would have allowed the organizations to share business and territorial control while avoiding an open clash.
The most recent events raise questions about the stability of that balance, especially following the wounding of Domenico Forastefano.
Note: The Sibari area (La Sibaritide) is located in northern Calabria, southern Italy, within the Province of Cosenza. Stretching across approximately 1,500 square kilometers along the Ionian coast and inland plains, it has a population of around 100,000 residents, with key towns including Corigliano-Rossano, Cassano allo Ionio, and Castrovillari.
Born in Platì on April 18, 1945, and having passed away in Milan on August 26, 2026, at the age of 81, Domenico Papalia—universally known as "Micu"—represents one of the heaviest, darkest, and most representative figures in Italian criminal history, acting as the living emblem of how the 'Ndrangheta managed to colonize the economy and social fabric of Northern Italy. Hailing from the Aspromonte stronghold and the son of Giuseppe Papalia (known as 'u Carciutu) and Serafina Barbaro, Papalia moved very young alongside his brothers Antonio and Rocco to the Milanese hinterland, settling between Buccinasco and Corsico during the economic boom years and transforming the Lombardy periphery into an unassailable outpost of Calabrian organized crime. His criminal rise was built on iron-fisted territorial control, drug trafficking, extortion, and massive money laundering reinvested in the real estate and construction sectors. His monumental judicial parabola began with his arrest in 1977, marking the start of a nearly uninterrupted detention lasting 49 years, spent mostly under the harsh 41-bis prison regime. Despite decades of isolation, according to anti-mafia prosecutor findings, Papalia continued to exert his weight and authority over the clan's balances, being implicated and convicted over the years for serious bloodshed. Among these stands the murder of Umberto Mormile, the prison educator from Opera prison assassinated on April 11, 1990, and claimed by the "Armed Phalanx" acronym—a key crime that long intertwined organized crime dynamics with institutional cover-ups and secret service mysteries. On the judicial front, his history was also marked by complex events, such as the life sentence for the murder of Antonio D'Agostino, from which he was later sensationally acquitted in 2017 by the Perugia Court of Assize of Appeal with the formula "for not having committed the act," though he remained behind bars due to other heavy final convictions. His very long detention was interrupted on July 17, 2026, when the surveillance court ordered the deferral of his sentence, granting him house arrest in Corsico due to his desperate health conditions, compromised by a severe tumor aggravated by pneumonia and legionellosis. Rushed to the San Paolo Hospital in Milan the following month, Domenico Papalia passed away on August 26, 2026, at the age of 81, taking unconfessable secrets with him and closing the earthly parabola of one of the most relentless historical bosses that the mafioso separatism between Calabria and Lombardy has ever produced.
Milan – "Domenico Papalia, known as Micu, was an Italian mobster." If you search the boss's first and last name on Wikipedia, this is the opening sentence that summarizes his background in two words. Next to his place and date of birth (Platì, Reggio Calabria, April 18, 1945), his date of death has been added: August 26, 2026, in Milan. Domenico Papalia's existence is summed up in two words: "Italian mobster." He spent over half of his life in prison: 49 years of uninterrupted detention. Over 17,800 nights in a cell. The nights from last July 18 until August 17, the day he was admitted to the protected medical facility at the San Paolo hospital, were spent at a relative's home in Corsico.
Along the Naviglio. In a home situated between the bar owned by the Sergi family—another prominent ‘ndrangheta name transplanted to the metropolitan outskirts—and the anti-mafia desk set up by the Municipality and run by Don Massimo Mapelli's non-profit organization, which is dedicated to helping victims of usury, extortion, and related crimes. These were crimes in which the Papalia ‘ndrina specialized, along with kidnapping, drug trafficking, and murder. Domenico Papalia was in prison precisely on charges of having killed, and had others killed, members of rival clans and adversaries, backed by his undisputed stature as a boss and head of the ‘ndrina, as well as a temperament capable of ending internal feuds. Papalia's final nights were spent in a hospital bed, where he was admitted due to the worsening of the cancer that had weighed on his health for years. Along the street where "Micu" was serving his house arrest—granted in mid-light of July by the Bologna Surveillance Court due to his precarious health condition—yesterday morning, following the news of the boss's death, an unusual coming and going of cars, including large-displacement vehicles with Swiss license plates, filled the roadside parking lots.
Investigators who have never lowered their guard regarding Domenico Papalia expect visits from relatives from Australia, South America, and, precisely, Switzerland—countries where the 'ndrangheta has exported mobsters and planted its toxic roots. These are the same roots that took hold in the southwestern Milan area back in the 1980s, aided by a "very weak civil resistance," as stated in old investigative files on the Mafia in Northern Italy, bringing the clans' business from the gates of Reggio Calabria to those of Milan. In Buccinasco and the Corsico area, it was the Papalias and the Barbaros—closely intertwined by blood ties, money, and arranged marriages—who planted those roots. Domenico Papalia was the brother of Antonio, who is serving a life sentence, and Rocco, who was released from prison after more than 27 years of detention and, shortly after, another year and a half of a work-release program in Vasto, Abruzzo, which he had to serve due to associating with people with criminal records and threatening journalists.
Having returned to "his" Buccinasco, as the boss used to call it, Rocco recently decided to transfer his residence down to Platì. This is the town in the Aspromonte mountains that gave birth to the Papalia brothers and where, in all likelihood, the final farewell to Domenico will take place. In fact, a phone call from a relative reached the Sant'Adele parish in Corsico during the evening, announcing that the funeral will not be held around these parts and that the body will be taken to Calabria. This will happen only after the Prosecutor's Office grants clearance for the burial, upon reviewing the report that doctors from the San Paolo hospital will send over in the coming hours.
In any case, it seems we can rule out the approval of a public ceremony: as has already happened in other cases, the most plausible scenario points to a private rite or a moment of reflection with closest relatives. Meanwhile, news of the death has circulated on social media, and many—so many—are the comments of condolence and closeness to the family within local citizen groups. While some offer condolences purely out of a charitable spirit, others express heartfelt embraces to the family. Countless, for the most powerful boss of the Milanese 'ndrangheta, are the "rest in peace" messages.
It is often said that Mexican drug cartels use such extreme violence and have such deep infiltration into Mexican institutions that they are practically a state within a state. Clearly, given that Mexico borders the world's largest drug market to the north, the USA, it is reasonable to think that they also have operational bases, as well as investments for money laundering. I have also heard that they rarely, if ever, directly attack the US state, since the response—compared to Mexico—would be relentless if they even tried to threaten or attempt on the life of an agent, whether local or federal. But I wonder, net of all this, have there been cases where they used violence across the border, like to intimidate someone or settle old scores, and if so, what happened afterward in terms of the US state's response?
Hello everyone. I'd like to focus on a recent, but little-explored, piece of news that, in my opinion, is a perfect example of how Albanian and Campanian criminals manage to form criminal organizations operating on Italian soil for purposes beyond traditional drug trafficking. We're talking about the murder of Elson Kalaveri, a 36-year-old Albanian, riddled with gunshot wounds on August 18, 2022, in Sasso Pisano, a remote village in the province of Pisa. What appeared to be a drug-related execution has uncovered an incredible story that links the Balkan Middle Ages to the hitmen of Gomorrah.
The key to it all isn't money, but the Gjakmarrja (blood feud) enshrined in the Kanun, the ancient customary code of the Albanian mountains. In 2014, in Albania, Kalaveri shot a man, Gentian Keçi, in the head during a brawl. Keçi did not die immediately: he remained in a vegetative state for five years, passing away in 2019. According to the Kanun code, the Keçi family's honor had been tarnished and needed to be "purified with blood." The victim's brother then vowed revenge.
What is interesting for those following criminal dynamics is the commando structure. The Albanian mastermind did not recruit hitmen from Albania (too risky, they would have been discovered). Instead, he exploited his contacts in the drug trafficking world to "outsource" the execution to a team of professional hitmen from Naples.
What is interesting for those following criminal dynamics is the commando structure. Here are the key roles that emerged from the Carabinieri investigation (appropriately named Operation "Kanun"):
The Albanian faction (Mastermind and Logistics): Deliu Shkelzen (also known as Shkelzen Keqi): the brother of the man who died in Albania. He is the mastermind who planned and financed the entire financial and military operation to clean up the crime.
Qoli Shkelqim: An Albanian resident in Tuscany, he acted as a trafficker. He knew Kalaveri and lured him into the Sasso Pisano trap under the guise of a fake drug deal.
The Campania faction (the Camorra hitmen):
Giovanni Capone and Valentino Tarallo: Two criminals from the Neapolitan hinterland, linked to Camorra circles, hired as professional hitmen to carry out the crimes.
Ivan Tolomello: He acted as a driver, transporting the commando from Naples to Tuscany and ensuring their escape after the execution.
The Carabinieri of the Pisan Investigative Unit closed their investigation about a year after the crime. On September 15, 2023, at dawn, a major operation began, resulting in the execution of five arrest warrants in Tuscany (Castelnuovo Val di Cecina), Campania (Naples and Casoria), Pescara, and Albania, the latter thanks to the international cooperation of Eurojust and the Albanian State Police. Investigators analyzed thousands of hours of footage from municipal license plate readers in Tuscany. They identified a suspicious car (a small car) registered to a front man from Campania who had carried out mysterious reconnaissance in Sasso Pisano in the previous days and who fled immediately after the shooting. By cross-referencing intercom data (used exclusively for the operation) with the vehicle's location, the Carabinieri reconstructed the entire route of the commando from Naples to the province of Pisa and back. By monitoring the communication channels of suspects linked to drug trafficking, the Carabinieri were able to document cash payments made by the Albanian boss to accomplices and Neapolitan hitmen.
This case demonstrates that Albanian crime in Italy has taken a quantum leap. It was not a war between clans for control of territory, but rather a purely commercial collaboration. The Albanians provided the money and logistics, while criminals from Campania financed the military. This break from traditional patterns demonstrates the fluidity of new criminal networks.
The first-instance trial at the Pisa Court of Assizes concluded with a heavy blow. The judges fully recognized the aggravating circumstance of premeditation under the Kanun Code. The trial concluded with two life sentences for the main perpetrators and harsh sentences of up to 27 years for the accomplices. The defense lawyers have already appealed, taking the case to the Court of Appeal.
Kalaveri murder: Here's the verdict. Two life sentences and sentences of up to 27 years.
She graduated from her first police training course way back in 1986, forty years ago. And she immediately showed what she was made of by becoming one of the first female officers at the Naples Police Headquarters. She was first assigned to the Flying Squad, then immediately to the homicide section of the Flying Squad, and, to conclude her Neapolitan stint, to the fugitives section. Felicetta "Licia" Serpico continued, step by step, until she landed in Padua in 1992 at the Anti-Mafia Investigative Directorate. She remained there in the shadow of the Basilica del Santo for almost thirty years until 2021, when she was called to Rome by the Deputy Chief of Police, Prefect Raffaele Grassi, consolidating a professional partnership that began in Padua. She retired on July 1st.
"I am a daughter of the Capaci massacre," she said in a documentary about the Mafia aired in 2021 on Rai, entitled "Never Appear, Speak Little." She never appears in that report. Only details emerge: her earring, a pearl necklace, and then her straight brown hair flowing down her back. She speaks little, but says it all in about ten minutes. She describes herself as Felicetta Licia Serpico, a predestined surname, reminiscent of the 1973 film about the eponymous American anti-corruption police officer. She begins with the anti-Camorra demonstrations in the Irpinia hinterland. At the time, Bishop Antonio Riboldi, the driving force behind the movement against criminal organizations, was there. And there were the students, their demonstrations, their slogans. One above all: "Ciro Cirillo taught us: the Camorra belongs to the State."
It is there that Licia Serpico's entire ideological baggage was born. It will take her to Padua to the Anti-Mafia Investigative Directorate. She begins to investigate the first embryonic criminal organizations in the north. The Camorra and the 'Ndrangheta began to spread their influence even in the north with their menu of threats, endless bullying, extortion of disgraced entrepreneurs, and relentless beatings for those who defaulted on usurious loans. On April 14, 2011, Operation "Aspide" in Padua, one of many investigations by the Padua DIA, the Italian anti-mafia unit, launched a series of investigations. Twenty-seven people were arrested, 135 usurious entrepreneurs were discovered, two kidnappings occurred, and 61 incidents of assault occurred. Licia Serpico was also behind this major investigation. She welcomed the investigation's first witness to the DIA offices in Padua and told her of the arrogance of these individuals who had come from the south to collect money to fuel their criminal organization. From that testimony, she and her colleagues set out to uncover the still-simmering pot of criminal clan activity. He also grows fond of the daughter of one of the key witnesses, who refused to change cities, friends, and schools to protect herself and her family from possible retaliation by the Camorra. "I've always tried not to get emotionally involved in investigations, but in this case, I've maintained a relationship with her. We text each other every now and then; I know she's graduated," he lets out.
The investigation also touched on Camorra infiltration on the Verona shore of Lake Garda. A Camorra member, a clothing dealer, threatened her in the Assize Court in Verona: "Aì passa tant'uai (you have a lot of trouble to go through)," he said to her in strong Neapolitan dialect. The presiding judge noticed and questioned her: "Mr. Judge, don't worry, she wished me good luck," the anti-Camorra policewoman replied. The Neapolitan man was later sentenced to six years in prison.
That's how Licia Serpico was. And that's how she will always remain. Inspired by the Capaci massacre, she also worked to renew the memory of those killed in the line of duty, dedicating herself to the figure of Emanuela Loi, the officer who fell on Via D'Amelio.
Now, in Rome, she will dedicate herself to the rights of the most vulnerable, engaging in social work because her heart always beats there: for those who suffer injustice, for those who are victims of abuse. And she will continue, we can be sure, to do so with the same desire for justice, the same passion that, as a young girl, made her shout those slogans during anti-Camorra demonstrations.
Is it possible to hypothesize that the decline of the American Cosa Nostra is partly due to the rise of new criminal organizations? I'm thinking, for example, of the Russian, Albanian, Colombian, and Mexican cartels.
When we talk about police, investigations, and inquiries, something recent always comes to mind, certainly not from ancient times. But is this really the case, or were there already forms of prevention and repression of common crimes in ancient times, and police forces comparable to ours in terms of catching crimes and discovering perpetrators?
Sono arrivati da Reggio Calabria a bordo di due automobili, ma non hanno un indirizzo preciso. Sanno soltanto che l’uomo che stanno cercando non abita più a Gizzeria e si sarebbe trasferito in uno dei quartieri più popolosi di Lamezia Terme. Girare ancora, però, significa rischiare di attirare l’attenzione delle forze dell’ordine. Soprattutto perché uno di loro è armato. «Va bene, torniamocene a casa», dice Nicola Antonio Zumbo. Poi aggiunge una frase che, secondo gli investigatori, chiarisce quale fosse lo scopo di quella trasferta: «Datemi nome e cognome e coso, perché io sono armato qua, non è che possiamo fare…». La spedizione partita da Reggio la sera del 4 febbraio 2022 si interrompe così, tra le strade di Gizzeria e la ricerca senza esito di un’abitazione a Sambiase. All’origine del viaggio c’è una presunta truffa da circa 40mila euro per l’acquisto di un ponteggio. Vittima dell’affare sarebbe stato l’imprenditore Giuseppe Daniele Saraceno, detto “Pino”, che, una volta individuato in A. B. il presunto autore del raggiro e localizzata a Gizzeria la sua residenza, si sarebbe rivolto a Gaetano Chirico per ottenere aiuto. È uno degli episodi ricostruiti nell’ordinanza dell’inchiesta “Epicentro 2”, nell’ambito del più ampio scenario investigativo sulla struttura federativa della ’ndrangheta reggina.
Il ponteggio era stato pubblicizzato sul portale Subito.it. Saraceno avrebbe versato circa 40mila euro, ma la struttura acquistata non sarebbe mai stata consegnata. Quando si rende conto del presunto raggiro, l’imprenditore cerca di risalire all’identità e all’indirizzo dell’uomo che aveva ricevuto il denaro. Il 4 febbraio 2022 chiama Chirico. «Eh, brutte, sì, brutte notizie», esordisce Saraceno. «Che è successo?», domanda l’interlocutore. «Mi hanno fregato quarantamila euro». Saraceno contatta anche Demetrio Pitarelli e insieme raggiungono lo studio di Chirico. L’indirizzo individuato porta a Gizzeria. La casa sarebbe stata localizzata anche attraverso Google, ma Saraceno non conosce nessuno nella zona e teme che presentarsi dirJust asking at the door might not be enough. "I don't know anyone in Gizzeria, but I saw where the house is, I looked it up on Google. We can even go knock on the door, but if you know someone..." he says. According to the reconstruction contained in the order, Chirico immediately took control of the situation, organizing what investigators call the gang's response to the financial wrongdoing suffered by the entrepreneur.
The instructions attributed to Chirico are precise. Saraceno and Pitarelli are to leave for Gizzeria, but Nicola Antonio Zumbo is also expected to participate. The group is to travel in two separate cars. "I'll call Nico Zumbo, who's here," Chirico says, also suggesting another man might be involved. He then indicated the target of the operation: "And you'll sell them everything, you'll take what they have." The choice of two cars, according to investigators, was not accidental. Zumbo was supposed to travel separately because he could be carrying a weapon. If checked, Saraceno and Pitarelli would not have been found in the same car as the gunman. According to the investigating judge's reconstruction, the plan called for Saraceno and Pitarelli to locate the house and mark the exact spot, then leaving the violent intervention to Zumbo. Chirico explained the need for a reaction by arguing that they couldn't afford to suffer a scam of that scale and "make a bad impression."
The expedition departed that same evening. Saraceno and Pitarelli traveled in one car, while Zumbo followed in another. The goal was to reach the address obtained from the payment information. However, once they reached the Gizzeria area, the plan stalled. Information gathered on site indicated that A.B. no longer lived there because he had moved to Sambiase, but no one knew the new address. Saraceno and Pitarelli discussed what to do. "This is in Sambiase, but Sambiase is big," Saraceno observed. Pitarelli suggests they drive around anyway, hoping to gather more leads. But searching without a precise location seems almost impossible. "Who do we ask in Sambiase? It's not like... Sambiase is big. Where is this?" The two cars pull up alongside each other. Saraceno tells Zumbo that the man is no longer in Gizzeria. "He was here and then left here," Pitarelli explains. "He was in Sambiase," Saraceno adds. Then the conclusion: "Who the fuck is going to find him in Sambiase? Sambiase is big." Zumbo decides to call off the search. He doesn't want to keep driving around without a clear destination and risk a check. "Okay, let's go home." Saraceno agrees: "Yes, let's go, come on, we'll talk about it later." It's at that point that Zumbo explicitly refers to the weapon: "Give me your name and surname and whatnot, because I'm armed here, we can't do anything..." "No, let's go, let's go," Saraceno replies. Before leaving, Zumbo advises the others not to take the wrong turn and to continue along the main route.
The expedition is postponed, but on the way back, Zumbo is stopped by law enforcement. The search confirms, according to investigators, what the men had discussed before leaving. Zumbo is found in possession of a Beretta Model 81 semi-automatic pistol, 7.65 caliber, in perfect working order and with the serial number erased. The weapon is ready to fire: one round is already in the chamber and seven more bullets are loaded in the magazine. Eight rounds in total. Zumbo is arrested red-handed for possession and carrying of the illegal weapon in a public place. He will be prosecuted separately. Chirico, Saraceno, and Pitarelli, however, are charged with complicity in the possession and carrying of the weapon, aggravated by the intention to facilitate mafia association. According to the DDA, the gun was not carried occasionally, but was used in the planned intimidation operation against A. B.
Zumbo's arrest and the failure to locate his home did not, however, immediately bring the case to a close. In the following days, Chirico continued to coordinate the search for those believed to be involved in the scam, maintaining contact with Saraceno and Pitarelli. The investigations conducted independently by the group also revealed the name of a second alleged member of the network, residing in the Rosarno area. Michele Trapasso, identified by investigators as "the useful link for moving around the plain and obtaining information," was apparently activated to track him down. Chirico and Trapasso also sought contacts in criminal circles in the Vibo Valentia and Lamezia Terme areas, attempting to locate A.B. and recover the money. The February 4th expedition, however, was now definitively cancelled. It was not only the lack of an address in Sambiase that stopped it, but also the check on the return route.
"We found weapons originating in Salento but originating in the Balkans, the former Yugoslavia. However, we know of the mafia's interest in more sophisticated weapons: for example, those found on the black market that arose after the Russian-Ukrainian war.
We have reports of the purchase of mine-launching drones, weapons we are not equipped to defend ourselves against. Therefore, there is an attempt to rebuild a high-quality arsenal. This is happening both in the Palermo area and elsewhere." Palermo Prosecutor Maurizio de Lucia stated this during a hearing before the National Anti-Mafia Commission.
The prosecutor specified that "within hours of entering prison, mafiosi are provided with telephones. This is a situation that affects all prisons." "Article 41 bis has proven to be an effective tool. The real problem now is for mafia members who enter high- or medium-security prisons because they don't qualify as leaders. We're talking about inmates who are immediately provided with phones, which allows Cosa Nostra to continue to rule," he added. "This has two consequences: pre-trial detention does very little," de Lucia explained, "and it weakens the state's credibility with those we ask for cooperation, such as victims of racketeering. When you know that the person you reported orders the damage from prison, it's difficult to understand the usefulness of reporting."
"In the Palermo Pagliarelli and Ucciardone prisons alone, we discovered 297 cell phones available to inmates between 2025 and the first half of 2026. And we found hundreds more throughout Sicily. These are the ones we recovered, the ones whose introduction into the cells failed. It's imaginable how many managed to enter prisons without us noticing," said Prosecutor De Lucia. "If we allow mafiosi to continue to act like mafiosi from prison, we also undermine our investigative work. If high and medium security were effective, we could also reduce the number of inmates under the 41 bis regime," he explained. De Lucia called for a strengthening of the prison police force and explained that jamming, which would shield the communications network, for example in cities, is not a viable solution. The head of the prosecutors also spoke of the need to improve the high-security regime.
The hearing began with a reminder of the capture of 18 supporters of former fugitive Matteo Messina Denaro and the mafiosi who protected him, and especially with the investigations into the enormous wealth amassed by the Trapani godfather. "Messina Denaro belonged to a generation of Cosa Nostra men who have a highly evolved approach to outside worlds and a particular focus on the accumulation of capital and its redistribution within the country and elsewhere," he said, adding that there are ongoing investigations into "enormous amounts of money" traceable to the mafia boss. He also recalled the raid that recently led to the seizure, in collaboration with seven foreign countries, of €200 million in assets. In providing further details on the ongoing investigations, de Lucia requested that the hearing be kept confidential. At the opening of the session, Democratic Party MP Giuseppe Provenzano expressed solidarity with the head of the prosecutors after the Minister of Justice, who, following the magistrate's statements on Italian prisons, called him "out of control."
It takes just a few seconds to transform a summer night—a night of Neapolitan nightlife—into a metropolitan hell. A few seconds that separate good from evil, a healthy body from the cancer of organized crime. These are the worst moments of Via San Sebastiano: it's not yet dawn, we're a few steps from Piazza Bellini, the street is crowded with young people. They're young and carefree, awaiting the new day. In the middle of the street stands Gennaro Saponara, a 33-year-old bartender with an extra reason to be happy. He's just finished work, his shift is over, and he finds himself unknowingly at the center of a Gomorrah-esque scene. These are the worst moments, those of the counter-story, those of the other Neapolitan narrative: a scooter passes by, making its way through the crowd of young people, there are gunshots, the would-be killer's arm flexes for a moment. A bullet hits the 33-year-old: the victim is wearing a white shirt, a black backpack slung over his shoulder. He jumps in pain. The bullet pierced his shoulder. The rest is history. A car crash in the heart of the nightlife, a man injured by mistake. And by horror. What happened? In less than 48 hours, the Flying Squad, led by Mario Grassia, have almost completely solved the case. Let's take a step forward. Sunday night, the confession of the prime suspect. Via Medina, we are at the police headquarters, an investigation coordinated by anti-Camorra prosecutor Cristina Curatoli, under the coordination of deputy prosecutor Sergio Amato, the suspect signs some admissions.
His name is Giuseppe Muscariello, he is 20 years old and is no stranger to law enforcement records. He has a criminal record. He is assisted by criminal lawyer Carla Maruzzelli, and on Saturday night he shouldn't have been in the bar district of the historic center: he is, in fact, under house arrest, supposedly being held for a case related to the theft of a cell phone.
A few words, the bare minimum, before investigators: he admitted to firing the gun, but provided a version that remains to be verified. Let's hear him, in broad terms: "Yes, all right, I fired the gun, I'm the one who fired. But I didn't mean to kill. Why did I shoot? Because I was reacting to an argument with a group of kids my age." This story hasn't convinced investigators, since the surveillance footage shows no initial moment, no sign of an argument or tension between different groups. All they see is the scooter speeding by. Now the word is in the hands of investigators, who must request validation of the police custody before the investigating judge: they are considering charges of attempted murder or assault. In both cases, these would be crimes aggravated by the Camorra method. That's not all. They are working on the web of relationships between the twenty-year-old who ended up in jail. We're talking about individuals linked to the Camorra, the Savarese clan, a dynasty historically rooted in the alleys of the Sanità district. That's not all. The records are missing a name. Yes, because in this story there's a fugitive. A missing accomplice. He was the one driving the scooter, who risks being jailed on the same charges as Muscariello. But how did Sunday night's breakthrough come about? Law enforcement's control of the area was crucial. In this case, the license plate cameras worked, a sign of the importance of the control system ensured by video surveillance.
Within hours, the Flying Squad members are at the twenty-year-old's home. The confession begins, even though the driver's name is missing. This story is destined to refocus public attention on the circulation of weapons in the city. Imagine: a twenty-year-old with a criminal record, and under house arrest to boot, had the right to walk around armed. And to fire for a trivial reason, likely a sinister look in the middle of a night out with very young people. Once before investigators, the twenty-year-old provided no information about the origin of the weapon or where it was hidden. The investigation is ongoing, and the hunt for the accomplice and the gunsmith is ongoing.
Two arrests were made by the Bari State Police as part of investigations conducted by the District Anti-Mafia Directorate in connection with two shootings that occurred in the Carrassi and Libertà neighborhoods of the Apulian capital on April 9th and 14th.
According to investigators, the tensions that culminated in the shootings were fueled by a situation of severe instability within the
Strisciuglio clan, caused by "a leadership and power vacuum" that the younger members of the clan are attempting to fill, distinguishing themselves through violent and improvised behavior, thus "extremely dangerous."
The investigations led to two arrests for assault and illegal possession of a firearm, aggravated by mafia methods. The disputes, which escalated into vendettas and ambushes, arose over control of several drug dealing centers in the Carrassi neighborhood of Bari.
Antonello Strambelli, 33, and Ignazio Raggi, 22, believed to be members of the Libertà neighborhood gang, have been arrested. Investigators explained that the new recruits demonstrate "the ability to arm themselves, shoot, and provoke each other on social media," a showcase and a forum for tensions between drug dealing potentates.
The widespread silence they encountered during the investigation is not lost on investigators. Except for the intervention of some mothers. "They are the ones asking for help, the ones trying to convince their children to change their ways, aware that the mafia's logic is a deadly logic with no future."
The content of some messages addressed to their children has been released. "Listen to me, you want some advice from a mother: when you go to get a job... get out of the middle of this mess... get out, get out," wrote the mother of Gabriele Muserra, who was shot in the leg on April 14th between Via Dante and Via Ravanas, in the Libertà neighborhood. "I don't want to go to the cemetery to cry," the mother wrote after the attack.
Raggi's mother reportedly reported the incident to investigators on TikTok, featuring a photo of her son and the caption: "I don't think I'll make it to San Nicola, I'll be riddled first."
New recruits have been mobilized by the Strisciuglio clan, in what the Bari Prosecutor's Office calls a process of colonization of the Bari area, despite internal divisions: the April shootings occurred within the clan, between two opposing factions: the Libertà neighborhood group (to which those arrested belong) and the San Paolo neighborhood group.
According to Deputy Prosecutor Giuseppe Gatti, the Strisciuglio clan, after attempting to take control of the Carrassi neighborhood of Bari, is aiming to conquer municipalities in the Bari province, "historically a stronghold of other mafia organizations."
A Saturday of blood and fear shook the historic center of Naples, leaving the community of Battipaglia gripped by terror. In the early hours of today, Saturday, July 25, 2026, a 33-year-old man, identified by the initials G.S. and originally from the town in the Piana del Sele area, was seriously injured in the shoulder during a dramatic shooting on Via San Sebastiano. The young man was in Naples with some friends to spend the evening in the city's iconic nightlife hotspots. Around 5:00 a.m., the group was hanging out outside the popular Ammène Karaoke Bar when two masked criminals on a scooter opened fire. The criminals fired a volley of shots upward. It appears to have been a "stesa," a classic intimidating attack by the clans. According to initial ballistics findings by the State Police, the projectile that struck the 33-year-old from Salerno apparently ricocheted, turning a demonstration into a near-tragedy. Immediately after the shots were fired, amid widespread panic among those present, the young man from Battipaglia was immediately treated by emergency medical services. He was rushed to the nearby Vecchio Pellegrini Hospital with a red code. Given the severity of his shoulder injury, doctors ordered his transfer to the Ospedale del Mare. His clinical condition remains serious due to the impact of the bullet, but the 33-year-old's life is not in danger. State Police officers have cordoned off the area for forensic analysis and have already acquired footage from public and private video surveillance cameras in the area. The goal is to reconstruct the exact trajectory of the bullets and identify the two motorcyclists. According to an initial and cursory reconstruction, the straw-batter appears to have no connection to local criminal activity: he was in the wrong place at the wrong time, a victim of the escalation of the so-called "malamovida" (nightlife) that is inflaming the area between Piazza Bellini and the Decumani. The incident has reignited fierce protests by neighborhood committees, who are demanding a permanent police presence during the night.
"There is a resurgence of extortion, especially in the outskirts of Palermo. There are no parts of the city that are now free from racketeering, and in some areas, protection money is paid because it has always been done. In the San Lorenzo neighborhood, there is a specific strategy: a return to violence because the mafia had somehow lost control of the situation." This was stated by prosecutor Maurizio de Lucia at the meeting "Palermo: Racket Intimidations Return. Is Cosa Nostra Raising Its Head?", organized by Assostampa Sicilia at Crezi Plus at the Cantieri Culturali alla Zisa. "Today, there is the use of weapons of war," he continued, "not only Kalashnikovs, but also high-powered bombs, which come from other Italian scenarios and from past and present wars, such as the former Balkan conflict, for example, but also material from the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The weapons are distributed through European networks but also within the Sicilian context."
From South America to Gioia Tauro, then by car to Sicily to supply cocaine to the drug dealing hubs of Catania and Palermo. A lucrative drug business run by one of Calabria's oldest and most respected 'Ndrangheta clans: the Alvaros of Sinopoli. Thirty-five people were arrested in the Carabinieri operation coordinated by the Reggio Calabria anti-mafia prosecutor's office. Arrests were also made in northern Italy, in cities like Milan and Turin, where the clan's members had established roots. They were willing to do anything for money, investigators say. Even using children as cover during transport to evade police checks. The drugs, arriving from Brazil and Colombia, were smuggled out of the Gioia Tauro port gates with the help of laborers, stored for a time in hidden warehouses in the Piana area, and then shipped elsewhere. In rented cars carrying fake families and their supposedly young children. It was all a lie, according to those who conducted the investigation. A shipment of cocaine could cost up to 500,000 euros.
And those who didn't pay suffered the consequences. This was the case with a Sicilian buyer who hadn't paid the Alvaros for 10 kg of pure white cocaine. So, the clan members, intercepted, began planning his kidnapping. The kidnapping failed only because the Carabinieri were already focused on them and the checks were increasingly frequent. Then the arrests began.