u/_Giulio_Cesare

She graduated from her first police training course way back in 1986, forty years ago. And she immediately showed what she was made of by becoming one of the first female officers at the Naples Police Headquarters. She was first assigned to the Flying Squad, then immediately to the homicide section of the Flying Squad, and, to conclude her Neapolitan stint, to the fugitives section. Felicetta "Licia" Serpico continued, step by step, until she landed in Padua in 1992 at the Anti-Mafia Investigative Directorate. She remained there in the shadow of the Basilica del Santo for almost thirty years until 2021, when she was called to Rome by the Deputy Chief of Police, Prefect Raffaele Grassi, consolidating a professional partnership that began in Padua. She retired on July 1st.

"I am a daughter of the Capaci massacre," she said in a documentary about the Mafia aired in 2021 on Rai, entitled "Never Appear, Speak Little." She never appears in that report. Only details emerge: her earring, a pearl necklace, and then her straight brown hair flowing down her back. She speaks little, but says it all in about ten minutes. She describes herself as Felicetta Licia Serpico, a predestined surname, reminiscent of the 1973 film about the eponymous American anti-corruption police officer. She begins with the anti-Camorra demonstrations in the Irpinia hinterland. At the time, Bishop Antonio Riboldi, the driving force behind the movement against criminal organizations, was there. And there were the students, their demonstrations, their slogans. One above all: "Ciro Cirillo taught us: the Camorra belongs to the State."

It is there that Licia Serpico's entire ideological baggage was born. It will take her to Padua to the Anti-Mafia Investigative Directorate. She begins to investigate the first embryonic criminal organizations in the north. The Camorra and the 'Ndrangheta began to spread their influence even in the north with their menu of threats, endless bullying, extortion of disgraced entrepreneurs, and relentless beatings for those who defaulted on usurious loans. On April 14, 2011, Operation "Aspide" in Padua, one of many investigations by the Padua DIA, the Italian anti-mafia unit, launched a series of investigations. Twenty-seven people were arrested, 135 usurious entrepreneurs were discovered, two kidnappings occurred, and 61 incidents of assault occurred. Licia Serpico was also behind this major investigation. She welcomed the investigation's first witness to the DIA offices in Padua and told her of the arrogance of these individuals who had come from the south to collect money to fuel their criminal organization. From that testimony, she and her colleagues set out to uncover the still-simmering pot of criminal clan activity. He also grows fond of the daughter of one of the key witnesses, who refused to change cities, friends, and schools to protect herself and her family from possible retaliation by the Camorra. "I've always tried not to get emotionally involved in investigations, but in this case, I've maintained a relationship with her. We text each other every now and then; I know she's graduated," he lets out.

The investigation also touched on Camorra infiltration on the Verona shore of Lake Garda. A Camorra member, a clothing dealer, threatened her in the Assize Court in Verona: "Aì passa tant'uai (you have a lot of trouble to go through)," he said to her in strong Neapolitan dialect. The presiding judge noticed and questioned her: "Mr. Judge, don't worry, she wished me good luck," the anti-Camorra policewoman replied. The Neapolitan man was later sentenced to six years in prison.

That's how Licia Serpico was. And that's how she will always remain. Inspired by the Capaci massacre, she also worked to renew the memory of those killed in the line of duty, dedicating herself to the figure of Emanuela Loi, the officer who fell on Via D'Amelio.

Now, in Rome, she will dedicate herself to the rights of the most vulnerable, engaging in social work because her heart always beats there: for those who suffer injustice, for those who are victims of abuse. And she will continue, we can be sure, to do so with the same desire for justice, the same passion that, as a young girl, made her shout those slogans during anti-Camorra demonstrations.

Is it possible to hypothesize that the decline of the American Cosa Nostra is partly due to the rise of new criminal organizations? I'm thinking, for example, of the Russian, Albanian, Colombian, and Mexican cartels.

When we talk about police, investigations, and inquiries, something recent always comes to mind, certainly not from ancient times. But is this really the case, or were there already forms of prevention and repression of common crimes in ancient times, and police forces comparable to ours in terms of catching crimes and discovering perpetrators?

Sono arrivati da Reggio Calabria a bordo di due automobili, ma non hanno un indirizzo preciso. Sanno soltanto che l’uomo che stanno cercando non abita più a Gizzeria e si sarebbe trasferito in uno dei quartieri più popolosi di Lamezia Terme. Girare ancora, però, significa rischiare di attirare l’attenzione delle forze dell’ordine. Soprattutto perché uno di loro è armato. «Va bene, torniamocene a casa», dice Nicola Antonio Zumbo. Poi aggiunge una frase che, secondo gli investigatori, chiarisce quale fosse lo scopo di quella trasferta: «Datemi nome e cognome e coso, perché io sono armato qua, non è che possiamo fare…». La spedizione partita da Reggio la sera del 4 febbraio 2022 si interrompe così, tra le strade di Gizzeria e la ricerca senza esito di un’abitazione a Sambiase. All’origine del viaggio c’è una presunta truffa da circa 40mila euro per l’acquisto di un ponteggio. Vittima dell’affare sarebbe stato l’imprenditore Giuseppe Daniele Saraceno, detto “Pino”, che, una volta individuato in A. B. il presunto autore del raggiro e localizzata a Gizzeria la sua residenza, si sarebbe rivolto a Gaetano Chirico per ottenere aiuto. È uno degli episodi ricostruiti nell’ordinanza dell’inchiesta “Epicentro 2”, nell’ambito del più ampio scenario investigativo sulla struttura federativa della ’ndrangheta reggina.

Il ponteggio era stato pubblicizzato sul portale Subito.it. Saraceno avrebbe versato circa 40mila euro, ma la struttura acquistata non sarebbe mai stata consegnata. Quando si rende conto del presunto raggiro, l’imprenditore cerca di risalire all’identità e all’indirizzo dell’uomo che aveva ricevuto il denaro. Il 4 febbraio 2022 chiama Chirico. «Eh, brutte, sì, brutte notizie», esordisce Saraceno. «Che è successo?», domanda l’interlocutore. «Mi hanno fregato quarantamila euro». Saraceno contatta anche Demetrio Pitarelli e insieme raggiungono lo studio di Chirico. L’indirizzo individuato porta a Gizzeria. La casa sarebbe stata localizzata anche attraverso Google, ma Saraceno non conosce nessuno nella zona e teme che presentarsi dirJust asking at the door might not be enough. "I don't know anyone in Gizzeria, but I saw where the house is, I looked it up on Google. We can even go knock on the door, but if you know someone..." he says. According to the reconstruction contained in the order, Chirico immediately took control of the situation, organizing what investigators call the gang's response to the financial wrongdoing suffered by the entrepreneur.

The instructions attributed to Chirico are precise. Saraceno and Pitarelli are to leave for Gizzeria, but Nicola Antonio Zumbo is also expected to participate. The group is to travel in two separate cars. "I'll call Nico Zumbo, who's here," Chirico says, also suggesting another man might be involved. He then indicated the target of the operation: "And you'll sell them everything, you'll take what they have." The choice of two cars, according to investigators, was not accidental. Zumbo was supposed to travel separately because he could be carrying a weapon. If checked, Saraceno and Pitarelli would not have been found in the same car as the gunman. According to the investigating judge's reconstruction, the plan called for Saraceno and Pitarelli to locate the house and mark the exact spot, then leaving the violent intervention to Zumbo. Chirico explained the need for a reaction by arguing that they couldn't afford to suffer a scam of that scale and "make a bad impression."

The expedition departed that same evening. Saraceno and Pitarelli traveled in one car, while Zumbo followed in another. The goal was to reach the address obtained from the payment information. However, once they reached the Gizzeria area, the plan stalled. Information gathered on site indicated that A.B. no longer lived there because he had moved to Sambiase, but no one knew the new address. Saraceno and Pitarelli discussed what to do. "This is in Sambiase, but Sambiase is big," Saraceno observed. Pitarelli suggests they drive around anyway, hoping to gather more leads. But searching without a precise location seems almost impossible. "Who do we ask in Sambiase? It's not like... Sambiase is big. Where is this?" The two cars pull up alongside each other. Saraceno tells Zumbo that the man is no longer in Gizzeria. "He was here and then left here," Pitarelli explains. "He was in Sambiase," Saraceno adds. Then the conclusion: "Who the fuck is going to find him in Sambiase? Sambiase is big." Zumbo decides to call off the search. He doesn't want to keep driving around without a clear destination and risk a check. "Okay, let's go home." Saraceno agrees: "Yes, let's go, come on, we'll talk about it later." It's at that point that Zumbo explicitly refers to the weapon: "Give me your name and surname and whatnot, because I'm armed here, we can't do anything..." "No, let's go, let's go," Saraceno replies. Before leaving, Zumbo advises the others not to take the wrong turn and to continue along the main route.

The expedition is postponed, but on the way back, Zumbo is stopped by law enforcement. The search confirms, according to investigators, what the men had discussed before leaving. Zumbo is found in possession of a Beretta Model 81 semi-automatic pistol, 7.65 caliber, in perfect working order and with the serial number erased. The weapon is ready to fire: one round is already in the chamber and seven more bullets are loaded in the magazine. Eight rounds in total. Zumbo is arrested red-handed for possession and carrying of the illegal weapon in a public place. He will be prosecuted separately. Chirico, Saraceno, and Pitarelli, however, are charged with complicity in the possession and carrying of the weapon, aggravated by the intention to facilitate mafia association. According to the DDA, the gun was not carried occasionally, but was used in the planned intimidation operation against A. B.

Zumbo's arrest and the failure to locate his home did not, however, immediately bring the case to a close. In the following days, Chirico continued to coordinate the search for those believed to be involved in the scam, maintaining contact with Saraceno and Pitarelli. The investigations conducted independently by the group also revealed the name of a second alleged member of the network, residing in the Rosarno area. Michele Trapasso, identified by investigators as "the useful link for moving around the plain and obtaining information," was apparently activated to track him down. Chirico and Trapasso also sought contacts in criminal circles in the Vibo Valentia and Lamezia Terme areas, attempting to locate A.B. and recover the money. The February 4th expedition, however, was now definitively cancelled. It was not only the lack of an address in Sambiase that stopped it, but also the check on the return route.

"We found weapons originating in Salento but originating in the Balkans, the former Yugoslavia. However, we know of the mafia's interest in more sophisticated weapons: for example, those found on the black market that arose after the Russian-Ukrainian war.

We have reports of the purchase of mine-launching drones, weapons we are not equipped to defend ourselves against. Therefore, there is an attempt to rebuild a high-quality arsenal. This is happening both in the Palermo area and elsewhere." Palermo Prosecutor Maurizio de Lucia stated this during a hearing before the National Anti-Mafia Commission.

The prosecutor specified that "within hours of entering prison, mafiosi are provided with telephones. This is a situation that affects all prisons." "Article 41 bis has proven to be an effective tool. The real problem now is for mafia members who enter high- or medium-security prisons because they don't qualify as leaders. We're talking about inmates who are immediately provided with phones, which allows Cosa Nostra to continue to rule," he added. "This has two consequences: pre-trial detention does very little," de Lucia explained, "and it weakens the state's credibility with those we ask for cooperation, such as victims of racketeering. When you know that the person you reported orders the damage from prison, it's difficult to understand the usefulness of reporting."

"In the Palermo Pagliarelli and Ucciardone prisons alone, we discovered 297 cell phones available to inmates between 2025 and the first half of 2026. And we found hundreds more throughout Sicily. These are the ones we recovered, the ones whose introduction into the cells failed. It's imaginable how many managed to enter prisons without us noticing," said Prosecutor De Lucia. "If we allow mafiosi to continue to act like mafiosi from prison, we also undermine our investigative work. If high and medium security were effective, we could also reduce the number of inmates under the 41 bis regime," he explained. De Lucia called for a strengthening of the prison police force and explained that jamming, which would shield the communications network, for example in cities, is not a viable solution. The head of the prosecutors also spoke of the need to improve the high-security regime.

The hearing began with a reminder of the capture of 18 supporters of former fugitive Matteo Messina Denaro and the mafiosi who protected him, and especially with the investigations into the enormous wealth amassed by the Trapani godfather. "Messina Denaro belonged to a generation of Cosa Nostra men who have a highly evolved approach to outside worlds and a particular focus on the accumulation of capital and its redistribution within the country and elsewhere," he said, adding that there are ongoing investigations into "enormous amounts of money" traceable to the mafia boss. He also recalled the raid that recently led to the seizure, in collaboration with seven foreign countries, of €200 million in assets. In providing further details on the ongoing investigations, de Lucia requested that the hearing be kept confidential. At the opening of the session, Democratic Party MP Giuseppe Provenzano expressed solidarity with the head of the prosecutors after the Minister of Justice, who, following the magistrate's statements on Italian prisons, called him "out of control."

It takes just a few seconds to transform a summer night—a night of Neapolitan nightlife—into a metropolitan hell. A few seconds that separate good from evil, a healthy body from the cancer of organized crime. These are the worst moments of Via San Sebastiano: it's not yet dawn, we're a few steps from Piazza Bellini, the street is crowded with young people. They're young and carefree, awaiting the new day. In the middle of the street stands Gennaro Saponara, a 33-year-old bartender with an extra reason to be happy. He's just finished work, his shift is over, and he finds himself unknowingly at the center of a Gomorrah-esque scene. These are the worst moments, those of the counter-story, those of the other Neapolitan narrative: a scooter passes by, making its way through the crowd of young people, there are gunshots, the would-be killer's arm flexes for a moment. A bullet hits the 33-year-old: the victim is wearing a white shirt, a black backpack slung over his shoulder. He jumps in pain. The bullet pierced his shoulder. The rest is history. A car crash in the heart of the nightlife, a man injured by mistake. And by horror. What happened? In less than 48 hours, the Flying Squad, led by Mario Grassia, have almost completely solved the case. Let's take a step forward. Sunday night, the confession of the prime suspect. Via Medina, we are at the police headquarters, an investigation coordinated by anti-Camorra prosecutor Cristina Curatoli, under the coordination of deputy prosecutor Sergio Amato, the suspect signs some admissions.

His name is Giuseppe Muscariello, he is 20 years old and is no stranger to law enforcement records. He has a criminal record. He is assisted by criminal lawyer Carla Maruzzelli, and on Saturday night he shouldn't have been in the bar district of the historic center: he is, in fact, under house arrest, supposedly being held for a case related to the theft of a cell phone.

A few words, the bare minimum, before investigators: he admitted to firing the gun, but provided a version that remains to be verified. Let's hear him, in broad terms: "Yes, all right, I fired the gun, I'm the one who fired. But I didn't mean to kill. Why did I shoot? Because I was reacting to an argument with a group of kids my age." This story hasn't convinced investigators, since the surveillance footage shows no initial moment, no sign of an argument or tension between different groups. All they see is the scooter speeding by. Now the word is in the hands of investigators, who must request validation of the police custody before the investigating judge: they are considering charges of attempted murder or assault. In both cases, these would be crimes aggravated by the Camorra method. That's not all. They are working on the web of relationships between the twenty-year-old who ended up in jail. We're talking about individuals linked to the Camorra, the Savarese clan, a dynasty historically rooted in the alleys of the Sanità district. That's not all. The records are missing a name. Yes, because in this story there's a fugitive. A missing accomplice. He was the one driving the scooter, who risks being jailed on the same charges as Muscariello. But how did Sunday night's breakthrough come about? Law enforcement's control of the area was crucial. In this case, the license plate cameras worked, a sign of the importance of the control system ensured by video surveillance.

Within hours, the Flying Squad members are at the twenty-year-old's home. The confession begins, even though the driver's name is missing. This story is destined to refocus public attention on the circulation of weapons in the city. Imagine: a twenty-year-old with a criminal record, and under house arrest to boot, had the right to walk around armed. And to fire for a trivial reason, likely a sinister look in the middle of a night out with very young people. Once before investigators, the twenty-year-old provided no information about the origin of the weapon or where it was hidden. The investigation is ongoing, and the hunt for the accomplice and the gunsmith is ongoing.

Two arrests were made by the Bari State Police as part of investigations conducted by the District Anti-Mafia Directorate in connection with two shootings that occurred in the Carrassi and Libertà neighborhoods of the Apulian capital on April 9th and 14th.

According to investigators, the tensions that culminated in the shootings were fueled by a situation of severe instability within the

Strisciuglio clan, caused by "a leadership and power vacuum" that the younger members of the clan are attempting to fill, distinguishing themselves through violent and improvised behavior, thus "extremely dangerous."

The investigations led to two arrests for assault and illegal possession of a firearm, aggravated by mafia methods. The disputes, which escalated into vendettas and ambushes, arose over control of several drug dealing centers in the Carrassi neighborhood of Bari.

Antonello Strambelli, 33, and Ignazio Raggi, 22, believed to be members of the Libertà neighborhood gang, have been arrested. Investigators explained that the new recruits demonstrate "the ability to arm themselves, shoot, and provoke each other on social media," a showcase and a forum for tensions between drug dealing potentates.

The widespread silence they encountered during the investigation is not lost on investigators. Except for the intervention of some mothers. "They are the ones asking for help, the ones trying to convince their children to change their ways, aware that the mafia's logic is a deadly logic with no future."

The content of some messages addressed to their children has been released. "Listen to me, you want some advice from a mother: when you go to get a job... get out of the middle of this mess... get out, get out," wrote the mother of Gabriele Muserra, who was shot in the leg on April 14th between Via Dante and Via Ravanas, in the Libertà neighborhood. "I don't want to go to the cemetery to cry," the mother wrote after the attack.

Raggi's mother reportedly reported the incident to investigators on TikTok, featuring a photo of her son and the caption: "I don't think I'll make it to San Nicola, I'll be riddled first."

New recruits have been mobilized by the Strisciuglio clan, in what the Bari Prosecutor's Office calls a process of colonization of the Bari area, despite internal divisions: the April shootings occurred within the clan, between two opposing factions: the Libertà neighborhood group (to which those arrested belong) and the San Paolo neighborhood group.

According to Deputy Prosecutor Giuseppe Gatti, the Strisciuglio clan, after attempting to take control of the Carrassi neighborhood of Bari, is aiming to conquer municipalities in the Bari province, "historically a stronghold of other mafia organizations."

A Saturday of blood and fear shook the historic center of Naples, leaving the community of Battipaglia gripped by terror. In the early hours of today, Saturday, July 25, 2026, a 33-year-old man, identified by the initials G.S. and originally from the town in the Piana del Sele area, was seriously injured in the shoulder during a dramatic shooting on Via San Sebastiano. The young man was in Naples with some friends to spend the evening in the city's iconic nightlife hotspots. Around 5:00 a.m., the group was hanging out outside the popular Ammène Karaoke Bar when two masked criminals on a scooter opened fire. The criminals fired a volley of shots upward. It appears to have been a "stesa," a classic intimidating attack by the clans. According to initial ballistics findings by the State Police, the projectile that struck the 33-year-old from Salerno apparently ricocheted, turning a demonstration into a near-tragedy. Immediately after the shots were fired, amid widespread panic among those present, the young man from Battipaglia was immediately treated by emergency medical services. He was rushed to the nearby Vecchio Pellegrini Hospital with a red code. Given the severity of his shoulder injury, doctors ordered his transfer to the Ospedale del Mare. His clinical condition remains serious due to the impact of the bullet, but the 33-year-old's life is not in danger. State Police officers have cordoned off the area for forensic analysis and have already acquired footage from public and private video surveillance cameras in the area. The goal is to reconstruct the exact trajectory of the bullets and identify the two motorcyclists. According to an initial and cursory reconstruction, the straw-batter appears to have no connection to local criminal activity: he was in the wrong place at the wrong time, a victim of the escalation of the so-called "malamovida" (nightlife) that is inflaming the area between Piazza Bellini and the Decumani. The incident has reignited fierce protests by neighborhood committees, who are demanding a permanent police presence during the night.

"There is a resurgence of extortion, especially in the outskirts of Palermo. There are no parts of the city that are now free from racketeering, and in some areas, protection money is paid because it has always been done. In the San Lorenzo neighborhood, there is a specific strategy: a return to violence because the mafia had somehow lost control of the situation." This was stated by prosecutor Maurizio de Lucia at the meeting "Palermo: Racket Intimidations Return. Is Cosa Nostra Raising Its Head?", organized by Assostampa Sicilia at Crezi Plus at the Cantieri Culturali alla Zisa. "Today, there is the use of weapons of war," he continued, "not only Kalashnikovs, but also high-powered bombs, which come from other Italian scenarios and from past and present wars, such as the former Balkan conflict, for example, but also material from the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. The weapons are distributed through European networks but also within the Sicilian context."

From South America to Gioia Tauro, then by car to Sicily to supply cocaine to the drug dealing hubs of Catania and Palermo. A lucrative drug business run by one of Calabria's oldest and most respected 'Ndrangheta clans: the Alvaros of Sinopoli. Thirty-five people were arrested in the Carabinieri operation coordinated by the Reggio Calabria anti-mafia prosecutor's office. Arrests were also made in northern Italy, in cities like Milan and Turin, where the clan's members had established roots. They were willing to do anything for money, investigators say. Even using children as cover during transport to evade police checks. The drugs, arriving from Brazil and Colombia, were smuggled out of the Gioia Tauro port gates with the help of laborers, stored for a time in hidden warehouses in the Piana area, and then shipped elsewhere. In rented cars carrying fake families and their supposedly young children. It was all a lie, according to those who conducted the investigation. A shipment of cocaine could cost up to 500,000 euros.

And those who didn't pay suffered the consequences. This was the case with a Sicilian buyer who hadn't paid the Alvaros for 10 kg of pure white cocaine. So, the clan members, intercepted, began planning his kidnapping. The kidnapping failed only because the Carabinieri were already focused on them and the checks were increasingly frequent. Then the arrests began.

A low-intensity feud. Little blood, a lot of lead, tension constantly above the limit. But the latest entry in the notebook of the investigators called to monitor the criminal turmoil in western Naples is one that will leave one sleeping uneasy. A window, in the heart of the Fuorigrotta neighborhood, is riddled with five gunshots. This alone would be enough to give an idea of a brutal raid, which only by pure chance did not have dramatic consequences. That's not all, however. What makes one's blood run cold is the target of the mysterious intimidation: a former child killer, with a "hefty" surname behind him. The one targeted is Domenique Giannelli, nephew of the repentant boss Alessandro, fresh from a twelve-year prison sentence for a brutal murder committed as a minor and now under semi-liberty. With the former area bosses imprisoned and at least four groups of young men with aspirations to become Mafia bosses at large, the risk of a new outbreak of violence is far from a possibility.

The alarm was raised shortly before dawn on Saturday. With darkness still shrouding the city streets, the Carabinieri received a call for intervention from some residents: "They've been shot, run." A few minutes later, the first police cars rushed to Via della Grotta Vecchia, a stone's throw from the commercial heart of Fuorigrotta. No bullet casings were found on the asphalt, nor even traces of blood. However, the Carabinieri needed only to look a few meters up to verify the veracity of the report. The window of an apartment was riddled with gunshots: the five entry wounds left little doubt that that home was the true target of the armed raid. The investigation continues, and the Carabinieri of the Bagnoli company are also tracking down the possible recipient of the "message": the scion of the Phlegraean mafia, Dominique Giannelli, already definitively convicted for being the perpetrator of the murder of Pasquale Zito. Questions have long surrounded the motive for the crime, even recently investigated by informants, but so far it has been classified as a settling of scores sparked by a passion: jealousy over advances the victim allegedly made towards the then-16-year-old's girlfriend.

While waiting for the images captured by local security cameras to provide the first answers, the state's reaction has not been long in coming. The men of the Bagnoli police station's investigative team went into action, conducting a search that culminated in a significant seizure. The raid took place in a building on Via Bagnoli, just meters from the epicenter of Coroglio's nightlife. It was here that, while searching a condominium area, police seized forty-nine rounds of ammunition and twenty grams of marijuana. Investigators consider the building to be one of the strongholds of the emerging Maiorino group, a gang of "terrible boys" long linked to the Troncone clan of Fuorigrotta and, at times, already on a collision course with the new recruits of the clan led by the now former boss Alessandro Giannelli, who joined the ranks of the justice system in early April. This seizure captures a volatile reality.

Tensions remain high in Fuorigrotta and Bagnoli.

Five gunshots fired into an apartment window. No one was injured, but the target was precise: Dominique Giannelli, nephew of the informant Alessandro Giannelli, lives in the apartment on Via della Grotta Vecchia.

The alarm was raised shortly before dawn. "They've fired, run," several residents reported. There were no bullet casings or traces of blood on the asphalt. However, the holes in the window immediately indicated the direction of the raid.

Dominique Giannelli has been definitively convicted of the murder of Pasquale Zito, committed when he was a minor. He is currently on parole.

Investigators are assessing the possible link between the intimidation and the criminal activity in Fuorigrotta and Bagnoli, where emerging groups and youth gangs continue to compete for space and control of the territory.

The police are acquiring video footage from the area, according to the newspaper "Il Mattino." The investigations are aimed at reconstructing the perpetrators' route and the vehicle they used to arrive in front of the apartment.

The raid comes as tensions remain high between the old Giannelli area and the Maiorino group, a group of young people already linked to the Troncone clan.

A few hours after the shooting, a search was conducted at a building on Via Bagnoli, considered by investigators to be a key hub for the Maiorino group.

Officers seized 49 rounds of ammunition and several grams of marijuana. This discovery refocuses attention on the availability of weapons and the mobility of gangs between Bagnoli and Fuorigrotta.

The same unease is spreading along Largo San Giovanni Maggiore Pignatelli. Associations, merchants, parents, the parish, and L'Orientale University have signed a complaint addressed to the authorities.

The document describes "fights, beatings, stabbings, and shootings as a daily occurrence" and "gangs of kids roaming around on scooters."

"In an uncontrolled area, businesses now act as security guards, but the presence of law enforcement is essential," says Massimo Di Porzio of Confcommercio Napoli.

Don Salvatore Giuliani explains: "The nightlife crisis has been going on for years; on weekends, a frenzy erupts, culminating in bottle throwing." The request is clear: foot patrols, lighting, cleaning, and continuous intervention, before gunfire and raids become the normal soundtrack of the neighborhoods.

Two properties between the provinces of Florence and Lucca, five cars, jewelry, valuable paintings, cash, and luxury watches. These are some of the assets confiscated in Tuscany from Felice Maniero, former boss of the Mala del Brenta mafia. The order, worth approximately €2 million, was issued by the Court of Venice following the former boss's final conviction for laundering the criminal organization's illicit proceeds.

The enforcement of the confiscation order was entrusted to the Special Police Currency Unit of the Guardia di Finanza, with the support of the financial police of the Venice and Florence Provincial Commands, as part of the investigative activities coordinated by the Venice Public Prosecutor's Office.

The investigations were triggered by statements made by Maniero himself and allowed the reconstruction of the destination of the illicit proceeds generated by the crimes committed by the Mala del Brenta, a mafia-style criminal organization that operated primarily in the Northeast of Italy between the 1980s and 1990s.

The investigations, conducted through bank checks, document analysis, technical investigations, financial and financial analyses, and international letters rogatory, allowed the identification of the assets purchased with the illicitly obtained funds and confirmed the investigative reconstructions.

The Guardia di Finanza's activities had already led to the execution of a precautionary custody order and the seizure of assets consisting of real estate, financial assets, vehicles, and luxury goods attributable to Maniero and his relatives.

Now, following the final conviction, the Court of Venice has ordered the definitive confiscation of the assets: in addition to the two properties in the provinces of Florence and Lucca, five vehicles, jewelry, valuable paintings placed under judicial administration, funds deposited in current accounts, and the contents of safety deposit boxes held in two banks in the province of Empoli were seized.

The confiscated assets also include €90,000 in cash and 15 luxury watches. The total value of the stolen assets amounts to approximately €2 million.

"Shoot, shoot!", "We'll cut off those Colombians' heads!" In his underwear and with an assault rifle in his hand, Marco Macor was one of the actors in one of the most iconic scenes in Gomorrah: he is the boy who, alongside Ciro Petrone, shoots at water with weapons stolen from the Camorra. The story, one of four in Matteo Garrone's film based on Roberto Saviano's bestseller, ends with the murder of both: they are killed by the men of the Casalesi boss, played by Giovanni Venosa. Criminal adventures on screen, but also in real life: the two add to the long list of those who, after participating in Gomorrah, have actually found themselves in handcuffs.

Marco Macor, 40, is among those targeted by the warrant executed last Saturday by the Carabinieri against an association responsible for 54 scams targeting seniors across Italy. At the top was reportedly his brother, Alberto Macor, along with Marica Mastroianni: the two allegedly organized the work of the various "batteries," from the calls to identify the victims to the trips of those who actually went to extort the victims' money. This latter group reportedly included Marco Macor, who in wiretaps is referred to by the nickname "Caff."

In 2008, the same year the film was released, Bernardino Terracciano was arrested, believed to be a supporter of the massacre boss Giuseppe Setola, who in the film plays a Casalesi extortionist. In 2016, he was sentenced to life imprisonment (upheld in 2018) for the double murder of Luigi and Giuseppe Caiazzo, father and son, killed in 1992. Terracciano had previously worked with Garrone on "The Embalmer," in which he played a Camorra boss. Also in 2008, Salvatore Fabbricino, who played one of the Scampia Camorra members in the film, was arrested: he was identified by the repentant boss Antonio Prestieri as his "employee."

And 2008 was also the year of the arrest of Giovanni Venosa, who, according to investigations, also had ties to the Casalesi family in real life: the nephew of boss Luigi Venosa, he was imprisoned in 2008, the same year the film was released, and in 2012 was sentenced to 13 years and 10 months in prison for various extortion charges. Marcello D'Angelo, an extra in the film, was also reportedly affiliated with the Venosa group. He allegedly extorted money from squatters in Parco Saraceno, Castel Volturno: in 2012, he was arrested for extortion aggravated by mafia methods.

In 2012, Nicola Battaglia, a minor character, was arrested for drug dealing. He was one of the young men facing the test of courage to join the clan. The test was simple: wear a bulletproof vest and get shot. The test was coordinated by a gang leader, played by Salvatore Russo. He, too, was arrested for drugs in 2018. According to investigations, he was one of the leaders who ran a drug dealing ring in Lotto P of Scampia. Also participating in that test of courage was young Totò, recruited by the clan after betraying the mother of a member for whom he was carrying groceries (Maria Nazionale). Salvatore Abruzzese was arrested for drugs in 2021; the boy was also involved in another incident: he reported being beaten by drug dealers and forced to leave home because he owed €60 for an unpaid dose, for which the clan demanded €2,500.

In 2015, the Carabinieri arrested two Nigerian drug dealers in Castel Volturno (Caserta). One of them is Azize Pjamaa, who had two scenes in the film where he sold drugs in the former Boomerang-Zagarella Hotel. But it's not just drugs: in 2013, the Guardia di Finanza seized over a million euros from four Chinese shoe wholesalers; two of them were arrested and the other two charged with tax evasion, money laundering, and use of illicitly obtained money and assets. The ringleader, arrested in Fiumicino on his way back from China, had appeared in "Gomorrah" with his wife.

The "curse," however, seems to make no difference between film and TV series: even the cast of "Gomorrah – The Series" included several names that later ended up in police reports. Like that of Vincenzo Sacchettino, who played "Danielino," the boy hired by Ciro Di Marzio (Marco D'Amore) to kill a member of Salvatore Conte's (Marco Palvetti) clan: two arrests for drugs (in June 2019 and May 2022) and one for gun possession (in January 2022).

Drug-related matters also arose for Carlo Cuccia, originally from Tradate (Varese), who appeared as a guest in episode 11 of "Gomorrah The Series," season two; his role was that of a "mirror-painter," but in February 2021, he was among the 16 arrested following an investigation by the Guardia di Finanza, accused of acting as a go-between for the Dannier family of Secondigliano and Spanish drug suppliers.

Evidence demonstrating that the mafias, including the 'Ndrangheta, are widespread and consolidated in the North not only exists, but is abundant. The Venice District Anti-Mafia Directorate (DDA) is also currently investigating the relationships between the 'Ndrangheta, rooted in the Verona area, and several local politicians. This is a case—as Corriere della Sera reported—in which the statements of collaborator with justice Nicola Toffanin have allowed investigators to identify what they call the "second level," referring to the networks of relationships between the Calabrian clans and the worlds of politics, institutions, and business.

During interrogations, Toffanin reportedly indicated to prosecutors the names of several Veronese politicians with whom the Giardino clan members had relationships. This information, still covered by the secrecy of the investigation, will likely need to be fully verified. Nevertheless, expectations remain high. Moreover, Toffanin is the same collaborator who revealed the existence of a plan, never carried out, to intimidate Magistrate Maria Beatrice Zanotti, then a public prosecutor in Verona investigating the 'Ndrangheta. According to his statements, in 2018, members of the Calabrian criminal organization allegedly planned an explosives attack against the prosecutor, who is now under protection.

Regarding the control of the 'Ndrangheta in Veneto, the issue has long been so sensitive and of fundamental importance to the Calabrian clans that a ruling by the Venice Court of Appeals, relating to the "Isola Scaligera 1" trial, demonstrated how electoral support was considered one of the key levers for consolidating their presence in the region. According to the ruling, the intention was to build sufficient electoral support to secure the election of individuals deemed trustworthy to strategic political positions, both at the municipal and regional levels.

This is the case of the Department of Ecology, a particularly sensitive sector because it handles environmental permits, waste management, and public procurement, which are therefore particularly lucrative businesses. In this case too, the judges determined that the clans' intention was to influence politics through voting and personal connections.

The magistrates also questioned him about other deals conducted abroad, including a contract in Tunisia for the construction of an infrastructure project and an alleged negotiation regarding the sale of weapons to Syria, in which a well-known Roman politician close to the center-right was involved, whose identity has not been disclosed.

This situation is also confirmed by the recent decision of the Supreme Court of Cassation. On July 9, the judges rejected the latest appeal of Francesco Vallone, already convicted in the "Isola Scaligera" trial. The case concerns the alleged corruption pact linked to AMIA. According to the judges' findings, public funds were obtained through fake training courses. Vallone had argued that his subsequent acquittal for several tax crimes related to his research center demonstrated his lack of involvement with organized crime. This argument was rejected by the Supreme Court of Cassation, confirming the findings of previous courts. Therefore, the judges held that Vallone remains part of the mafia network of the Arena-Nicoscia clan, for which the Giardino family was the key figure in the Verona area. This decision confirms, once again, that the 'Ndrangheta's presence in Northern Italy is the result of long-standing relationships, business dealings, and attempts to influence politics, institutions, and the economy.

«We were organizing to carry out an attack on the Verona prosecutor Maria Beatrice Zanotti who was investigating some Members of our local 'Ndrangheta in several investigations for extortion and other crimes.

State witness Nicola Toffanin, 59, known as "the lawyer" and a member of the Giardino clan, left everyone speechless in the Verona courtroom during the trial for the "Isola Scaligera 2" investigation during the hearing three days ago. After listing a series of facts described in the sixteen charges, including drug dealing, robberies, issuing invoices for non-existent transactions, and extortion against about forty people, he pulled from his hat the plot to attack prosecutor Zanotti, then serving in the city of Verona, now the prosecutor of the juvenile court in Cagliari. The plan then fell through, it emerged during the investigation, because one of the initiators withdrew from the "explosive" project, perhaps because it was considered too risky. But the first steps had already been taken against an investigating magistrate who never had an escort.

Zanotti, already known in Verona for her investigation into former Verona deputy mayor Vito Giacino, who was subsequently convicted of corruption, was evidently a serious nuisance to those involved in the Calabrian criminal organization, who were attempting to infiltrate the economic and political fabric with their mafia methods, as the accusing states.

Furthermore, weapons in the Verona area have always been a topic of discussion in anti-'Ndrangheta investigations by the Venice District Anti-Mafia Directorate. "Being able to display weapons," justice collaborators have often explained, "always represents a demonstration of one's power within the clans." At the hearing on May 25, Toffanin himself spoke of trafficking in explosive devices between Verona and Mestre that took place between 2017 and 2020. These were "Pipe bombs," Toffanin explained, "that is, tubes about 20 centimeters long with a diameter of 7. I sold only one, earning €1,500, which I split with Pugliese (another defendant in the trial, ed.). We took the other three from Mestre to the banks of the Adige and threw them in a dump." ssonetto near the library of the University of Verona." He then reassured everyone about the possible risk of explosion: "They were hermetically sealed." Three days ago in court, however, he did not specify whether those were the very devices that were supposed to be used to carry out the attack on the then deputy prosecutor of Verona. But Toffanin, assisted by Paolo Costantini, also demonstrated his familiarity with weapons by the accusation leveled against him by the Venice DDA in the context of the "Isola Scaligera 2" investigation, currently being discussed in court in Verona.

The collaborator with justice, born in Polesine, is facing charges along with a dozen others, including Antonio Giardino, known as Totareddu, considered by investigators to be the head of the local 'Ndrangheta organization in the Verona area, who was already sentenced on appeal for "Isola Scaligera 1" to 29 years and 4 months, and Michele Pugliese, for "illegally possessing three bags containing illegal weapons, including a Walther pistol with the serial number removed, a 12-gauge "Beretta" shotgun with the serial number removed, and 12 wireless primers." One of these bags was found and seized on July 3, 2020, in San Martino Buon Albergo, a town just outside Verona.

The trial will resume at the end of October when the cooperating witness will continue his questioning, answering questions from the lawyers of the forty defendants involved in the Venice DDA investigation.

"I was asked to shoot trade unionist Giammassimo Stizzoli in the leg in exchange for €20,000. I refused because I knew there were ongoing investigations." This was stated before the judges by 59-year-old collaborator Nicola Toffanin, whose statements helped launch the "Isola Scaligera 2" investigation by the District Anti-Mafia Directorate into the presence of the 'Ndrangheta in the Verona area, outlining in particular the roles of a group of individuals linked to the Calabrian Arena Nicosia clan. For this line of investigation, which followed the major "Taurus" and "Isola Scaligera" investigations, 41 defendants have been on trial for over a year.

Among the incidents contested by prosecutors Lucia D'Alessandro and Stefano Buccini are invoices for non-existent transactions to conceal illicit trafficking, usury, drug dealing, and intimidation of business owners and even trade unionists, as in the case recounted yesterday before judges Raffele Ferraro, Giulia Zecchinon, and Beatrice Marini. In particular, Giammassimo Stizzoli of Filaia-Cisal was targeted, with orders to cease his union activity against a cooperative. According to Toffanin, the violent acts were carried out by some of the defendants who held prominent positions within the local, including Michele Pugliese, Giovanni Minarchi, and Rosario Capicchiano, as well as Santino Mecurio, considered the "heir" of "Tottareddu." After the arrest of boss Antonio Giardino, he took over the organization, carrying out the 'Ndrangheta's criminal activities in the Verona area. Last month, he was sentenced to 16 years in prison in the "Amnesia" trial in the Mestre bunker courtroom.

"Mercurio had looked for the trade unionist in his home," Toffanin explained, "while Minarchi and Capicchiano beat him." Another defendant, Romolo Mancuso, later joined the beating. According to the cooperating witness, he had been recruited by the club to carry out robberies and had a marginal role in the organization, calling him "unreliable." The union representative later suffered injuries that healed in 20 days.

In court, Toffanin also explained how the composition of the Verona 'ndrina had become more "mobile" over the years. "They would form 18-19 people when needed," he explained. "Over the years, I've seen the Crotone club grow, all its dynamics and betrayals." The cooperating witness had pleaded guilty a year ago. In this case, Toffanin was charged with running the "New Double Up" gaming hall, along with Michele Pugliese. The two, along with other members of the club, had forced two people through threats and violence not to open a new gaming hall competing with their club. He had also taken part in other acts of intimidation against another businessman: a group of them had reached the victim's home, and Toffanin had fired a shotgun into the front door. The 59-year-old continued to speak until 6:00 PM, and his testimony will continue in September at another lengthy hearing.

"This committee must find operational solutions as quickly as possible to launch an extraordinary operation to monitor and secure the Palermo area," "starting with the most at-risk neighborhoods, including Zen, but not limited to it. This protection can be ensured not only by the police, but also by involving the military and the Army in joint operations. If necessary, we can also amend the current regulations governing Safe Streets." Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni stated this at the Prefecture in Palermo, at the meeting of the Provincial Committee for Public Order and Security. "Anyone who thinks they can take Palermo back, or terrorize those who work honestly, will find themselves faced with a determined state that acts and strikes." Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni stated this at the Prefecture in Palermo, at the meeting of the Provincial Committee for Public Order and Security, reiterating her thanks to the judiciary and law enforcement for the operation against the Kalashnikov gang.

The prime minister then emphasized the merits of the Sicilian capital: "This city, with its history, has contributed to the identity and civic conscience of our nation as a whole. It is a place where the state has demonstrated, perhaps more than anywhere else, its ability to refuse to back down when truly difficult times arrive, in the face of mafia violence. It is a message we embrace and strive to relaunch, with the same determination today, not only by celebrating our heroes of the past but also by trying to understand how we can do our part to live up to that example, that lesson."