Is it just me, or are academic book covers trying too hard to reach new audiences?

Author: Giorgio Albertini. Source here and here

Credit To The Himariot On YouTube For The Images Shown

I just bought this book and I was wondering if anyone read this and is it a good starter to learn about the Byzantines?

I Learned A Bunch Of The Chants And Where They Originate From And What Their Meanings Are. I Never Realized How Rich The History Behind, And Just The Chanting & Music Itself Is. Probably My New Favorite Music Genre Ngl.

These are maps I have made for my own story set in an Alternate History Roman Empire, currently under the name Childish Dreams. These maps were made for Worldbuilding purposes so I could track the History involved, but I am posting them now because I figured you guys might like them.

These maps track the territorial changes in the Southern Balkans and Anatolia at the death of each major Roman (Byzantine) Emperor from 1329 onwards. I will also include the worldbuilding I had come up with to explain why the borders are the way that they are, as well as a legend to identify which colors are what.

I hope the way I did the map isn't too distracting. I tried to portray the almost nebulous nature of pre-modern borders by signifying areas of lesser control in a lighter shade of color than those of higher control.

I abandoned it in the later maps, but let me know what you thought of it, though!

I hope you guys do like it!

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General Legend:

Purple: The Empire of the Romans (Roman Empire|Byzantine Empire)

Light Gray: The Empire of Serbians, Albanians, and Greeks (Serbian Empire)

Lime Green: The Empire of Bulgarians and Vlachs (Second Bulgarian Empire)

Red (Aegean Region): Stato da Mar (Greek holdings of Venice)

Brown (Egypt): The Sultanate of the Turks/Circassians (Mamluk Sultanate)

Hot Pink (Pontus): The Empire of the East, the Ibers, and Perateia (Despotate of Trebizond)

Red (In Anatolia): Beylik of Osman (Ottomans)

Dark Grey: Beylik of Candar/Isfendiyar (Isfendiyarid/Isfendiyarid)

Darkest Grey (Rhodes): Hospitaller Knights of Rodos (Hospitaller Rhodes)

Teal Green (In Anatolia): Beylik/Emirate of Karaman (Karamanids)

Gold: Beylik of Eretna/Emirate of Erzincan (Eretnids/Erzincan)

Rust-Red: Beylik of Aydın (Aydınids)

Orange-Brown: Beylik of Germiyan (Germiyanids)

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Map 1: The Empire at the death of Emperor Andronikos III Palaiologos: (1349)

The main point of Divergence is two events:

In this timeline, Emperor Andronikos had accomplished similar gains as in our current timeline, but with two major additions.

1. The capture of several neighboring towns down the Marmara Coastline with the meager force he was left with after the pyrrhic victory at Pelekanon.
2. The fealty (and potential integration) of the Latin Lords of Attica, who, in our timeline, were about to swear loyalty to Andronikos, but he died before the Lords could formally swear allegiance.

In addition to these gains, Andronikos III would also have more time to attempt a reversal of his grandfather's (Andronikos II Palaiologos) disbanding of the Roman Navy, procuring the more modern galleys from Venice and Genoa, and reintroducing native Roman production of seafaring vessels.

Map 2: The Empire at the death of Emperor John V Palaiologos: (1391)

Many of the consequences of Andronikos III not dying so early would be immediately felt.

1. Without the devastating civil wars against John Kantakouzenos that plagued John V's reign in our timeline, I imagined John V Palaiologos would've been less of a warlike figure as opposed to his Soldier-Emperor father, Andronikos III.
2. Without the extraordinary situation that resulted from Andronikos III's early death, John Kantakouzenos wouldn't be so ambitious as to move against John V, but instead become a guiding figure as John V solidifies his reign.

Instead of retiring to the Morea, John Kantakouzenos is allowed to continue working in the Empire's bureaucracy. At first, as Co-Emperor, but then, after being dismissed by John V, as Imperial Mesazon (Foreign Mediator, but very prestigious), allowing for greater relations between the Romans and the Turks (but without the very imbalanced position in our own timeline).

John V Palaiologos would generally have a fairly stable reign, allowing the economy to recover from the wars undertaken by his father and reducing corruption thanks to the 'Universal Justices of the Romans'. Now, the Romans in the reign of John V are only challenged by the Italians and the Latin Lords of the Aegean and Peloponnese, who wouldn't be too happy about a resurgent Roman naval presence in the Aegean.

A series of naval Skirmishes between the still-evolving Roman Navy and the Venetians and Genoese eventually became a small war against the Duchy of Naxos (Lasting from 1376-1377), which was a major Venetian holding in the Aegean.

The Roman Navy, which was supplied and supplemented by the vessels of the Beylik of Aydın, contested the Genoese and Venetian power on the waves under the command of John Kantakouzenos' son, Matthew Asen Kantakouzenos. The Roman Army, now supplemented with the descendants of the Catalan Company from Attica, stormed the islands themselves under the command of Emperor John V's son, Kaisar Andronikos Palaiologos. This led to the successful recapture of the island of Naxos and its surroundings

A following war for the island of Crete (Duchy of Candia) was also waged, but ended up going nowhere as the Romans suffered heavy losses and were forced to return to pacify Naxos and the rest of the Aegean, which they now had firm control over.

The many Latin families in the Aegean, including the Genoese Dorian Family and the Gattilusio, would be formally integrated into the Empire during John V's reign; case in point, the marriage of Emperor John V's sister, Irene Palaiologina, to Francisco Gattilusio, who would become the Latin Lord of Lesbos.

John V would die of old age, successfully stabilizing his Empire, and peacefully pass it to Andronikos IV, his eldest son.

Map 3: The Empire at the death of Emperor Andronikos IV Palaiologos (1402)

Ever since his formal introduction to Roman Politics, Andronikos IV would prove to be like his Grandfather in his tenacity for war. As a Strategos in the few wars undertaken by John V, he would prove to be gifted in strategy and unbound in his tenacity for violence.

Since the Roman Position is far stronger in this timeline than in ours, Andronikos would have little reason to revolt against his father. He wouldn't be in Venice, and his Empire wouldn't be vassals of the Ottomans. This would lead to him and his father having a far better family dynamic.

Upon ascending as sole Emperor at the death of his father, he quickly began taking advantage of the reinvigorated Roman navy, the product of his father's and grandfather's reforms. There, he would crack down on Latin meddling in the Mediterranean. In his reign, the Latin-controlled city of Smyrna would finally fall to the Romans, as well as the surrounding territory of Saruhan.

Due to the alliance with Aydın held previously by his father, only Aydın was left as the sole Turkish naval power in the region following their conquest of Halikarnassos and their victory over the Beyliks of Teke and Hamid.

Andronikos would also improve the standing army, solidifying the "Grand Allagia" system that was put into place by the Emperors of Nikaea, and begin recruiting from the growing populations of Latin men and Gasmouloi (Descendants of Latin and Greeks). One major change was the dependence of the Tzangratoroi, the Roman Crossbowmen, whose ranks would swell with Genoese recruits and be trained by Genoese captains.

Alongside the Latin recruits from Attica and the Aegean, he would also recruit from the Turks, mainly those who fled Ottoman and Karesi territory as the Germiyanids continued to wage their war, but also recruit from recently taken territory from the Beylik of Isfendiyar. Many of these Turkish Recruits would end up converting to Christianity and join the Roman army as archers and horse-archers.

Emboldened by his strengthened army and an Empire well fed economically, Andronikos would wage war for Achaea, taking advantage of the chaos wrought by Louis II Anjou's war for the Throne of Naples against King Ladislaus. Patras would fall after several months of siege by both land and sea, their messages for help unanswered due to the war in mainland Italy. The rest of the Achaean Latins would swear fealty to Andronikos.

Following the campaign against Achaea, Andronikos would begin to ally with Genoa, allowing fewer restrictions in their trade in the cities of Thessaloniki, Mytilene, and enlarged quarters in the Golden Horn. Andronikos would also lean heavily on the many Genoese-Roman alliances forged between the many families, such as the Genoese-leaning Gattilusio and Doria families. The closer relation to Genoa would form a greater threat to the Venetian Stato da Mar, thus allowing greater leverage for the Roman Empire against the Serenic Republic.

One of the many fruits of the alliance with Genoa was the seeding of Venice's two 'Eyes' on the Peloponnese, Modon (Methoni) and Coron (Koroni), in exchange for greater privileges in Galata and the reestablishment of the Venetian quarter in Smyrna.

The last of Andronikos IV's major campaigns was the war he waged in the east to assist the Beyliks threatened by the encroaching state of Iran and Turan, led by the conqueror Timur Gurkani.

Anatolia never united under a truly unifying force, falling into a cycle of tribal warfare. Eventually, three Beyliks, then Emirates, formed. Germiyan, which had grown strong from its wars with the descendants of Osman. Karaman, which had seized much of Kappadokia and the lands formerly owned by the Kingdom of Kilikia. And Eretna, which was the strongest of the three major Beyliks/Emirates until the overthrow of the Eretnid Dynasty by the Emirs of Erzincan.

During a conflict between Karaman and Erzincan, Erzincan had called Timur for aid, leading to crushing defeats for Karaman and the rest of the Turkish Beyliks who joined Karaman to oppose the overwhelming force of Timur. This included the armies of Germiyan, Aydın, and even a force sent by Trebizond, Isfendiyar, and the Ottomans.

Soon, envoys from the Ottomans, Aydinids, and even Germiyanids were sent to the court of the Romans in Constantinople, promising the fealty of their people in exchange for Roman Help.

The Romans obliged. Andronikos was eager for war, emboldened by earlier victories, and quickly mustered a great host that swelled with Turkish forces. Even the Trapezuntines, who were late in sending men and material, pledged support for the Empire.

The fighting was slow and drew out for several long days, drawing close to the city of Ancyra. The Romans utilized the Nafta employed by the Turks to frighten Timur's Elephants and successfully repel several assaults by Timur. However, aware of his own disadvantage against a force equally as impressive as his own, Timur had decided to call off his attack and agree to talk with the Emperor of the Romans.

However, one of Timur's elephants, frightened by fire, charged the Emperor as he was approaching Timur to parley, skewering the Emperor on one of its tusks. Thus ending the reign of Emperor Andronikos.

Map 4: The Empire during the Civil War between Manuel II Palaiologos and John VI (Our John VII) Palaiologos: (1402-1407)

The immediate aftermath of the incident that took Andronikos IV's life was thankfully not violent. The elephant was put to death by the Romans, and Timur, who was apologetic, continued peace talks with whoever stepped forward to parley.

That was supposed to be John, Andronikos IV's son, but instead Manuel, brother of Andronikos IV, stepped forward, claiming to be the new Emperor of the Romans.

The issue became apparent almost immediately. John was in Constantinople acting as regent to his father, so he could not contest. And so Timur recognized Manuel as Roman Emperor, and so did many of the Turks who were led by Andronikos IV.

Upon hearing of his father's death and Manuel's open revolt, John quickly had himself crowned in the Hagia Sofia and called for Manuel to return home and disband his army. Manuel refused, ordering John to either step down or for Manuel to be crowned Co-Emperor.

John would refuse.

Many of the native Roman commanders and the landowners under Manuel's army would return to the service of Constantinople (John), while most of the Turkish Commanders would remain with Manuel due to promises of land and gold. One of the exceptions was the Turks of the Ottomans, who chose to leave and return to their own land to take advantage of Germiyan's men flocking to Manuel's side, believing the Civil War to be an opportunity to get one over on their generational foe.

John had control over the cities and the navy, while Manuel held most of the mercenaries and the Anatolian countryside. When Manuel tried to besiege a city, he was easily repulsed. But when John tried to send men to defeat him, the men were quickly and thoroughly crushed in deadly ambushes. This was how it was for five years.

Several of the Empire's neighbors, including the Beylik of Isfendiyar and the Beylik of Osman, had taken advantage of the civil war, raiding into the Anatolian countryside and even capturing Roman cities in the case of Isfendiyar, which had managed to claim and besiege much of the territory of Optimaton. 

Even the Bulgarians and Serbs, who had long looked in different directions to satiate their ambitions, once again turned to the Romans. Aydın, which had been a long, faithful ally of the Romans, began acting on their ambitions, taking the lands of Teke and Hamid, and began contesting the Roman Navy at sea with the help of the ever-present Venetians.

The Bulgarians, in particular, began eyeing Roman territory, eagerly extorting Roman cities for protection during the conflict, and even besieging major cities like Philippopolis. Their attempts were only broken when a contingent of Serbians and Romans led by Prince Stefan Lazarević and an old Roman officer from Giannitsa broke the siege.

Thankfully, John had a break while Manuel was attempting to parley with the Bulgarians. John's men intercepted his caravan and took Manuel prisoner.

John was angry, but ultimately, he was just glad the fighting had stopped. Manuel was imprisoned, ending with him being exiled to Mount Athos.

Map 5: The Empire at the death of Emperor John VI (Our John VII) Palaiologos (1428)

The reign of John VII in our timeline was marred by his rivalry with Manuel Palaiologos as well as the general situation of the Empire, what with being under the Ottomans’ thumb. Without all of that baggage, or at least without the heaviest baggage, this is how I imagined John VI (VII) to rule. (I will refer to him as John VI from here on; THERE ARE NO KANTAKOUZENOI EMPERORS).

This is also the era where the story of the protagonist of my writing project will begin (Specifically my protagonist’s grandfather).

John VI, judging from his rule of Thessalonika in our timeline, would rule justly and stably, but, like in our timeline, have to make do with the situation he has been dealt. I think he would be very proactive in helping the Empire rebuild from the civil war between him and Manuel, as well as solidifying the alliances his father Andronikos made with the Turkic Beyliks in the fallout of Timur’s departure.

One of the biggest pain points is dealing with the lands of Optimaton taken by Isfendiyar and the power exerted by Aydin’s navy after the integration of Hamid and Teke territory.

To supplement his forces, John VI decided to hinge on Manuel’s connections to Serbia, specifically through Manuel’s Marriage to Helena Dragaš, a daughter of a powerful Serbian noble family that took control over much of southern Serbia following the interregnum period caused by the death of the heirless Dušan V. 

As a consequence, Manuel was permitted to return from his exile as a military advisor to John VI. To further please the Dragaš family, the oldest son of Manuel and Helena would be given the title Sebastokrator and be made next in line to the throne.

One particular figure who would end up joining John VI’s wars is the tall prince Stefan Lazarević, whose wife, Helena Gattilusio, was the daughter of the recently deceased Lord of Lesbos. He would be asked to fight for the sake of her wife’s Empire, and the prince, eager for glory and loyal to his love, would pledge his sword to the Empire of the Romans, much to the dismay of the Lords of the Morava.

Another figure who would join John VI’s war was an extremely old Roman Strategos hailing from Giannitsa. During the campaigns in Turkish territory, the mercenaries who would fight under him would call him “Evren”. The Romans who fought under him, too, would adopt the name as “Evrenos”.

Those three figures would help to resolidify Roman control in Anatolia. The lands of Aydin and Isfendiyar would receive the most exemplary punishment.

Manuel would lead the Roman navy with an official from the Morea named Demetrios Laskaris Leontares, and they would crush the Aydinid navy. Soon, they would capture much of Aydinid territory, reducing the Beylik’s territory to what they had conquered from Hamid and Teke. Coastal cities like Halikarnassos and Attaleia would return to Roman hands.

Further north, Evrenos and Lazarević would wage their war with Isfendiyar. They were bogged down by the constant harassment from neighboring tribes, however, and soon the conflict slowed to a crawl in the region of Bithynia once the Beylik of Isfendiyar was pushed out of Optimaton.

To further supplement their forces, the two commanders engaged in diplomacy with the Ottomans. One of the many chosen to delegate with the Ottomans was a Lord of the House of Angelos, a son who had descended from a line that had splintered off from the main Angelid dynasty in Epirus upon the death of Sevastokrator John Angelos to the Black Death.

Alexios Angelos was a charming and charismatic diplomat, earning favor from many high-ranking members of the Ottoman Court, and was crucial in the Roman attempt to secure backing from the Ottomans.

Their newfound Ottoman allies gladly aided the Romans through the forested hills of Bithynia and aided them in several battles up towards Paphlagonia. Eventually, Isfendiyar was relegated only to Paphlagonia.

John VI’s reign wasn’t as stable as the one run by John V. His reign began with a weakened Empire that evolved into an Empire that healed through war.

In the end, John VI died of natural causes and was buried in the Monastery of the Pantokrator.

Map 6: The Empire at the death of Emperor John VII (Our John VIII) Palaiologos (1459)

This is going to be a lighter exposition than the previous because this is the period my writing project is specifically going to take place (Specifically in the early 1450s). He will be referred to as John VII exclusively.

John VII was crowned Emperor following John VI’s funeral. The pact of alliance between the Dragaš family and the Palaiologians bore the fruit of the crown which now sat on John VII’s head. He would feel undeserving of the crown, feeling as though it should belong to the son of John VI, Andronikos. However, to please both his father and mother, he would bear it, instead promising that Andronikos’ son would be made Emperor after John VII’s death.

John VII’s rule is focused almost entirely on stabilizing the Empire left behind by John VI. To support this endeavor, John VII would be more diplomatic, sealing alliances and ensuring cordial relations with the Empire’s neighbors.

One surprising fruit was a (very) tentative pact with Venice through exchanges with the Principality of Arberia that gave Venicians more privileges in exchange for Venetian armaments and galleys.

One such major development was gunpowder. A mix of both eastern and western gunpowder techniques had piqued the Empire’s military minds. John VII was an eager patron of the substance, comparing it to the Greek Fire that was lost following the Fourth Crusade, whose only remnants could be seen in the Nafta used by the Muslims of the East.

The early Wars of John VII would be a test of the future of warfare. Roman armies, strengthened by Italian arms and armor, would march east to put an end to Isfendiyar and bring Paphlagonia back into the light of Rome. Alongside that, Roman galleys armed with mortars would besiege and take the coastal ports of the Emirate of Karaman.

One major commander during the campaign against Isfendiyar would be Gabriel Angelos, son of Alexios Angelos, who would be instrumental in the fall of Sinope.

Map 7: The Empire at the death of Emperor Leo VII Palaiologos (1487)

This is just a crackshoot map. The Emperor is a what-if grandson of John VI (Our John VII). Realistically, he would be named John VIII, but I think having so many people named John is bad worldbuilding (Joke).

This map takes place well after the story I had planned and has far less thought into it. I’d go more in depth, but it would spoil a little bit of the project I’m making, and I’d rather give it the time it needs when I actually get there.

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I hope you all enjoy this world I had made up for myself!

I have been working on this project for quite some time now, and in between College and General-Life stuff, I had little time to dedicate to this Alt-Hist world I’m building.

Again, I hope you all enjoy! Critiques are very Welcome!

https://youtu.be/pv1TUJSEM2k?is=tK1p2mbzzOLiUDe8

I got permission from the Fallen Eagle's main modeller to take his Constantinople model and remake it for the medieval age. Changes include; Fortified Blachernae Walls, Remade Blachernae Palace, Expanded and fortified Boukeleon Palace, Buttresses added to the Hagia Sophia, Remade Hagia Irene, Cut back on outskirt apartments for farms and estates.

For example, when Greece captured the island of Letmos from the Ottomans in 1912, Greek soldiers were sent to every town and stationed in the public squares. Some children on the island ran to see what the Greek soldiers looked like. “What are you looking at?” one of the soldiers asked. “At the Greeks,” the children replied. “And aren’t you Greeks?” the soldier retorted. “No, we’re Romans,” the children answered.