r/Sindh

Honestly, I don’t know much about Pakistan, but I’m aware of my fellow believers who live there. However, there’s something I’m curious about: What is the Sindhi people’s perspective on religion? I imagine that when it comes to religion, things can get quite complicated in India, but honestly, my knowledge of history is limited, so I can’t really say for sure.

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I work as an intern at govt hospital and asked patient (female) to go for emergency reports even though my innocent patient has already done those reports but due to my negligence she had to go again and pay for reports again

Man I had a really bad headache which is why I couldn't see the date of reports so I thought it must be old report so asked her to go again to laboratory even though her male attendants weren't there she went by herself and got those reports in emergency

Man Iam not feeling so goodd 😭😭😭😭

I had a question that does sindhis really hate muhajirs like we have been told by our elders or politicians. Because i have sindhi friends and honestly we are really good to eachother.

bonus points if you can share some banger party / wedding songs (specify if you do ty)

Hi everyone,

I'm a Pakistani PhD student living abroad and am hoping to hear from adults in Sindh for a short study about financial decision-making. The study is running in more than 70 countries, and stronger participation from Sindh would help Pakistan's perspectives be represented.

Survey: https://www.soscisurvey.de/tricc-project/?q=PAK

Eligibility: 18 or older, a Pakistani citizen, and currently living in Pakistan. The survey is anonymous and takes around five minutes. Thank you for considering it!

As a sindhi, Do you think the Two-Nation Theory was right or wrong? If you support it, what makes you agree with it? If you disagree, what are your main reasons?

Sindhi waderas and Baloch sardars can absolutely be exploitative but reducing Sindh and Balochistan’s problems to “wadera” or “sardar” culture misses the larger historical picture.

The wadera system in Sindh and the sardari system in Balochistan existed before modern state governance. Local chiefs and influential people often acted as mediators, represented communities, settled disputes and dealt with rulers. These systems were not necessarily democratic or equal but they were part of how society functioned before modern institutions existed.

Colonial rule changed them dramatically. The British did not simply invent these institutions but they strengthened, formalised and incorporated them into systems of indirect rule. In Sindh, colonial authorities relied on influential landlords and waderas for revenue collection and rural administration. In Balochistan, the British developed the Sandeman system, working through sardars and giving them political recognition and patronage in exchange for loyalty and maintaining order.

After 1947, much of this political logic survived.

Instead of completely replacing intermediary power with strong local democratic institutions, successive governments continued to work through powerful landlords, tribal chiefs and political families. These elites could deliver votes, maintain influence and act as intermediaries between the state and local populations.

That creates an important contradiction. The same system can empower a local elite and later blame that elite for the condition of the region.

“Sindh is backward because of Sindhi waderas.” - “Balochistan is backward because of Baloch sardars.”

But then we have to ask: Who empowered these elites? Who protected them? Who politically benefited from them? Why were they repeatedly incorporated into the state system?

But apply the same standard everywhere.

Punjab has its own landed and Chaudhary structures. Karachi has powerful business and political elites. Pakistan also has enormous bureaucratic, military, corporate and real-estate elites.

This is where the ethnic labelling becomes politically significant. Adding “Sindhi” before wadera or “Baloch” before sardar repeatedly turns a specific class or power structure into an identity-based narrative. It places collective political pressure on Sindhis and Baloch by making the failures of particular elites appear to be a characteristic of the entire community.

If the state genuinely wanted to dismantle these structures, it could pursue meaningful land reform, strengthen local governments, build independent institutions and prosecute powerful people regardless of their connections. Otherwise, we are not really challenging the system.

We are simply blaming the local face of a much larger system of power.

The real question is not “Are waderas and sardars bad?”

It is:

Why does a modern state continue to reproduce, negotiate with and benefit from intermediary elites instead of building institutions that give ordinary people direct political power?

Why so many people dislike sajid soomro in pakistan? Some sindhis seem to dislike him too.
(I wanna know what exactly he has said/done)

The recent Mir Raza case, and a very similar case of Shahzeb Khan, are both committed by Sindhi feudal lords (allegedly in Mir Raza's case) who believe they are above the law because the system protects them and those like them.

This class of feudal lords has also been exploiting regular Sindhis for over a century now. Each generation is worst than the last.

These are the descendents of the people who supported the British in their conquest of Sindh. They are not one of us.

Sindh's feudal system is a relic of our colonial past. A relic that continues to haunt our society today. A society can never be truly equal when these power structures exist and continue to suppress the ordinary Sindhi today.

From Fanon, we know that the British wanted to create and leave behind a class of people who looked exactly like us but acted exactly like them. This sinister and evil class of people continues to benefit from extractive colonial policies and continues to create terror in our society today.

With Mir Raza protests, we need to start protesting to dismantle this system of governance. We need to embark on a mission to make reparations. We cannot stop exploitation as long as this system continues to exist.

I want to move there with my family and there are few things I want to inquire about.

1. What's crime rate? Is it peaceful?

2. Availability of water general purpose?

3. Rate of properties?

4. Weather

5. Any other things?

Division of Sindh is a big no-no for Sindhis, and I think there are understandable political, historical, and economic reasons behind that position.

I’m just wondering about something related to local governance. If Sindh remains one province, what about giving significantly more power and resources to local governments, for example, having a mayor with substantial authority and control over the resources needed to run a city or district?

Would Sindhi-speaking people generally support that kind of strong local government system, or would they see it as a threat to provincial unity and authority?

Genuinely curious to hear different perspectives, especially from Sindhis.