Chola kings were probing temple scams a thousand years ago

Chola kings were probing temple scams a thousand years ago

Introduction: A medieval scandal with modern parallels
The author opens by comparing contemporary allegations involving the Ayodhya Ram Mandir trust with a Chola-era temple scandal. A Chola inscription records temple jewels being stolen by the temple’s own priests, followed by a royal investigation, illustrating that corruption within wealthy religious institutions has historical precedent.

Temples as economic powerhouses
By the 11th and 12th centuries, major South Indian temples had become large economic institutions. They owned extensive agricultural lands, employed large workforces, received donations of gold and jewels, lent money, and managed significant wealth, making them important financial as well as religious centers.
Temple finance and property management
Temple inscriptions show sophisticated financial administration. Some temples lent gold to local communities, maintained formal accounts, and were subject to audits. Historians argue that the expansion of temple wealth coincided with increasingly complex systems of land ownership, taxation, and revenue management.

Land grants and tax avoidance
The article explains that many temple “land donations” were actually transfers of revenue rights rather than simple gifts of farmland. Wealthy individuals could purchase land, secure tax-exempt status by donating it to temples, retain cultivation through tenants, and gain both religious prestige and economic benefits. Royal officials often facilitated these arrangements.

Temple land accumulation
The author argues that temples actively expanded their landholdings by purchasing villages and agricultural land. Some inscriptions suggest that farmers were displaced during this process, prompting Chola kings to attempt reforms protecting cultivators, although these measures appear to have had limited long-term success.

The Sayavanam temple investigation
A 12th-century inscription from Sayavanam records a surprise royal inspection that uncovered the theft of temple jewels by temple priests. The priests were fined, and the inscription is presented as evidence that Chola rulers investigated financial irregularities and punished misconduct within temples.

Kings and accountability
The author argues that although Chola kings sometimes intervened against corruption, royal policies also contributed to conditions that enabled abuses. Heavy taxation, royal land auctions, and the granting of tax exemptions often benefited wealthy elites, creating opportunities for manipulation of temple endowments.

Conclusion
The article concludes that medieval temples were deeply integrated into the political and economic systems of their time. Because they controlled substantial wealth, they were vulnerable to fraud, financial manipulation, and land speculation. Chola inscriptions show that temple administration was subject to audits, investigations, fines, and government oversight rather than existing as a self-regulating sacred sphere.

theprint.in
u/e9967780 — 4 hours ago

How Should We Interpret the Similarity Between Proto-Dravidian po- and Prakrit poa?

u/e9967780 — 20 hours ago

The Dravidian/Para-Dravidian Substrate Hypothesis for eḷḷu / tila / ellu

The core hypothesis

The Indus Valley Civilization (IVC, c. 3300–1300 BCE) was linguistically Dravidian or Para-Dravidian that is, either Proto-Dravidian proper or a related, now-extinct branch of the wider Dravidian family that diverged before the ancestor of the attested Dravidian languages.

As the dominant agricultural and commercial power of the region, this population was the first to cultivate and trade sesame (Sesamum indicum) at scale, and its word(s) for sesame became the source for at least two separate downstream borrowings:

2.Into Indo-Aryan, a separate Para-Dravidian form not necessarily *eḷḷu itself, but a related lexeme with a t-/til- shape from a now-lost branch of the Dravidian family was borrowed as a substrate word when Indo-Aryan speakers entered South Asia (c. 1500 BCE) and encountered established agricultural populations who already grew and named the crop, giving Sanskrit tila → taila.

  1. Retained natively in South Dravidian as *eḷḷu, continuing into Tamil, Kannada, Malayalam, Kodagu, and Tulu.
u/e9967780 — 1 day ago

The Pre-Indo-European Substratum in the British Isles and the Pre-Uralic Substratum in Fennoscandia: Traces of Common Origin

The Pre-Indo-European Substratum in the British Isles and the Pre-Uralic Substratum in Fennoscandia: Traces of Common Origin
Václav Blažek

Abstract
Recent genetic studies of Mesolithic hunter-gatherers in Scandinavia reveal that the primary postglacial repopulation originated from Western Europe. This paper tests the hypothesis of a shared migration by identifying linguistic parallels between the Pre-Indo-European substratum in the British Isles and the Pre-Uralic substratum in Fennoscandia, providing evidence for a common origin of these ancient populations.

Shared lexical features between Insular Celtic and Saami are strikingly unexpected. Once Celtic influence on Saami and Saami influence on Insular Celtic—particularly Goidelic—are excluded, the most plausible explanation is a common substratum. This hypothesis finds robust extra-linguistic corroboration in genetic and archaeological evidence for a Mesolithic migration from Western Europe to Fennoscandia immediately following glacial retreat, dated to ca. 11,000 BP. This was swiftly succeeded by a second Mesolithic influx from Eastern Europe ca. 10,200 BP (Günther et al. 2018: 1–6; cf. Mallory 2013: 53). Ireland’s earliest inhabitants arrived ca. 10,000 BP, introducing Mesolithic industries, while Britain’s initial Mesolithic traces date to ca. 11,600 BP, with Late Palaeolithic hunter-gatherers attested as early as ca. 14,700 BP (Mallory 2013: 40, 48).

The following list of 12 lexical comparisons marks the first systematic effort to compile relevant data, though the items vary in semantic reliability. The strongest cases are ## 1, 6, and 12. Comparison #13 involves only Fennic forms and requires separate discussion.

  1. Saami: South aske ‘moon’ (Lagercrantz 1939: 18, n. 105; Sammallahti 1998: 179) //
    Goidelic: Old Irish ésca(e), éisce n., later m. ‘moon.’ Matasović (2009: 118–19) connected it with Lithuanian áiškus ‘bright’ and Old Church Slavonic iskra ‘spark.’

  2. PSaami jōvę ‘scree, field of jagged rocks’ (Lehtiranta 1989: n. 297) //
    Goidelic: Old Irish aife ‘slope’ (DIL A-108; LEIA A-24); cf. Old Irish aig ‘ice’ < *jeg- (Matasović 2009: 435).

  3. PSaami kājpē ‘chin’ (Lehtiranta 1989: n. 341) //
    Goidelic: Old Irish cab ‘mouth, muzzle’ (DIL C-1; LEIA C-1); less probable is the alternative comparison with Old Irish cíab ‘hair (of the head), lock of hair’ (DIL C-174; LEIA C-93). In this case the semantic difference is comparable with Germanic barda- ‘beard’ vs. Slavic borda ‘chin.’

  4. PSaami kēδē ‘temple’ (Lehtiranta 1989: n. 394) //
    Goidelic: Old Irish cod, cud ‘head’ (DIL C-582; LEIA C-139).

  5. PSaami kēδkē ‘stone’ (Lehtiranta 1989, n. 380) //
    Insular Celtic: Old Irish crec, creg ‘rock’ (DIL C-513; LEIA C-225); Old Welsh (12th cent.) creic, Welsh craig ‘rock, boulder, stone’ (GPC).

  6. PSaami kumppā ‘wolf’ (Lehtiranta 1989: n. 495) //
    Goidelic: Old Irish cuib, var. cuim ‘hound, wolf’ (DIL C-583; LEIA C-267)

  7. PSaami lānte ‘pond, pool’ (Lehtiranta 1989: n. 568); Finnish lantto ‘puddle’ was probably borrowed from Saami (Aikio 2009: 260). The origin of the Saami word in Finnish lansi ‘lowland, wetland’ or dial. lanto ‘low, damp place in terrain’ is not unambiguous—the opposite vector or a common heritage cannot be excluded. //
    Brittonic lindā ‘lake, pool’ (Matasović 2009: 239–40).

  8. Saami: North liraš ‘a bird belonging to the genus Totanidae’, Enontekiön līrāš ‘common sandpiper’ / Finnish liro, lieru ‘wood sandpiper / Totanus glareolus’ (SKES 298) //
    Goidelic: Old Irish rer ‘blackbird’ (DIL R-48; LEIA R-21)

  9. PSaami sēplę ‘slush’ (Lehtiranta 1989: n. 1142) //
    Goidelic: Old Irish slab ‘mud, mire’ (DIL S-255; LEIA S-123).

  10. PSaami tāktē ‘bone’ (Lehtiranta 1989: n. 1219); the comparison with Finnish tähti, gen. tähden ‘das Übriggebliebene, Aufbewahrte’ is problematic for semantic reasons and the comparison with Hungarian tetem ‘Leiche, Leichnam, die irdischen überreste, Gebein,’ Old Hungarian ‘Knochen, Bein; Rippe’ is, by reason of its isolation, not convincing enough to be generally accepted (cf. UEW 515–16) //
    Goidelic: Old Irish tec & tuc ‘bone’ (DIL S-94, 352; LEIA T-38, 106).

  11. PSaami vēvlē ‘hole in skin’ (Lehtiranta 1989: n. 1381; Lagercrantz 1939: n. 1001); cf. Koltta veu’ll ‘loop, sling’ (Itkonen 2011: 738) //
    Brittonic ụeụlā- > Middle Welsh (14th cent.) gwefl f. ‘lip (of an animal)’, pl. ‘jaws’, Cornish gwelv ‘lip,’ Middle Breton guefl ‘mouth’ (Matasović 2009: 419 adds, in addition, Old Irish bél m. ‘lip’).

  12. PSaami vōjvę ‘liver’ (Sammallahti 1998: 179); the initial v- can be prothetic, cf. PSaami vōlē ‘down’ (Lehtiranta 1989: n. 1432) vs. Fennic ala ‘lower,’ etc. (UEW 6). It means, vōjvę can be derived from Pre-Saami ajvi //
    Insular Celtic: Old Irish óa f. gl. ‘iecur’, dat.pl. óeib; Middle Welsh ahu, auu, afu m. & f.; Old Cornish aui; Middle Breton auu, Breton avu m. ‘liver’ (Matasović 2009: 49: aụV-?).

  13. Fennic suti ‘wolf’ > Finnish susi, gen. sg. suden, ill.sg. suteen, nom.pl. sudet, Estonian susi, Livonian su’ž, pl. sudùD (SKES 1129–1130) //
    Goidelic: Old Irish sod, sad f. ‘bitch, she-wolf’ (DIL S-323; LEIA S-161).

Conclusion
This preliminary list demonstrates that the British Isles and Fennoscandia preserve traces of a distinctive Mesolithic substratum. The semantic range of the compared lexemes—spanning hunting, gathering, and basic environmental features—aligns closely with a pre-agricultural cultural horizon. The primary aim of this study is to stimulate further interdisciplinary research into these ancient linguistic layers.

References
Aikio, Ante. 2009. The Saami Loanwords in Finnish and Karelian. Ph.D. thesis: Faculty of Humanities of the University of Oulu.
Aikio, Ante. 2012. “An essay on Saami ethnolinguistic prehistory.” In: A Linguistic Map of Prehistoric Northern Europe. Helsinki: Suomalais-Ugrilaisen Seuran Toimituksia / Mémoires de la Société Finno-Ougrienne 266, 63–117.
DIL = Dictionary of the Irish Language. Based mainly on Old and Middle Irish materials. ed. by E.G. Quin et alii. Dublin: Royal Irish Academy (Compact Edition) 1998.
GPC = Geiriadur Prifysgol Cymru / A Dictionary of the Welsh Language 1–4. R. J. Thomas et alii, eds. Cardiff: University of Wales Press 1967–2002. https://welsh-dictionary.ac.uk/gpc/gpc.html.
Günther, Torsten, Malmström, Helena, Svensson, Emma M., Omrak, Ayça, Sánchez-Quinto, Frederico, Kılınç, Gülşah M., et alii. 2018. “Population genomics of Mesolithic Scandinavia: Investigating early postglacial migration routes and high-latitude adaptation.” PLoS Biology 16(1), 1–22.
Itkonen, Terje I. 2011. Wörterbuch des Kolta- und Kolalappischen. Helsinki: Lexica Societatis Fenno-Ugricae XV.
Lagercrantz, Eliel. 1939. Lappischer Wortschatz, I-II. Helsinki: Lexica Societatis Fenno-Ugricae VI.
Lehtiranta, Juhani. 1989. Yhteissaamelainen sanasto. Helsinki: Mémoires de la Societé Finno-Ougrienne / Suomalais-ugrilaisen seuran toimituksia 200.
LEIA = Vendryes, Joseph. 1987. Lexique êtymologique de l’irlandais ancien, Lettre C, par les soins de E. Bachellery et P.-Y. Lambert. Dublin: Institute for Advanced Studies – Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique.
Mallory, James P. 2013. The Origins of the Irish. London: Thames & Hudson.
Matasović, Ranko. 2009. Etymological dictionary of Proto-Celtic. Leiden – Boston: Brill.
Sammallahti, Pekka. 1998. The Saami Languages. Karašjohka / Karasjok: Davvi Girji.
SKES = Suomen kielen etymologinen sanakirja, I-VII. Y.H. Toivonen et al., eds. Helsinki: Lexica Societatis Fenno-Ugricae XII,1–7, 1955f.
UEW = Uralisches etymologisches Wörterbuch. Károly Rédei et al., eds. Budapest: Akadémiai Kiadó 1986–88.
Václav Blažek
Department of Linguistics and Baltic Studies
Masaryk University – Brno
Czech Republic
blazek@phil.muni.cz​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

reddit.com
u/e9967780 — 2 days ago

The Velaikkara Inscription at Padaviya by Prof. S. Pathmanathan, Dept. of History, University of Peradeniya, Sri Lanka

An undated Sanskrit inscription from Padaviya, engraved in grantha characters, records the construction of a vihara on the orders of a general called Lokanatha. The institution was named the Velikkara Viharam and was placed under the protection of the Velaikkara regiment.

Paranavitana’s reading of the text, together with his translation and comments, was published in the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society. His decipherment of the epigraph is excellent, but his interpretation of its contents can be questioned. The last expression, Sripater-iha (line 7), is translated by Paranavitana as “here for the illustrious lord,” but “here at Sripati” appears more appropriate, as a Sanskrit inscription on the seal from Padaviya testifies that Padaviya was called Sripati-grama in medieval times.

As the inscription opens with a brief eulogy of the Setukula, it may be assumed that Lokanatha either belonged to the Setukula or was an agent or Samanta of one of its rulers. Paranavitana argues that the Setukula cannot refer to the Aryacakkravartti dynasty of Jaffna, contending instead that it refers to a Javaka family from the Malay Peninsula. He advances three arguments: the Aryacakravarttis were ardent Saivites; Padaviya was never under their effective control; and the palaeographic date of the record is too early for their rise to power in Ceylon.

He further asserts:
“We have, therefore, to look for the derivation of this Setukula to a quarter outside Ceylon as well as South India… Setu, meaning causeway, is no doubt the name of a place not far from Jaiya, where the only inscription of Candrabhanu has been discovered… It could very well be that a scion of the ancient royal family of this region was a companion of Candrabhanu in his attempt to wrest sovereignty over this Island.”

Paranavitana’s identification of the Setukula based on the Chinese reference to Ch’ih-t’u is wrong. His assumption that Ch’ih-t’u is a phonetic transcription of “Setu” is erroneous — Ch’ih-t’u means “the red-earth land,” and the Chinese texts describe it as a kingdom in the south seas reached by more than a hundred days at sea, whose capital soil is mostly red. No locality called Setu is known to have existed in the Malay Peninsula. Moreover, neither Candrabhanu nor his son could have belonged to the Setukula, as they were of the Padmavamsa.

The word Setu itself has several meanings: dam, dyke, lake, reservoir, causeway, passage, boundary, or even the sacred syllable Om. There were several localities called Setu in South India. The southern extremity of South India, the Island of Ramesvaram, and the reef of sunken rocks connecting Mannar with Ramesvaram were all called Setu. The Tamil work Tevai ula mentions a town called Setu, and the title Setunakarkavalan (“guardian of the town of Cetu”) belonged to the Setupati rulers of Ramnad. The legend Setu was inscribed on all coins issued by the rulers of Jaffna — suggesting a sentimental attachment to localities of that name in their South Indian homeland.

Among the rulers of Ceylon, only the kings of Jaffna are known to have had connections with Setu. It may therefore be suggested that the Setukula in the Padaviya inscription refers to the Aryacakravartti dynasty. Paranavitana’s counter-arguments do not hold up. The fact that Jaffna rulers were ardent Saivites is not a valid objection. A Saivite ruler need not be antagonistic to Buddhism. The establishment of a Buddhist monastery could reflect an Aryacakravartti’s effort to consolidate authority and pacify the Buddhist population around Padaviya. The Yalppanavaipavamalai asserts that some early rulers of Jaffna treated Saivites and Buddhists with equal impartiality.
Palaeography is not a serious obstacle. Paranavitana assigns the inscription to the thirteenth century, and since the Aryacakravarttis exerted influence in North Ceylon from at least A.D. 1284 onwards, the inscription could have been set up when an Aryacakravartti conquered the northern parts of Ceylon and was stabilising his power there.

As for Padaviya never having been under Jaffna’s control: after Magha’s conquest of Rajarata around 1215, no Sinhalese king exercised control over Padaviya. Throughout Magha’s rule it was under his effective control, and in the thirteenth century it was an integral part of the northern kingdom. The Javakas under Candrabhanu, who supplanted Magha, brought Padaviya under their sway as the Culavamsa records: “Candrabhanu, having collected from the countries of the Pandus and Colas many Damila soldiers, landed with his Javaka army in Mahatitta…” When the Aryacakravarttis subsequently conquered the Javaka kingdom in North Ceylon, Padaviya came under their sway. Evidence also suggests the kingdom of Jaffna was larger in its earlier centuries. The Taksinakailasapuranam and the Sinhalese Nampota indicate that the Trincomalee region was included in the Tamil kingdom. None of the arguments adduced by Paranavitana against identifying the Setukula with the Aryacakravarttis is cogent and convincing.

The contents of the inscription do not show the precise relationship between the Setukula eulogised in the beginning of the record and the general Lokanatha who caused the vihara to be constructed. There are therefore several possibilities. If we assume that the Setukula is a reference to the Aryacakravarttis, Lokanatha could have been either a king of Jaffna or a scion of the Aryacakravartti family. Another possibility is that the Setukula was different from the ruling house of Jaffna and was a family of local chieftains that held sway over Padaviya, in which case Lokanatha could have been a general of such a chieftain or himself such a chieftain. Setu formed the initial element of the names of some Tamil chiefs. Among the Vanniyar who came from the Tamil country and occupied certain localities in North Ceylon, the Vaiya refers to a chief called Setuvanta Maluvarayan. Setarayan, a Velaikkara general of the reign of Jayabahu, was the chief of the division called Mahamandala in the twelfth century.
The Velaikkarar are mentioned in five inscriptions discovered in Ceylon, and the Padaviya inscription is the latest. Its historical significance lies in establishing that the Velaikkara regiment remained a force in the politics and society of the Island as late as the thirteenth century. The Velaikkara troops came to the Island during the period of Cola rule and subsequently served in the armies of Sinhalese kings — Vijayababu (1055–1170), Jayabahu (1110–11), Gajabahu II (1132–1135), and Parakramabahu (1153–86). They were also employed by private individuals and religious dignitaries to protect institutions and endowments. An inscription from the 42nd year of Vijayabahu I records a Velaikkara being entrusted with protecting endowments made to a Hindu temple. The Polonnaruwa slab inscription records that the grand thera Mugalan summoned the Velaikkara regiment to protect the Temple of the Tooth Relic at Polonnaruwa.

There are notable similarities between the Polonnaruwa slab inscription and the Padaviya Sanskrit inscription both relate to Buddhist foundations, both involve a general commissioning a religious structure, and both place the institution under Velaikkara protection. The Polonnaruwa inscription is partly in Tamil and partly in Sanskrit (in Grantha), while the Padaviya inscription is entirely in Sanskrit and Grantha script. This suggests that some Velaikkarar were literate and well versed enough in Tamil and Sanskrit to draft records grammatically and even poetically. The Temple of the Tooth Relic was named the Velaikkara Daladaypperumpalli, while the monastery at Padaviya was called the Velaikkara Viharam. Both institutions were placed under the Velaikkara regiment for protection.

Transliteration:
Svasti Sri () Buddha-dharmmakhanda-vima / la-gunottunga-Ratnatrayika- / sthiti(h) Setu-kulah () kanti-lak(s)m(yu) / j(yva)lam ratna rajita karandam / srimat-Sri-Lokanathahva(ya-da)- / ndan(a)yaka - karitam Sripateh-ihpa / Sri-Velaikkara-namankitam-idam / Viharam rakshitum sthapitam(*) / Srih *

Translation:
The Setu family is established in the Buddha dharma which is unblemished, exalted with many virtues, and adorned with the triple gems (Buddha, Dhamma, and the Sangha). This vihara, glorious with beauty and splendour, with its spire adorned with gems, caused to be built here at Sripati (grama) by the general named Lokanatha, has been named after the regiment of the Velaikkarar and placed under their protection. Prosperity.
(Note: The reading of the text follows Paranavitana; the translation is revised by the author.)

Footnotes
1. S. Paranavitana, ‘A Sanskrit inscription from Padaviya,’ Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society (JCBRAS), New Series, Vol. VIII, pt. 2, pp. 261–264.
2. A circular seal with the figure of a Nandi, discovered in 1970 from an ancient Saivite temple at Padaviya, refers to Sripatigrama. The same locality seems to be referred to as Sripati in the Sanskrit inscription from Padaviya. See Ceylon Observer, Nov. 28, 1970, p. 2.
3. JCBEAS, Vol. VIII, pt. 2, pp. 261–264.
4. ibid.
5. Paul Wheatley, The Golden Khersonese (Kuala Lumpur, 1966) pp. 26–27.
6. A. Liyanagame, The Decline of Polonnaruwa and the Rise of Dambadsniya (Colombo, 1968), pp. 133–134; Recuil des Inscriptions du Siam, II, 26, tr. 27.
7. Monier Williams, A Sanskrit English Dictionary, Oxford, 1892; Tamil Lexicon, Madras, 1929.
8. According to tradition embodied in the Ramayana of Kampan and repeated in such works as the Cekaracaceksramalai, the Tevai ula, and the Cotupuranam, the bridge or Cetu between Lanka and the southernmost point of India was constructed as a passage for Rama’s armies.
9. Tevai ula, edited by U. V. Caminataiyar (Madurai, 1907) v. 95.
10. Archaeological Survey of Southern India (ASSI) IV, no. 2, p. 65.
11. South Indian Inscriptions (SII), Vol. VIII: No. 403, 117, of 1903.
12. Tevai ula, v. 95; ASSI, IV: No. 2, p. 65.
13. The legend Setu was inscribed on all coins issued by the rulers of Jaffna.
14. H. W. Codrington, ‘The problem of the Kotogama Inscription,’ JCBAR, Vol. XXXII, No. 85, 1934, pp. 214–225.
15. A sixteenth-century Tamil inscription from Tirukkovil, recording donations to a Hindu shrine, refers to Cankapotivarmar Vicayapakutevar — a Buddhist king — as sivagnana Canikarikal. This does not imply that Vicayapakutevar was a Saivite. Similarly, describing the Setukula as devoted to Buddhism in a record relating to a Buddhist foundation does not necessarily mean the Setukula was a family of Buddhist rulers. See K. Velupillai, Ceylon Tamil Inscriptions, pt. II (Peradeniya, 1971), pp. 5–6.
16. Yalppana Vaipavamalai, edited by Kula Sabanathan (Colombo, 1953) pp. 35–46.
17. Culavamsa, LXXXIII: 15–18.
18. Culavamsa, LXXXVIII: 64.
19. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries the kingdom of Jaffna included territories roughly corresponding to the present Northern Province. Queyroz describes the extent of Jaffnapatnam: “This modest kingdom is not confined to the little district of Jafanapatao because, to it is added the neighbouring lands and those of the Vanni… there stretch the lands of the Vanni crosswise, from the side of Mannar, by the river Paraguil, which lands in the Vanni and of others which stretch as far as Triquilemale.” See The Temporal and Spiritual Conquest of Ceylon by Queyroz, trans. Fr. G. Perera (Colombo, 1930) pp. 47, 151.
20. The Sinhalese text Nampota (14th century) attests that Trincomalee (Gonagama) was included within the Tamil kingdom (Demalapattanam). The Taksinakailasapuranam suggests that Cekaracacekaran was ruling over the town of Tirukonamalai. Nampota, pp. 5–6; Taksinakailasapuranam, p. 78.1.
21. Seturayan, a chief of the Vanniyar, is said to have controlled the fort of Tiruvitaiccuram in Tontaimantalam. See William Taylor, An Analysis of the Mackenzie Manuscripts (Madras, 1838), section 3.
22. Vaiya, ed. S. Gnanapragasar (Accuveli, 1921), p. 28.
23. Ceylon Tamil Inscriptions, pt. I, pp. 24–26.
24. Epigraphia Zeylanica (EZ), III: no. 33; SII, IV: 1396, 1398; Ceylon Tamil Inscriptions, pt. I, p. 26.
25. EZ III; No. 33.
26. The reading of the text is entirely that of Paranavitana; the translation is revised by the author.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

Transcribed using Claud. ai from https://telo.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/01/The-Velaikkara-Inscription-at-Padavia.pdf

u/e9967780 — 8 days ago
▲ 217 r/Dravidiology+1 crossposts

Literacy Among Common People in Ancient Tamilaham: 2,000 years ago, a man named Iyan scratched his name onto his water jar in Tamil Brahmi.

Among the most remarkable discoveries from ancient Tamilaham are the humble pottery shards bearing inscribed names of ordinary working people. One such find, a potsherd carrying the name of a toddy tapper quietly dismantled the assumption that literacy in the ancient Tamil world was the exclusive preserve of the elite.

The well known நாகன் உறல்/naakan uRal meaning Nakan's (pot with) toddy-sap was found etched on an unearthed a 3rd-century CE potsherd at the Andipatti site in Vellore district, Tamil Nadu, showing that even a toddy tappers knew how to mark his name on a pot so that other toddy tappers would not accidentally take it.

Iyan’s Jar from Kodumanal is another additional evidence of this widespread literacy. From the archaeological site of Kodumanal an inland trading town in the Kongu region of ancient Tamilaham comes an earthenware vessel bearing one of the most intimate inscriptions of the ancient Tamil world. Scratched into the clay in early Tamil Brahmi script, it reads:

இயதன் வெண் நீர் அழி இய் தடா
“This large jar, belonging to Iyan, for preserving / pouring pure, clear water”

In a single line of text, we meet a real person: Iyan (இயன்), an ordinary man who owned a large, wide-mouthed earthenware storage jar a taṭā and felt compelled, or perhaps naturally inclined, to write his name upon it along with its purpose.

The inscription is rich with linguistic detail. Veṇ nīr (வெண் நீர்) “white” or pure, clear water tells us this was no ordinary storage pot but one designated specifically for clean drinking water. Aḻi-iy (அழி-இய்) carries the sense of preserving, cooling, or dispensing, and notably employs an ancient grammatical vowel elongation technique known as Alapedai a sophisticated grammatical feature that suggests even casual, everyday writing drew on a living knowledge of formal Tamil grammar.

Unlike many ancient cultures where script was confined to temple walls and royal proclamations, early Tamil Brahmi appears to have entered daily commercial and domestic life. Marking one’s jar, asserting ownership, recording a vessel’s purpose these were the motivations scratched into clay by ordinary hands like Iyan’s.

Kodumanal itself was a site for gem-cutting and textile centre with connections to both inland agrarian communities and long-distance trade routes. Toddy tappers, water-carriers, craftspeople, and traders mingled in such towns. In this environment, a working knowledge of written marks would have carried real practical value far beyond the scribal class.
Apparently the script itself was accessible. Tamil Brahmi, compared to more complex ancient writing systems, had a relatively learnable structure. That Iyan could not only write his name but compose a grammatically aware phrase deploying Alapedai correctly suggests functional literacy was something people absorbed as part of living in a literate community, not merely through formal instruction.

What Iyan’s taṭā ultimately tells us is that ancient Tamilaham possessed a democratic relationship with its script. Long before the grand copper plate grants and temple inscriptions of later centuries, ordinary Tamils were pressing stylus to wet clay and leaving behind not just their names, but their grammar, their purpose, their ownership their selfhood.

TL:DR In that small inscription on a water jar from Kodumanal, we do not hear a king’s decree. We hear something rarer and more human: a working man from over two thousand years ago, writing that this jar is his, that it holds clean water, and that he knew perfectly well how to say so in correct Tamil.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

u/e9967780 — 9 days ago

From Equal Drains to Unequal Veins: The Long Fall from Indus Valley to Caste India

A new study of the ancient Indus city of Mohenjo-daro challenges a long-held view of history by suggesting that prosperity did not lead to greater inequality.

Unlike ancient Egypt, with its pyramids and powerful pharaohs, or Mesopotamia, with its ruling elites and monumental palaces, the Indus city of Mohenjo-daro left behind few obvious signs of concentrated wealth or authority. Now, researchers think they know why.

A new University of York study suggests that the 4,000-year-old city became increasingly equal as it grew and prospered. By examining the sizes of homes throughout Mohenjo-daro, the team found evidence that wealth disparities declined over time, defying a pattern that historians have long considered a hallmark of early urban development.

scitechdaily.com
u/e9967780 — 11 days ago

The Poonjeri Inscriptions: An Overlooked Epigraphic Record of Pallava Artisans

Mamallapuram, the crown jewel of Pallava architecture, is celebrated for its breathtaking monuments, the Shore Temple, the Five Rathas, the Great Penance, and various other magnificent rock-cut caves adorned with intricate sculptures. While these architectural wonders are widely praised, the master sculptors who crafted them remain largely unknown to the public. However, their names are not lost to history; they are inscribed on boulders in Poonjeri, a lesser-known site located just 2.9 kilometers from Mallai.

In a site what locals used to call “Nondi Veerappan Thotti,” in Poonjeri,  holds an inscription in Tamil and Grantha script, dating back to the late 7th century CE. These inscriptions, documented in the South Indian Inscriptions (SII) Volume XII, AR Nos. 105-107 of 1932-33, offer a rare glimpse into the identities of seven sculptors who played a crucial role in shaping Mamallapuram's legacy.

The inscription reads:

Ke(va)da Peruntaccan
Gunamallah
Payyamilippan
Catamukkiyan
Kaliya(ni)
Namah Tiruverriyur A(bha)jar
Kollan (S)emagan

In Tamil, ‘Taccan’ refers to a sculptor, while ‘Peruntaccan’ denotes the chief sculptor, indicating the high status of these artisans. Their names being etched into stone suggests that they either worked or resided in this region. 

The Neglected State of Poonjeri Inscriptions
While royal inscriptions are common in heritage sites, it is exceedingly rare to find records acknowledging the sculptors who built them. Poonjeri is one such invaluable site, yet it lies in a state of neglect. The road expansion on the East Coast Road (ECR) has left these inscriptions almost forgotten. Today, the stone slabs rest beside the road’s barricade, obscured by overgrown shrubs and creepers, with no signboards or protective measures to highlight their historical significance.
With rapid urban development in the area, there is an urgent need to protect this site. At the very least, a signboard should be installed to educate locals and visitors about the significance of these inscriptions. Unlike many other historical records controlled by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI), this site remains outside their jurisdiction, making preservation efforts even more challenging.

https://www.indiancolumbusheritage.com/2025/02/Poonjeri-Inscriptions.html?m=1

u/e9967780 — 11 days ago

Gardabha Reconsidered: What Horse Gram and “Horse” Tell Us About the Word for Donkey

South Asian historical linguistics has a recurring problem: words get handed tidy Sanskrit derivations that turn out to be retrofits, not real etymologies. Horse gram is the textbook case. “Horse” across the subcontinent is a quieter, more revealing one. Both offer a frame for re-examining gardabha, Sanskrit for donkey and for asking whether it’s hiding a Dravidian substrate the way kulattha did.

Case 1: Horse gram, the warning label
Kulattha (कुलत्थ), Sanskrit for horse gram (Macrotyloma uniflorum), is conventionally parsed as kula (“cluster”) + sthā (“to stand”) — “that which stands in a cluster,” describing the plant’s pod growth. It’s also almost certainly wrong.

https://www.reddit.com/r/Dravidiology/s/zHc3a9wZr4

Case 2: “Horse,” the control group
If horse gram shows what borrowing-then-relabeling looks like, “horse” shows what no Dravidian substrate looks like a useful contrast.
Across Indo-Aryan, “horse” is remarkably uniform: Hindi/Punjabi/Bengali/Assamese ghoṛā/ghorā, Gujarati/Rajasthani ghodo, Marathi ghoḍā, Sindhi ghoro, even Romani gras in the diaspora all continuous with Sanskrit ghoṭa-/ghoṭaka- borrowed from a Dravidian form. So the everyday Indo-Aryan word for horse isn’t the inherited one, it’s a Dravidian borrowing wearing a Sanskrit-looking suffix, the kulattha pattern recurring with a different animal

https://www.reddit.com/r/Dravidiology/s/hfmpmHqGhi

Case 3: Gardabha, the actual subject
Sanskrit gardabha (गर्दभ), “donkey,” is usually presented as inherited Indo-European vocabulary: an onomatopoeic root gard- (“to cry, bray”) plus the animal-forming suffix -bha, the same pattern seen in ṛṣabha (“bull”). It sounds tidy. So did kulattha.

Wiktionary flags this as unsettled and offers a second theory: gardabha as a Dravidian borrowing, with reconstructed root *garda fused to the Indo-European suffix -bha by analogy compare Tamil kazhutai (கழுதை), Kuvi gāṛde (ଗାଡ଼୍ଦେ), and Duruwa garad. If true, gardabha is a hybrid: a foreign root wearing Indo-European clothing, structurally identical to kulattha’s native -ttha dressing.

The DEDR (Dravidian Etymological Dictionary, entry 1364) complicates the simple “Dravidian → Sanskrit” story. The data splits into two clusters:

South Dravidian kar̤ut-/katt-: Tamil kar̤utai, Malayalam kar̤uta, Kannada kar̤te/katte, Kodava katte, Tulu katte, Kota kaṭt, Toda katy. Central/tribal Dravidian gāḍ-/gāṛd-: Telugu gāḍida, Kolami gaḍdi, Naiki gāṛdi, Parji gade/garad, Gondi gāṛdi, Kuvi gāṛde. This cluster closely resembles gardabha, and DEDR’s own cross-reference points to Turner’s CDIAL entry 4054, linking it straight back to the Sanskrit form.

That second cluster may not require Sanskrit contact to explain at all. A more economical account derives it entirely within Dravidian, reconstructing a Proto-Dravidian form like *kāḻVtai, with regular sound changes producing each daughter form: Telugu’s well-attested initial k- > g- voicing and intervocalic -t- > -d-, combined with ḻ > ḍ, yields *kāḻVtai > gāḻida > gāḍida. The same ḻ > ṛ shift seen elsewhere in Dravidian (compare *poḻutu ‘day’ > Koya poṛd) would derive Koya gāṛdi along an identical path. Parji garad likely reflects a further ḻ > r shift characteristic of Kolami and Naiki (compare *koḻaḷ ‘daughter-in-law’ > Naiki koraḷ), possibly entering Parji through contact with one of those languages rather than independently. If this reconstruction holds, the resemblance to Sanskrit gardabha may be coincidental or might even suggest borrowing ran the other way.​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​​

Gardabha deserves the same scrutiny kulattha got and on the internal Dravidian reconstruction above, DED and CDIAL’s cross-reference may have the direction backwards. Sanskrit’s internal etymologies for indigenous flora and fauna should be treated as hypotheses, not conclusions, especially when the referent predates Indo-Aryan presence in the region.

References

Turner, R.L., A Comparative Dictionary of the Indo-Aryan Languages (entries 3335, 4054)

Burrow, T. & Emeneau, M.B., Dravidian Etymological Dictionary (entry 1364); Burrow, T., Transactions of the Philological Society (1945)

Wiktionary entry for गर्दभ.
https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/गर्दभ

Edit:Rewrote the article based on u/Heheheblah valuable input.

u/e9967780 — 19 days ago
▲ 791 r/Dravidiology+3 crossposts

The Lady of the Spiked Throne is a Harappan terracotta artifact from the 3rd millennium BCE, depicting a central female figure siting on a throne, and accompanied by a crew of about 14 male and female figures. Possibly from Pakistan, now part of a private collection [2544x3199]

u/Fuckoff555 — 16 days ago

Ancient DNA shared with Neanderthals may explain human language

https://www.sciencedaily.com/releases/2026/06/260611024612.htm

A tiny set of ancient genetic “switches” may have played a surprisingly large role in making human language possible. Researchers found that these DNA regions, which act like volume controls for genes involved in brain development, have an outsized influence on language ability despite making up less than 0.1% of the genome.

u/e9967780 — 20 days ago

Dravidian origin words for Horse across South Asia

Original Sanskrit: The word for "horse" in the Vedas and classical Sanskrit was अश्व (aśva), which shares roots with Latin (equus) and Greek (hippos).

Middle Indo-Aryan (Prakrit): Over time, the everyday speech evolved, and aśva was largely replaced by घोटक (ghoṭaka) which morphed into the Prakrit form घोडय (ghoḍaya).

Modern Evolution: Through continuous linguistic shifts, the Prakrit ghoḍaya became the modern Hindi word घोड़ा (ghoṛā)

Linguists suggest that ghoṭaka was an adaptation of a Dravidian word, likely related to words such as kudhirai(Tamil) and kudure (Kannada). The Dravidian term is thought to come from the root *kuti (meaning "to jump" or "leaping").

u/e9967780 — 22 days ago

Tamil Muslim Networks and the Malay Pawang: Sufism, Sacred Knowledge, and the Spirit Frontier of Southeast Asia.

In early-modern and colonial Malaya, pawangs were not just “village shamans.” They were ritual experts who sat at the junction of Islam, Malay spirit belief, Sufi miracle traditions, older Hindu-Buddhist cosmology, and agrarian labor. Teren Sevea describes them as Islamic miracle-workers whose authority mattered in very practical fields: clearing forests, planting rice, trapping elephants, mining tin and gold, and handling weapons.

Their importance was especially clear in ladang cultivation, the making of dry, unirrigated rice fields from forest land. For peasants opening new fields, the forest was not empty land. It was spiritually inhabited terrain, filled with spirits, jinn, demons, and dangerous unseen forces. The pawang’s job was to negotiate with or command these beings so that rice could grow safely.

Sevea’s work argues that these figures were central to the material economy of Malaya, not marginal superstition. Pawangs helped make rice farming, tin mining, elephant capture, and other frontier activities possible because people believed economic success depended on managing both nature and the unseen world.

Texts like the Kitab Perintah Pawang and later writings on Malay rice rituals show how agricultural practice and ritual knowledge were intertwined. Rice was treated not simply as a crop, but as a sacred substance tied to spirits, ancestry, fertility, and Islamic sacred history.

There is evidence that Tamil Muslim traders, scholars, and Sufi networks were among the most important transmitters of Islamic learning into the Malay world from the 13th–18th centuries. Communities from places such as Kayalpattinam, Nagore, and Porto Novo (Parangipettai) maintained extensive links with Malacca, Aceh, and the Malay Peninsula.

Many Malay Islamic concepts associated with sacred knowledge (ilmu), saint veneration, amulets, healing, and jinn mediation emerged within broader Indian Ocean Sufi traditions that connected South India, Yemen, Aceh, and Malaya. While pawangs were distinctly Malay figures, the Islamic framework within which many operated was heavily influenced by these transoceanic Muslim networks.

References

  1. Sevea, Teren. Miracles and Material Life: Rice, Ore, Traps and Guns in Islamic Malaya. Cambridge University Press, 2020.

  2. Sevea, Teren. “Pawangs on the Frontier: Miracles, Prophets and Divinities in the Ricefields of Modern Malaya.” Modern Asian Studies 55, no. 4 (2021): 1074–1110.

  3. Harvard University Asia Center. “Southeast Asia Spotlight: Miracles and Material Life.”

  4. JSTOR Daily. “The Supernatural Side of Malayan Rice Farming.”

u/e9967780 — 23 days ago