r/IntersectionalWomen

This is more of a vent; so feel free to skip if you aren't in the mood but gowrl, I NEEDED to get this off my chest.

I accidentally came across a transphobic post in some other sub that annoyed me, so saying this as a cis lesbian;

YOU CANNOT, AND I MEAN CANNOT, IDENTIFY AS A FEMINIST IF YOU DON'T SUPPORT QUEER RIGHTS!

The whole point of feminism is to deconstruct the patriarchy and deprogram ourselves from that hypertradition bullshit, and yet for SOME reason TERFS cling onto Bioessentialist bullshit that THE PATRIARCHY TAUGHT THEM. Trans women ARE women, trans men ARE men and non-binary people ARE neither!

Transphobia and homophobia are things the patriarchy taught us and TERFS seem to cling to it without even realising. Being a TERF is just cis washing feminism so it's more digestible for other cis people, such as myself, and it's disgusting! Trans and genderqueer people have been here since fucking JESUS, we just didn't have a word for it. Being trans is NOT something that someone can choose to be, just like how a cis woman cannot be forced to shun her womanhood for the sake of a man!

It pisses me off especially now bc I've been doing my best to deprogram and really dig into Transfeminism and how important it is to the broader feminism as a whole regardless of how I identify, which means these people COULD learn but they just don't want to??? I was transphobic as a child without realising it but I managed to change, so why can't these people do the fucking same?

But yeah, to be blunt; if you only support a select group of women, you are NOT a feminist. Because you are the same type of person, who if born a man (imo), that would do nothing to protect women's rights, liberties or freedoms because you yourself already have plenty privileges. You are a pawn in the patriarchy, so deprogram! TERFS are pawns of the oppressors and will only continue to hinder the progress earlier feminist movements managed to fight for.

TERFS are cowards!

🏳️‍⚧️❤️🏳️‍🌈

ㅤIn September, Pei Yi (裴轶), an assistant professor at Beijing Institute of Technology (北京理工大学), became embroiled in a public controversy after making some radical feminist remarks, including statements disparaging men. Later, it was revealed that she had also made politically sensitive remarks in class, such as saying that “all seven members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China are men, with no women.” Following reports against her from multiple parties and mounting pressure, Beijing Institute of Technology announced the termination of Pei Yi’s employment. After the decision was made public, some applauded it, while others believed the punishment was excessive. Those applauding the decision have had an overwhelmingly dominant voice on the Chinese-language internet.
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This incident is yet another highly controversial case arising against the backdrop of escalating antagonism between men and women in China. Previous cases have included the suspected sexual harassment case at Wuhan University (武汉大学疑似性骚扰事件), the Shanxi engagement rape case (山西订婚强奸案), the Hunan “Huolala” driver case (湖南“货拉拉”司机案), Xianzi’s sexual harassment lawsuit against CCTV host Zhu Jun (弦子诉央视主持人朱军性骚扰案), and the conflict and riots between men and women involving “TF Entertainment” in Chongqing (重庆“时代峰峻”男女冲突和骚乱), among others. Without exception, these incidents have produced deeply polarized public opinion. Men and women have largely taken sides according to gender, with supporters of the man and supporters of the woman each insisting on their own version of events, while facts and truth are selectively raised or ignored.
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And these public controversies are no longer confined to online verbal battles; a culture of reporting others and “witch-hunting” has gradually emerged. Men and women on opposing sides report each other’s remarks to schools, workplaces, and public authorities, attempting to have the other party expelled from school, dismissed from employment, or even imprisoned. Pei Yi’s dismissal following reports against her is the latest and one of the better-known examples. It also signifies a further intensification of gender antagonism in China, as online gender conflict increasingly spills over into the offline world, affecting people’s real lives and even their destinies.
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The increasingly severe gender antagonism in Chinese society is caused by multiple factors. In recent years, China’s economic downturn, widening wealth disparities, and worsening difficulties in people’s livelihoods have been underlying causes of the intensification of social conflicts, including gender conflict. When the economy is doing relatively well, people’s lives are happier, and they are optimistic about the future, people of different genders, ethnic groups, and values can communicate relatively peacefully, and disputes are more likely to end in mutual understanding and compromise. But when the economy declines and everyone is struggling, people compete more fiercely over limited resources, their state of mind also worsens, and hostility between people increases while tolerance diminishes.
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In addition, the broader international environment and the internet age have both catalyzed gender antagonism. In today’s world, where populism and identity politics are rampant, antagonism between men and women is intensifying not only in China but around the globe. In elections in countries such as the United States, European countries, South Korea, and Brazil, for example, there are significant gender differences in the votes received by different candidates and parties: men are increasingly leaning to the right, while women are increasingly leaning to the left. Political positions and gender positions have become intertwined and mutually reinforcing, making gender antagonism and social polarization ever more severe.
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The internet, which connects the world, has facilitated communication and enabled strangers thousands of miles apart to talk to one another. Yet instead of promoting mutual understanding and integration, it has generated more verbal conflicts and real-world tensions, fueling “identity politics” and gender antagonism. Over time, “echo chambers” have also formed: men and women cluster separately, each reinforcing their own gender narratives on social media platforms and within circles where they hold an advantage, forming factions and attacking those who differ from them, further deepening the divide. For example, on two well-known Chinese social media platforms, Zhihu (知乎) and Xiaohongshu (小红书), the former is dominated by men and male-centered discourse, while the latter has more women and feminist discourse.
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On the issue of gender antagonism, both men and women have valid points, and both have made mistakes. But the two sides should not simply be treated as equally at fault. Whether in China or globally, women as a whole and in most circumstances occupy a relatively disadvantaged position and are more vulnerable to bullying and harm. In domestic violence, for example, most perpetrators are men and most victims are women; in serious violent crimes such as murder, robbery, and abuse, men account for more than 75% of perpetrators; and the proportion of women subjected to sexual harassment or sexual violence by men is overwhelmingly higher than the proportion of men subjected to such abuse by women.
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Because of inherent physiological differences between men and women, especially women’s relative disadvantage in physical strength and capacity for violence, as well as the long-standing, historically inherited definitions, scrutiny, and discipline imposed on women in social life that persist to this day, women are almost inevitably more disadvantaged than men of the same class and social status. Even in relatively developed Western countries such as Germany, surveys show that women are more reluctant to go out at night and more worried about being attacked, whereas men’s level of concern is significantly lower. The same is, of course, true in developing countries such as China.
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There was once a well-known WeChat public account called “Girls, Don’t Be Afraid” (女孩别怕), which was later banned by the authorities for purposes including maintaining social stability. It collected, documented, and presented numerous cases of women suffering sexual harassment, intimidation, abuse, and other forms of mistreatment, including hidden sexual abuse of girls on school campuses, the rampant underground industry of secretly filming women in hotels, and women subjected to “PUA (psychological manipulation and emotional abuse).” Beyond physical violence and abuse by intimate partners, women are also more vulnerable, both online and in real life, to sexual and gender-based “slut-shaming” and to resulting physical and psychological trauma. In severe cases, women are forced to drop out of school or give up their jobs. Men, by contrast, encounter sexual humiliation less frequently, and even when subjected to similar attacks, the harm tends to be less severe.
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Against this broader backdrop of inequality between men and women, in an environment where women are more vulnerable and more susceptible to harm, people should not treat men and women and their words and actions as equivalent without considering the background, causes, and specific circumstances. In most cases, for example, the physical and psychological harm caused when a man beats a woman is significantly greater than when the genders of the two parties are reversed.
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Sometimes, when women post remarks disparaging or insulting men on the internet, in classrooms, or in public or private spaces, this is because the women concerned have previously suffered bullying or even abuse by men and carry trauma and psychological scars, as well as because women as a whole occupy a position in which they are relatively more often humiliated and harmed than men. Such remarks may therefore be impassioned expressions arising from grievance and anger. Although the remarks themselves may indeed be inappropriate, there are mitigating circumstances, and they are unlikely to cause men substantial harm. It is like a young child “punching” an adult: should the adult really take offense, let alone hit the child back or demand that the child be sent to prison?
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According to United Nations statistics, one-third of women worldwide have experienced physical or sexual violence from an intimate partner. Sample surveys conducted by some Chinese universities and nonprofit organizations show that more than half of Chinese women have experienced sexual harassment to varying degrees. The data and documented cases of violence and abuse against women are overwhelming and can also be cross-verified. People should not turn a blind eye to the widespread and severe physical and psychological harm suffered by women while focusing exclusively on some of their extreme remarks, fiercely condemning them and demanding harsh punishment. Punishing some women for making impassioned remarks about men constitutes a form of “secondary victimization” of women and also indirectly suppresses women’s voices and their efforts to speak out about the harm they have suffered.
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In terms of power structures and state policy, although the Chinese authorities advocate women’s rights, men unquestionably remain the dominant holders of power. Moreover, the authorities monopolize the discourse surrounding women’s issues and the power to define women’s rights, while suppressing feminist figures and activities that emerge from civil society and operate independently of the authorities.
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Pei Yi’s statement that all members of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the Communist Party of China are men was a statement of fact, and it also illustrated the inequality between men and women in political power. Her remark echoed the irony used by U.S. Supreme Court Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg regarding the reality that the U.S. Supreme Court had long been overwhelmingly male, with women long absent and marginalized. Such statements of fact and restrained expressions of dissent should not be punished.
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Of course, men’s emotions, rights, and dignity should also be respected and protected, and certain forms of suffering and demands specific to men should also be taken seriously. Lower- and middle-class Chinese men, amid limited resources, intense competition, economic stagnation, difficulties in education and employment, and relatively low incomes, often also bear responsibilities and pressures associated with being men, such as doing exhausting work, getting little rest, being expected to display certain masculine qualities and a sense of responsibility, directly confronting conflicts and setbacks, and supporting the entire family, including female family members.
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Compared with women, who have feminism as a means of solidarity and collective expression, men lack a moderate and reliable community of their own. In some disputes and conflicts involving men and women, the victim is indeed male and the perpetrator female, and such cases should of course be assessed on their individual facts. In relations between different genders and in gender-related issues, class and social status must also be taken into account. For example, lower- and middle-class men are often in a worse position than women from higher social classes.
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Women and all sectors of society should also understand and empathize with these difficulties and suffering faced by men. When promoting feminism, people should also consider the circumstances and men’s feelings, and appropriately incorporate concern for men’s identities and an agenda of dialogue with men, so that feminist advocacy can be more broadly accepted.
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Going further, while defending women’s rights, women should also promote improvements in the overall social environment and in the circumstances of the general public, including men, thereby creating fertile ground in which feminism can thrive; women themselves would also live in a more tolerant and friendly environment as a result. While enjoying rights, women should also fulfill necessary obligations, avoid imposing additional and unnecessary burdens on men, and refrain from making excessive demands of men. Just as women’s circumstances should be taken into consideration, people should also put themselves in men’s position and understand the difficulties they face.
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But overall, and particularly when comparing the circumstances of men and women, women are indeed still in a relatively disadvantaged position. They are especially more vulnerable to violence, abuse, and humiliating treatment; inequality between men and women remains deeply entrenched; and women need greater tolerance, kindness, and supportive consideration. Therefore, both the Chinese authorities and civil society should show understanding and tolerance toward some intense or unconventional words and actions by women, including radical feminist rhetoric. The authorities should not politicize and escalate such controversies by punishing women who express controversial views through measures such as dismissal. Instead, they should listen to different voices and tolerate diverse viewpoints.
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Men with insight and social awareness should actively speak up for women and support feminism. This is not only reasonable, but also a matter of personal integrity and responsibility. Some men, especially those from the middle and upper classes and those with public influence, should exercise restraint even if they disagree with feminism or with particular feminist words and actions. They should not bully women or “kick them when they are down,” nor should they abandon the basic virtue of modern human civilization: respect for women.
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(The above suggestions and appeals of mine are not made with much expectation that they will actually have a significant effect. This is not only because my voice carries little weight, but also because social conflicts and gender antagonism in China are deeply entrenched. With both the economy and society in decline, these conflicts and antagonisms are difficult to ease and may instead become increasingly severe. Moreover, many principles are easy to explain and understand, but much harder to put into practice.)
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(Regarding several feminist issues and controversies mentioned in this article, I have also documented and commented on them in several of my other articles on feminism, such as “Feminism and Holism.”)

(The author of this article, Wang Qingmin (王庆民), is a Chinese writer living in Europe and a researcher on international politics.)

Do you have a favorite nonbinary artist? I'm happy to hear about any art but I have been looking for nonbinary musicians in hopes of finding relatable lyrics and stuff. Also my first post here hello! 💚

This is primarily a question for queer/trans people and for people of colour here in the subreddit; but what are some good books that help explain your experience in the world? I'm white, and I think cisgendered, though I'm unsure lol.

I would just love it if I could get some book recommendations, that, or for anyone to write down their experiences with being trans, ethnic minority or ect. I've tried asking in other subreddits, but not many saw my post unfortunately.

Please and thank you!

This article traces the emergence of what the author calls predation TERFism to the development of US Jewish-identified feminism and, in particular, Zionist lesbian separatism. This historical connection is reflected in the rhetorical and ideological similarities between predation TERFism and Zionism, both of which are defined by an “extinction phobia” that confuses oppressor and oppressed, presenting the subordinate party as capable of eliminating the dominant one. This extinction phobia transforms into “right-wing annihilationism” via a dehumanization of the subordinate party as innately harmful and therefore requiring elimination; hence the hallmark predation TERF abjection of trans women as rapists of cis women and the Zionist abjection of Palestinians as “savage” and/or “terrorist.” These connections can be obscured by the siloization of social justice movement work in the United States, wherein anti-colonial and anti-imperial organizing is often separated from organizing for gender and reproductive justice and sexual freedom. Recognizing the continuities, however—whether historical, material, or ideological—between predation TERFism and Zionism offers useful lessons for understanding not only the power of the contemporary global anti-trans resurgence, but also how we might build solidaristic, anti-colonial movements to defeat it.

https://classautonomy.info/wp-content/uploads/2026/05/2023-11-15_6554e900caf48_334schotten.pdf

I have trust issues and grew up around a lot of passive aggressive people so i've been primed to take everything personally (something i'm trying to stop doing) and when ever I get upset about people making generalisations about men I get told "It's not about you" or "If it hurts your feelings than it must apply to you". I know and understand that most don't literally mean all men and are using the word as a shorthand for society at large yet I still take offense to these statements. Are these feelings valid? What should I do about these feelings?

hi all just a reminder that we want to encourage thoughtful posts in this sub. this does mean that we are filtering out a lot of low-effort posts. especially posts that are simply re-posts from other social media. we have also noticed that some of the worst comments tend to come from such posts and we want to minimize that. we want this to be a thoughtful space and not a reactive one. the current media environment feeds off of us being reactive and engaged, and we want to not contribute to such a cycle. we also want to make sure that we are focused on building solidarities rather than assuming the worst of each other and responding in cruel ways. something that is too much of a norm of all social media.

please feel free to share your responses and suggestions below.