u/Amazing-Buy-1181

Not saying Trump, because he doesn't really have a philosophy, but like Mussolini had Evola and Gentile, Trump has these guys (Stephen Miller, the Project 2025 guys); what exactly is their economic model called?

They are basically saying, Markets are desirable, but they exist to serve the national community rather than being an end in themselves. Government should be smaller in domestic welfare/regulatory functions, but stronger in directing national economic priorities. They are calling for more state power, while at the same time doing thigs like tax cuts. Orban also did this. How would you call it aside from capitalism/socialism? State capitalism?

People call Trump a capitalist and some are mocking his economic nationalism but I think the accurate term would be the economic model of Mussolini, corporatism.

In corporatism, the state says the market is a tool, and the state will determine where it should go. Corporatism does not necessarily mean socialism or state ownership of everything. Its basic idea is that private firms remain privately owned, while the government directs, disciplines, subsidizes and coordinates them in accordance with national objectives. Mussolini did it in his time, Viktor Orban mastered corporatism in its modern form.

For example Stephen Miller's conception of national power fits remarkably well with this model. He explicitly rejects the postwar liberal international order in favor of a state willing to use America's economic and military power to impose national priorities, attacks corporations when they oppose him. He threatens companies, pressures CEOs, demands that firms change their policies, and uses tariffs, regulation, government contracts and federal funding as political leverage. But he does not want corporations eliminated and doesn't reject capitalism. This is the text book model of corporatism

The sociology of the Israeli right is truly fascinating and I think if we delve deeper into it we will understand that it is not a homogeneous group. There are many factions there, each resembling a different political movement.

In terms of ideology, Netanyahu and his associates are like Nixon, Trump and Berlusconi. Basically, a tough realist and national capitalist and not a far-right, but with a hatred of the media and the old order, a sense of persecution, personal politics and a desire to control the centers of power and shape the country in the image of his personality cult. For secular/traditional nationalism with religious symbolism as a tool against liberal opponents.

Ben Gvir's movement is Mussolini's movement. Fascist anarchism. Classic fascism, very shallow nationalism and based on the periphery, street thugs and aggressive activity. This is also the largest group.

The Smotrichs and the Religious Nationalists are religious fundamentalists like the Ayatollahs.

On the other hand, there is the Anglo-elitist religious Zionism, which is very reminiscent of the 2025 Project. Kohelet Forum members, jurists and libertarian ideologues who want profound constitutional and institutional change and see the old elites as opposed to the Jewish state and a takeover of the centers of power and their fundamental change.

Within the Bibiists there are many groups: the corrupt, the power-seekers and the opportunists, who pollute the centers of power for personal power and jobs. The old-school Bibiists who live on the deprivation of the Mizrahi community, for whom Bibi is the king of Israel, and who are still interested in taking revenge on the liberal establishment for what their parents went through.

There are more ideological groups, such as Yair Netanyahu's right, which is very reminiscent of the American Rockbridge network: a non-religious, but very nationalistic right, uses religion as a symbolic tool, and has an independent historical narrative that sees itself as a current target of the 'deep state's' persecution of the revisionists and despises Begin for not firing officials and taking over the centers of power. These are people with an ideology similar to that of Peter Thiel, Chris Buskirk, Blake Masters, and the rest of the Trumpian elitist right: these are people who value technology, entrepreneurship, state power, the army, the defense industry, private capital, and a strong state, but reject liberalism. They are in favor of establishing a unified executive branch that controls all authorities, a basic free market but one that serves the right and punishes the traitorous liberals, and in favor of a model of the right taking over the Israeli public and establishing a new oligarchy. They flirt with Kahane in their suspicion of Arabs, believe in treason conspiracies, etc.

There are right-wingers who hated the High Court long before Netanyahu's trial and accused the court for the illegal immigrants crisis of Southern Tel Aviv. They don't necessarily support Netanyahu, but they started supporting him as a symbol of persecution. "I can't stand Netanyahu, but if the choice is between Netanyahu and the High Court - I'm with Netanyahu" style.

There are many more subgroups, but don't treat the Bibi camp as a homogeneous group

There is an interesting common process that Trump, Netanyahu, Viktor Orbán, and Berlusconi went through, which is a transition from the Reaganite center-right right to the authoritarian-centralist right.

Trump in the 1980s was a right-wing liberal (apart from his statements about tariffs) who had no issue with LGBT, Berlusconi started his career as an anti-communist center-right, Orbán as well, and Netanyahu started as his career as a Hawkish Capitalist who wanted to reform Israel's economy, all of them, as soon as they came to power and stayed in it/returned to it, moved to a model that is supposedly capitalist but in reality the government takes over the centers of power, anti-establishmentism, etc. It is not just staying in power but a real ideological shift. What do you think causes this? You could say too much time in power, but that doesn't really explain a change in ideology.

Berlusconi is fascinating in particular, because he is not really a protectionist populist, but rather mixed capitalism and interesting economic ideas with the shticks that Trump and co will later use.

There is an interesting common process that Trump, Netanyahu, Viktor Orbán, and Berlusconi went through, which is a transition from the Reaganite right to the authoritarian-centralist right.

Trump in the 1980s was a right-wing liberal (apart from his statements about tariffs), Berlusconi started his career as an anti-communist center-right, Orbán as well, and Netanyahu started as his career as a Hawkish Capitalist, all of them, as soon as they came to power and stayed in it/returned to it, moved to a model that is supposedly capitalist but in reality the government takes over the centers of power, anti-establishmentism, etc. It is not just staying in power but a real ideological shift. What do you think causes this? You could say too much time in power, but that doesn't really explain a change in ideology.

In the past, Netanyahu's office and his people - since the days of the protests against Rabin, made sure to use peripheral Mizrahi thugs as their thugs and street people and manipulated them by cultivating feelings of inferiority and opposition to the old establishment and creating a narrative of 'persecuted by the media'. Whether it was against Rabin in the first incarnation, to turn them on against Barak, in the 2015 elections or against the witnesses and judges in Netanyahu's trial. Netanyahu and his office always made sure to incite these people from afar or send people and intellectuals to turn them on (later intellectuals emerged who cultivated the 'second Israel' theory, peripheral Mizrahi and basically anyone who is not leftist, against the predatory 'elite' that supposedly hates 'the people'), to exploit them, etc. But they always made sure to keep their distance from them and let them get dirty for them like mafia thugs. Whether these are typical thugs on the street, Bibi's soldiers in the Knesset, or media mouthpieces.

Now, this people are establishing their own historical narrative, worldview and basically an alternative universe, and an independent populist-authoritarian-anarchist ideology that becomes independent of Netanyahu himself, in a situation where Ben-Gvir is trying to bring his people into the Likud party and Netanyahu fears the power of extremist figures in his party. In ideological terms, Netanyahu is Silvio Berlusconi, while the new Israeli right is Mussolini/Franco. Ben Gvir embodies a Mussolini-style movement in Hebrew in the age of the internet. He distanced himself from the religious-Ashkenazi-Messianic right, and gathered around him street thugs, TikTok rabbis, criminals, peripherals, former ultra-Orthodox who can't find themselves, and influencers and just plain nationalists who are interested in destroying the existing order.

In the past, Netanyahu's office and his people - since the days of the protests against Rabin, made sure to use peripheral Mizrahi thugs as their thugs and street people and manipulated them by cultivating feelings of inferiority and opposition to the old establishment and creating a narrative of 'persecuted by the media'. Whether it was against Rabin in the first incarnation, to turn them on against Barak, in the 2015 elections or against the witnesses and judges in Netanyahu's trial. Netanyahu and his office always made sure to incite these people from afar or send people and intellectuals to turn them on (later intellectuals emerged who cultivated the 'second Israel' theory, peripheral Mizrahi and basically anyone who is not leftist, against the predatory 'elite' that supposedly hates 'the people'), to exploit them, etc. But they always made sure to keep their distance from them and let them get dirty for them like mafia thugs. Whether these are typical thugs on the street, Bibi's soldiers in the Knesset, or media mouthpieces.

Now, this people are establishing their own historical narrative, worldview and basically an alternative universe, and an independent populist-authoritarian-anarchist ideology that becomes independent of Netanyahu himself, in a situation where Ben-Gvir is trying to bring his people into the Likud party and Netanyahu fears the power of extremist figures in his party. In ideological terms, Netanyahu is Silvio Berlusconi, while the new Israeli right is Mussolini/Franco. Ben Gvir embodies a Mussolini-style movement in Hebrew in the age of the internet. He distanced himself from the religious-Ashkenazi-Messianic right, and gathered around him street thugs, TikTok rabbis, criminals, peripherals, former ultra-Orthodox who can't find themselves, and influencers and just plain nationalists who are interested in destroying the existing order.

Philosophers behind Fascist populism besides Schmitt and Evola? Schmitt was behind the general concept of a strong executive using crisis, and Evola rejected modernity but also disliked the concept of using the masses. Which thinkers inspired the philosophy of fascist populism?

Philosophers behind Fascist populism besides Schmitt and Evola? Schmitt was behind the general concept of a strong executive using crisis, and Evola rejected modernity but also disliked the concept of using the masses. Which thinkers inspired the philosophy of fascist populism?

How would you explain the likes of Musk and Thiel are fascists if they claim to support individual liberty?. Pretty much title. They claim to support individual liberty, how would you explain them being fascists? (I know they are, but I got into a heated argument at work with someone who is a diehard Musk fan, so I'm not ashamed to ask here for help lol)

How would you explain the likes of Musk and Thiel are fascists if they claim to support individual liberty?. Pretty much title. They claim to support individual liberty, how would you explain them being fascists? (I know they are, but I got into a heated argument at work with someone who is a diehard Musk fan, so I'm not ashamed to ask here for help lol)

How would you explain the likes of Musk and Thiel are fascists if they claim to support individual liberty?. Pretty much title. They claim to support individual liberty, how would you explain them being fascists? (I know they are, but I got into a heated argument at work with someone who is a diehard Musk fan, so I'm not ashamed to ask here for help lol)

Like everywhere in the world, Israel also has its populist-nationalist movement, but unlike other Populists, Israel's populists-nationalists are kind of different.

First of all, I'm not just talking about Netanyahu himself (who does have populist traits, but he's a secular elitist and more of a capitalist crony), but about the movement in general.

First of all, regarding the similarity: The populist-nationalist movement in Israel and this one in America also has elements of the convention that the media is leftist and against 'the people', The belief that there is a "deep state" in the public service that suppresses the will of the people, and the hatred of the cultural establishment. The Israeli populist right and its counterparts in Europe and the United States are also not capitalist but economically authoritarian and interested in a crony economy, etc. But here the differences begin: first of all, in contrast to European and American nationalists, who are very much 'white culture' and the belief that immigrants are stealing their country and are harming the working class, Israel does not have this sentiment of the 'working class' and the sentiment that immigrants are stealing the country. Yes, there is opposition to immigration and economic populism, but not in the way that there is in America and Europe. Second, the Israeli populist right is more built on Mizrahi sentiment, which is quite the opposite of the European-American white sentiment: Mizrahi came to Israel as immigrants and are angry at the 'white tribe' (a nickname for the old Israeli establishment) that did not accept them and sent them to peripheral areas.

Second, the Israeli right does not have the sentiment of "returning to the days of the past" and "the glory of the past." Today, the Israeli right is angry that Begin did not fire the senior officials when he was elected in 1977, and there is a lot more desire for revenge on the past than for a return to it. If anything, the right has a similarity here to the Islamic woke, in that they are angry that they were not accepted and are interested in spreading their culture and are hostile to the local culture that existed in the old Israel.

In addition, Israel does not have the fear of job losses and the opposition to free trade. Yes, there is a certain paranoia about the rich who identify with the left, but not to the same extent as the American and European right, which is paranoid about the involvement of the rich.

And one last thing, unlike the American and European right, which is isolationist and does not want to be involved in the world because wars harm the economy, Israel is different: the right is not interested in the economy, and is also interested in wars and involvement in the world even if the economy is harmed. There is a sentiment of indifference to the economy in relation to security, which does not exist in the US and Europe

In 1996, Benjamin Netanyahu began his first term as Prime Minister by rallying political outsiders and conservatives against the established cultural and political elites. He was a unique political hybrid-blending the good looking, photogenic, charismatic, war-hero family pedigree of John F. Kennedy with the paranoia of Richard Nixon. He viewed the media, the security apparatus, and the civil service as hostile, left-leaning institutions fundamentally opposed to "the will of the people" and to the right.

His term was defined by important capitalist economic reforms alongside institutional conflicts and legal scandals that reinforced his sense of persecution. Even then, Netanyahu's pattern of action could be seen: hiring unrelated candidates into positions due to loyalty and the fact that they were outside what he saw as the "clique", disdain for the authorities, etc. His first term was defined by a tough battle against the media and legal establishment. He repeatedly blamed the media for silencing the right, clashed with law enforcement by attempting to bypass standard procedures to appoint personal loyalists to top legal positions, notably the Attorney General, and clashed with the cultural establishment and played on the sentiment of "Patriot Jew" (right wing) vs "Cosmopolitan Israeli" (left-wing). He was defeated in 1999, and facing legal scandals, he left office deeply distrustful of state institutions and the press. Netanyahu believed that the establishment and the "elites" were too powerful; much like Trump before Trump entered politics, he sought to become part of that establishment and to mend his relationship with Israel's legal, media, and cultural establishments.

Returning to power in 2009, Netanyahu realized that to govern effectively, he needed his own media infrastructure. He enlisted American billionaire Sheldon Adelson to launch a widely distributed, pro-Netanyahu free newspaper designed to disrupt the mainstream press.

Despite this, he largely maintained a "cold war" with the state bureaucracy. Restrained by moderate coalition partners and his own fear of repeating the legal entanglements of the 1990s, he operated within a cautious status quo. While he occasionally tried to centralize power within the domestic intelligence and security sectors, he generally avoided crossing the line into open institutional warfare, and still feared the justice and law enforcement system.

The turning point arrived when a 2014 legislative bill threatened his allied newspaper. Feeling cornered, Netanyahu called early elections. Trailing in the polls, in 2015 he ran a fiercely aggressive campaign, framing the media and elites as orchestrating a "coup" against the right-wing public. Against all odds, he secured a decisive victory.

This win shattered his fear of the establishment. Convinced he no longer needed to compromise, he began centralizing power, particularly in the Communications and Foreign Ministries. He purged independent bureaucrats, tried to hire loyalists to the police, installed fierce loyalists, openly took over regulatory bodies-such as antitrust regulators during a major natural gas reform-setting the stage for direct conflict with the Supreme Court, and expanded the right wing eco system he always wanted with more right-wing news sites.

As corruption investigations against him accelerated after 2016, Netanyahu abandoned all restraint. Preceding Donald Trump's similar strategies, he adopted aggressive "witch hunt" rhetoric (which he already used before the investigations but took it to 11), accusing the media, police, and prosecutors of a "deep state" conspiracy to topple him.

During a prolonged period of unprecedented political instability-featuring five consecutive elections-he used his executive power to paralyze the government. He blocked the appointment of permanent law enforcement chiefs, waged war against Treasury officials, and expanded the right wing ecosystem Which served as his whip against political opponents and the media and constitutional establishment and created a parallel universe for his supporters. Without the right-wing ecosystem he built (for example, Channel 14), Netanyahu would not have survived the period after October 7.

Returning to power in 2023 with a hard-right mandate, Netanyahu launched sweeping judicial overhauls designed to neutralize the Supreme Court and independent legal advisors.

Following the October 7th attacks, this campaign entered its final phase. Leveraging the crisis environment, he systematically placed loyalists at the head of critical state organs, including the military, domestic intelligence, the national police force, and the civil service commission. By reshaping the media landscape into an echo chamber and placing allies in commanding security roles, Netanyahu has nearly completed his decades-long mission to dismantle the old institutional guard. His supporters have become more aggressive than he is regarding the judicial system, such that a victory for him would lead them to storm the courts—even though Netanyahu, who loathes the legal establishment, is actually the least extreme of the lot in his stance toward it, while still aiming to finally bring it under his control.

Ennis' comic book parodied many elements of Bush's America. Season 1 of the show parodies it also and the later seasons criticized the Trump era and Toxic masculinity. I recently started to read the book When the Clock Broke: Con Men, Conspiracists, and How America Cracked Up in the Early 1990s, and with movies like American History X which criticized the rise of racism and the skinheads I wonder what a The Boys comic book if it was made on the 90s would have been like. Plus, the 90s were like Prime DC Comics with BTAS, Triangle era Superman, Death of Superman, etc, so there would have been a ton of stuff to make fun of.