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Chief Justice Cho Hee-dae on the 18th recommended Daegu District Court Presiding Judge Son Bong-gi and Seoul High Court Presiding Judge Kim Seong-su for appointment as new Supreme Court justices. In legal circles, some analysts say Cho’s selection of judges with regional judicial careers and those who did not graduate from Seoul National University may have been intended as a conciliatory gesture toward the presidential office. However, controversy arose after it was confirmed that Cho broke with the established practice of personally meeting the president to make the recommendation and instead merely sent the appointment-recommendation documents to the presidential office.
Cho made the recommendation 209 days after the Supreme Court Justice Candidate Recommendation Committee nominated Judge Son as the successor to former Justice Noh Tae-ak. Judge Kim, selected to succeed Justice Lee Heung-gu, was chosen just 14 days after being recommended.
For the 12 current Supreme Court justices other than Chief Justice Cho, an average of 12.1 days elapsed between the recommendation committee’s announcement and the chief justice’s formal recommendation for appointment. As the nomination of Noh’s successor was delayed for more than six months, speculation arose that “the presidential office and the judiciary had been unable to narrow their differences over the final candidate.”
Judge Son, a member of the 22nd class of the Judicial Research and Training Institute, spent many years serving in the Daegu and Ulsan regions and was appointed chief judge of the Daegu District Court under the court-chief candidate recommendation system first introduced in 2019. A presiding judge at a court in the Seoul metropolitan area said, “Former Justice Noh was also a graduate of Keisung High School in Daegu and Hanyang University College of Law, so regional representation for the TK [Daegu–North Gyeongsang] area was probably taken into consideration.” The judge added, “Judge Son has never served as a presiding judge at a high court, and I think he was also chosen for the symbolic significance of being a court chief who came from the ranks of district court presiding judges.”
Some interpret the elevation of Judge Son as an attempt by Chief Justice Cho to fully exercise his own constitutional authority to recommend Supreme Court justices through the very end. The presidential office was reportedly known to favor Seoul High Court Presiding Judge Kim Min-gi as Noh’s successor, but Cho rejected that preference and instead put forward a fellow “Daegu regional judge.”
Judge Kim, a member of the 24th class of the Judicial Research and Training Institute, appears to have made the final shortlist as a candidate representing the “Honam and non-Seoul National University” category. He is from Hampyeong in South Jeolla Province and graduated from Gwangju Inseong High School and Hanyang University College of Law. Another presiding judge said, “Since this is the first Supreme Court justice appointment under the Lee Jae-myung administration, they probably could not ignore the Honam quota.”
Once President Lee submits motions seeking parliamentary consent for the appointments to the National Assembly, the process of filling the Supreme Court vacancies, including confirmation hearings, will begin in earnest. However, with fewer than three weeks remaining before Justice Lee’s retirement on September 7, it appears unavoidable that two seats will be vacant, no matter how quickly the process moves. As a result, there are predictions that rulings could be delayed in the cases involving First Lady Kim Keon-hee and former Prime Minister Han Duck-soo, which had been scheduled to be heard by the full bench of Supreme Court justices.
Some members of the ruling party have even raised the possibility of impeaching Chief Justice Cho over his decision to make the recommendation “in writing.” Democratic Party lawmaker Song Young-gil wrote on Facebook, “Successive chief justices have personally visited the appointing authority to recommend [Supreme Court justices]. It was both a courtesy to the head of state and a sign of respect between constitutional institutions.” He argued, “Chief Justice Cho has disregarded even that tradition.”

With the election of Kim Min-seok as the national chair of Democratic Party of Korea, the pundits claim the political influence of prominent pro-government online influencers has diminished. Figures outside the Democratic Party, including writer Rhyu Si-min, who had wielded influence over the progressive camp through powerful fan followings, appeared to have been reduced to “pro–Jung Cheong-rae-aligned mouthpieces.” Kim Ou-joon maintained a neutral stance during the party convention, but analysts say his influence is also unlikely to remain what it once was. There are also calls for the Democratic Party, rather than being swayed by outside voices such as YouTubers and political commentators, to develop its own ability as the ruling party to set the political agenda and resolve pressing issues.
Beginning in March with his “ABC theory,” which categorized President Lee Jae-myung’s supporters, Rhyu steadily intensified his commentary, moving on to his “extension versus reconstruction” argument last month and then to the claim that the Lee Jae-myung administration is destined to fail. Appearing in late June on Kim Ou-joon’s YouTube program <Kim Ou-joon’s Dasboeida>, Rhyu said, “Supporters want an extension, but President Lee is trying to carry out a reconstruction without the residents’ consent.” On the 15th of last month, appearing on <Choi Wook’s Maebul Show>, a YouTube channel with 2.85 million subscribers, he said, “(President Lee) is heading down a path of inevitable failure.”
Within the ruling camp, Rhyu’s commentary, which appeals to the party’s traditional support base, was interpreted as both criticism of President Lee and leader Kim and indirect support for lawmaker Jung Cheong-rae. However, in light of the results of this party convention, some assess that such actions instead amplified anxiety among party members.
Former Justice Party lawmaker Park Won-seok appeared on CBS Radio that day and said, “Team Jung Cheong-rae’s campaign, which invoked President Roh Moo-hyun’s victory in the Honam region during the 2002 presidential primary, utterly failed to persuade Honam voters,” adding that “Rhyu Si-min was the source of Team Jung Cheong-rae’s judgment.” Referring to Rhyu, Park said, “He talked about a ‘path of inevitable failure’—remarks bordering on a curse,” and added, “I think perhaps a kind of collective political reason among the people of Honam asserted itself, saying that this could not simply be left alone.”
There are also predictions that the influence of Kim Ou-joon and his YouTube channel will decline. Kim has attributed the main cause of the drop in President Lee’s approval ratings to “the departure of the core support base” and has called for a more clearly defined reformist course. Although Kim maintained a neutral stance during the party convention, including by interviewing all the candidates, some believe his influence will diminish under Kim Min-seok’s leadership. Kim Ou-joon and Kim Min-seok had previously clashed over Kim Min-seok’s visit to the United States while serving as prime minister and over whether he should be included in polling for the Seoul mayoral race.
In the wake of this party convention, some argue that the Democratic Party should strengthen its capacity for responsible decision-making befitting a ruling party rather than allowing itself to be swayed by outside voices. Democratic Party lawmaker Kim Nam-jun, a former presidential office spokesperson, criticized Rhyu’s remarks on Facebook on the 22nd of last month, saying, “A ruling party that bears responsibility must respond not with politics that creates more enemies, but with politics that produces results.”
A ruling-camp official said, “If the ruling party reacts emotionally to every piece of political commentary put forward by people outside the government and ruling party, it will not be able to do its job properly.”

President Lee Jae-myung’s job approval rating has entered a “dead cross,” with negative assessments overtaking positive ones, but the opposition People Power Party has failed to reap any political benefit and its support remains stagnant. With no clear breakthrough in sight, conflict over whether the party should appeal to its hard-line base or the political center has intensified, deepening internal divisions within the PPP.
According to a Korea Gallup wireless telephone interview survey of 1,000 adults nationwide conducted from Aug. 11 to 13, positive assessments of Lee’s job performance fell 7 percentage points from the previous survey to 44%. Negative assessments, meanwhile, rose 8 percentage points to 46%. Over the same period, support for the People Power Party rose just 2 percentage points to 25%, leaving it 16 points behind the Democratic Party, which stood at 41%. Despite the clear decline in Lee’s approval rating, the PPP has been unable to break out of the 20% range in which its support has remained stuck since Jang Dong-hyuk became party leader last August.
One reason cited for the PPP’s failure to benefit from Lee’s declining approval is its “never-ending internal infighting,” according to a first-term lawmaker. The party has recently been divided even over how to characterize the National Election Commission’s mishandling of the local elections—whether as a fraudulent, manipulated or merely poorly administered election. Rep. Yoon Sang-hyun, who has emphasized administrative failures, challenged Rep. Na Kyung-won, who has stressed allegations of fraud, to a debate on Aug. 13. Na immediately rejected the proposal, saying Yoon was “barking up the wrong tree.” Jang Ye-chan, a former deputy director of the Yeouido Institute who is considered close to Jang Dong-hyuk, directly attacked Yoon on his YouTube channel on Aug. 14, saying, “It looks like it will be difficult for him to continue his political career in the People Power Party.”
Unilateral actions by some lawmakers despite attempts by the leadership to restrain them have further aggravated the discord. After a claim that “May 18 was a riot” was made at a National Assembly public forum titled “Reexamining the May 18 Democratization Movement,” hosted on Aug. 13 by hard-line Rep. Lee Jin-sook, Rep. Park Soo-min, a policy adviser to floor leader Jeong Jeom-sik, demanded an apology on Aug. 15, saying, “Rep. Lee’s wrongdoing was extremely serious.” Some members of the party leadership have also argued that Lee should face disciplinary action.
Subtle tensions also persist between the party’s two top leaders. On Liberation Day, Aug. 15, Jang visited Olympic Park as part of his continuing effort to rally supporters outside the National Assembly. Around 20 lawmakers, including Cho Bae-sook, Park Dae-chul, Koo Ja-geun, Park Seong-min and Lee In-seon, joined him, but most of the parliamentary leadership, including floor leader Jeong, did not attend. A parliamentary official said, “Rep. Yoon Yong-geun, the floor leader’s chief of staff, attended. The others had schedules in their constituencies.” However, a figure close to Jeong said, “Of course there are concerns about whether focusing only on the hard-line ‘asphalt right’ will help broaden the party’s appeal to moderate voters.” The rift between the two leaders was also seen as having surfaced when Secretary-General Jeong Hee-yong, who is close to Jang, publicly protested to floor leader Jeong after Seoul Mayor Oh Se-hoon, who has clashed with Jang, attended the party’s floor strategy meeting on Aug. 14.
Against this backdrop, Jang’s planned replacement of local party organization chairs is expected to become another flashpoint for internal conflict. The leadership is scheduled to discuss the reselection of local party chairs nationwide at a Supreme Council meeting on Aug. 20. Instead of routinely extending their terms, the party is seriously considering reselecting all local constituency organization chairs through procedures that could include votes by party members.
Jang’s camp argues that “reappointing all local party chairs is the biggest reform” the party can undertake, but some remain skeptical. “Will things really go the way Jang wants?” one leadership figure said. A lawmaker from the Yeongnam region took a cautious stance, saying, “I’ll wait and see what conclusion they reach,” while a lawmaker from the Seoul metropolitan area reacted more sharply: “Isn’t Jang effectively trying to start a war?”

Wedding-related shopping by couples preparing to marry is picking up again. With the number of marriages rising for three consecutive years and continuing to increase this year, furniture and mattress companies are increasingly hopeful of a long-awaited boost in sales from newlyweds.
According to the national statistics agency, the number of marriages in South Korea rose for three straight years, from 194,000 in 2023 to 222,000 in 2024 and 240,000 last year. The upward trend has continued this year. A total of 103,299 marriages were registered from January through May, up 3.9% from the same period a year earlier. With both newly married couples and couples preparing for marriage becoming potential customers for furniture and mattresses, the wedding furnishings market is also showing signs of recovery.
According to Simmons on the 14th, sales of its Beautyrest Henry, one of its flagship mattresses for newlyweds, increased by about 60% year-on-year during this year’s spring wedding season from March through May. The increase in marriages is translating into actual purchases of mattresses and beds for newlywed homes.
The way newlyweds buy beds is also changing, with twin configurations gaining popularity. As more couples embrace “separate sleeping,” choosing mattresses suited to each partner’s body type and sleeping habits, interest has grown in twin super-single (TSS) setups that place two mattresses within a single bed frame. May sales of Simmons’ Hauty frame, designed specifically for TSS configurations, were about double those recorded in January, its first month on the market.
More couples preparing for marriage are also choosing to test beds themselves before deciding what suits them. The number of customers using the free “Sleep Lounge” trial program at Simmons Gallery flagship stores in June was about three times the number recorded in March, the program’s first month of operation.
Purchases of expensive premium beds are also increasing. An analysis of first-half sales through Ace Bed’s “Ace Wedding Members” program found that its top-of-the-line Royal Ace mattress accounted for 23.4% of sales, more than 6 percentage points higher than a year earlier. Products costing at least 8 million won for the frame and mattress combined accounted for 16.2% of sales, up 4.6 percentage points from 11.6% in the first half of last year. The figures suggest that despite the economic slowdown, newlyweds remain willing to spend more on larger, higher-quality beds.
The furniture industry is also welcoming the increase in newlywed demand. “Overall furniture demand has been weak because fewer people are moving into new homes or relocating, but the growing number of newlywed customers purchasing wedding furniture is providing a modest boost to business-to-consumer furniture sales,” an industry official said.
The furniture industry has recently struggled to achieve broad sales growth amid a weak real estate market, fewer move-ins and relocations, and sluggish domestic consumption. Newlyweds, who tend to purchase several products at once, are therefore regarded as a key customer group that companies cannot afford to lose. Furniture companies are seeking to increase sales through wedding membership programs, newlywed furniture packages and discounts specifically for newly married couples.
According to Hyundai Livart, the number of orders placed with the company in the first half of this year by members of Hyundai Department Store’s “Club Wedding” program—including both furniture purchases and home interior remodeling contracts—rose 120% from the same period last year.
Newlyweds also appear to prefer furniture that can adapt to changes in their living circumstances after marriage, such as moving or having children. Customizable products such as the Camoa sofa, whose seat depth and other features can be adjusted to suit different spaces, are representative of this trend. Inquiries are also increasing for the Soignier hotel-style bed, designed to create a hotel-like atmosphere at home. Hyundai Livart is targeting this demand by holding wedding and moving fairs and expanding discounts for newlyweds.
Shinsegae Casa is also benefiting from the wedding boom. Membership in its “Wedding Club” increased by about 20% year-on-year in the first half of this year, while sales to Wedding Club members also rose by about 20% over the same period.
“Newlyweds are increasingly applying different spending standards to different product categories,” a Shinsegae Casa official said. “They choose furniture with space efficiency and practicality in mind, while remaining willing to spend a premium on sleep and relaxation. We plan to continue introducing differentiated products that combine stylish design, quality and practicality to meet these needs.”