u/Nanakurokonekochan

Some more interesting notes about Nurbanu:

Thanks to “Kitâbü’l-Menâmât”, or Book of Dreams in English, we have the records of visionary dreams, mystical experiences, and spiritual letters of an Ottoman Sultan, Murad III to be specific. He mainly corresponded with his spiritual advisor Sheikh Şüca Dede through letters.

His mother Valide Nurbanu Sultan also made several appearances in his dreams and this post will be mainly about her appearances.

It is evident from Murad III’s letters that, following the death of Valide Nurbanu Sultan in 1583, Murad’s “correspondence” with his mother continued through his dreams. In one of his letters, the sultan states that he saw his mother in a dream and she told him, "You are closer to me than my own relatives” and that this had left him utterly distraught.

Recounting another incident, Murad III notes that during a time when he was distressed, his mother came to him and tried to sit in his chair, but he refused and said, “For God’s sake, go away.” The sultan likely perceived his deceased mother as a messenger, or perhaps, even a summoner from the afterlife, and that this caused him anxiety.

In another letter, Valide Nurbanu Sultan whom he had seen in a dream asks Murad III, “My son, is it the time for afternoon prayer yet? I’m not even finished with the noon prayer yet!” This statement shows just how devoted the Valide Sultan was to her Islamic prayers.

From another letter, we understand that Sheikh Şüca Dede was concerned by the gossip about him among the sultan’s inner circle and he must have priorly complained to the sultan about it. Sultan Murad III consoles him in this letter and advises him to send his letters directly to himself (Murad III) without even showing them to his mother Valide Nurbanu Sultan. This letter suggests that Valide Nurbanu Sultan did not always hold a favorable opinion of Sheikh Şüca Dede when she was still alive.

Source:

Devrinden Seyrine Sultan III. Murad’ın Kitâbü’l-Menâmât’taki Mektuplarına Dair Bazı Tespitler

Türkân Alvan

Picture: From the documentary about Gülnus, “The Greek Haseki Sultan Of The Ottoman Empire”

There are a lot of assumptions online about Gülnuş, which even made their way into her Wikipedia page, so I felt the need to make this post to address a couple of things..

During Mehmed IV’s reign there was a sudden increase in the influence and prestige of “Haseki title”: Haseki Gülnuş Sultan, established an extensive charitable foundation (waqf) in Mecca to provide medical aid and food security to the holy city and its pilgrims in late 1670’s, during the period she held the Haseki title. In this sense, Haseki Gülnuş Sultan is similar to Haseki Hurrem Sultan as both women established pious charity projects in holy lands during their tenure as Haseki Sultan, Hurrem’s Jerulasem soup kitchen fed the poor for many centuries — https://www.reddit.com/r/MagnificentCentury/s/0QuM5xTyLV
Gülnus was also financially doing well, between 1664-1666 alone, income from her revenues was 7 million akçe.

However, with power and influence as a woman; and proximity to the reigning sultan, comes a certain level of slander and hostility that is almost expected. In Gülnuş’s case, she’s blamed for attempting to execute Mehmed IV’s half brothers Prince Suleyman (II) and Prince Ahmed (II). According to this narrative, the “evil” ambitious and self centered daughter in law, that is, Gülnus herself, schemes against these two princes, but her plans fell apart when Valide Turhan Sultan “rescued” those princes from the fate of execution. A stereotypical division of roles of the Madonna-whore complex is assigned to each woman.

Let’s look at the events that happened in late 1660’s:

According to a report by the English ambassador dating 1667, Mehmed IV was stopped the Valide Turhan Sultan when he attempted to enter their living quarters where his two brothers were kept with the intention of killing them.

Turhan Sultan was tasked by the Janissaries and the ulema (religious scholars) with protecting the princes.

After traveling to Yenişehir in 1668 to join the Candia Campaign under the command of Fazıl Ahmed Pasha, Mehmed IV ordered Valide Sultan to execute his two brothers Suleyman and Ahmed. The prolonged siege made Mehmed IV fearful of a possible deposition: After all, his own father was deposed in 1648 due to prolonged Cretan War with Venice, and the financial strain due to crushing taxes. According to Rycaut, Mehmed IV issued this order because he feared the possibility of one of his brothers being placed on the throne while he was in Yenişehir and away from the imperial capital. Despite Mehmed IV’s concerns and request, the Valide Sultan, who refused to allow the princes to be killed, requested assistance from the Janissary Agha to protect them.
The French ambassador, the Marquis de Nointel, referred to Mehmed IV’s attempt to kill his half brothers as a “family tragedy.”

Rycaut states that the sultan hated Istanbul, a city fueled by rebellions according to Mehmed IV’s own memory because it had led to his father’s death and he himself had narrowly escaped danger there; he also notes that the palace chambers struck him as melancholic and gloomy, while the gardens seemed desolate.

In his report dated March 15, 1668, British Ambassador Daniel Harvey noted that word spread immediately amongst the people, who gathered in the city square but dispersed shortly thereafter. Ottoman contemporary source Silahdâr briefly mentions that, as rumors about the princes began to circulate among the people, with the sultan positioned in Yenişehir, the army in Crete, and Istanbul left unguarded, the situation escalated. Evliyâ Çelebi, on the other hand, clearly indicates that an agreement had been reached based on the soldiers’ statement that “we have entrusted the princes [Suleyman and Ahmed] to the Valide [Turhan] Sultan.”
The main cause of the rebellion appears to have been the economic hardship as a result of the prolonged campaign, and the empire being no stranger to deposition during hard times, people might have thought a change in the head of state would be a plausible option.

The Janissaries likely used the two Princes Suleyman and Ahmed as a safeguard; by entrusting the protection of the princes to the Valide Sultan, they would protect themselves from the sultan’s actions that might go against their benefits, and by keeping the two princes alive, the Janissaries would keep the reigning sultan under the constant threat of his potential successors, reminding him that he is replaceable if the situation arises. Following the implementation of the Seniority/Ekberiyet system, the Janissaries and the ulema (religious scholars), held influence over changes in the head of state, on top of that, they have played an important role in the protection of the sultan’s brothers as well.

It would be naive to put forward the assertion that Valide Turhan Sultan protected those princes solely out of the goodness in her heart, she probably wanted to secure her own position as the Valide Sultan and protect her son Mehmed IV’s position as the sultan by creating a balance of power and politics and negotiating with the Janissaries and the religious scholars. (Not saying Turhan was a mean woman but she probably had more factors at play than just feelings and vibes when making this decision to protect the princes)

When it comes to Gülnuş, it’s just incredibly misogynistic and such an uninformed statement to assume that she ordered the execution of those two princes as the whole balance politics is so complicated and involves various factors like the Janissaries and religious scholars. It would certainly benefit her to get rid of Mehmed IV’s brothers, but she wasn’t the person who ordered their execution!
Besides, when Gülnus herself became a Valide Sultan, she was also entrusted the princes just like it was the case for Turhan, so this indicates a late 17th century-early 18th century balance politics rather than something a Valide Sultan does solely out of kindness.

Recently I’ve shared a couple of poems by Afife Baskadin here on SoW sub and some of you were very interested in her life story: https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/gsi5MD1KvO
Personally I love to do research about less popular women in Ottoman history because usually majority of history enthusiasts like to talk about more popular figures like Hurrem or Safiye and there’s tons of information about them online. Poor Afife doesn’t even have an English Wikipedia page! 🥹😭 Hopefully with these two Reddit posts about Afife Kadin, Google will index some information about her!

I’ve posted about Mehmed IV and Haseki Gülnus Sultan’s daughter Hatice Sultan before: https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/kON8kDyReE An imperial decree related to Hatice Sultan’s wedding ceremony give us some insight on Afife Kadin’s rank in the harem.

Preparations for Hatice Sultan’s Edirne wedding began in 1674, about six months before the wedding date.
Sırık Square, located to the west of the new palace, was prepared for banquets and festivities, and new additions were made to the procession pavilion overlooking the square so that the harem women could watch the wedding. Afife Kadin, together with matriarch Valide Turhan Sultan, and Haseki Gulnus Sultan, probably watched the wedding from this pavilion. Traveling away from the capital Istanbul was something these women were accustomed to in Mehmed IV’s reign.
In addition, since the Old Palace (Saray-ı Atik), where Prince Mustafa was to be prepared for the procession, was in a state of disrepair, it was repaired prior to the wedding and circumcision ceremonies. (Joint celebrations were organized for the circumcision plus Hatice’s wedding)

Furthermore, a substantial amount of money was sent from the imperial treasury to Valide Turhan Sultan, Haseki Gülnus Sultan, and Afife Kadin for the preparations, totaling 11,000 gold coins, 190 keses of para-i Mısrî, and two keses of cedîdi akçe.

➡️What is a kese? About Ottoman currency “kese”:

Dr. John Covel (1638–1722) was an English clergyman, scholar, and chaplain who documented extensive empirical observations during a seven-year residence in the Ottoman Empire from 1670 to 1677. The European traveler Covel mentions rumors that 12,000 keses were spent for the festivities, while the gifts received by the royal family amounted to at least 32,000 keses. However, his calculations were based entirely on rumors. He stated that one “kese” was worth 500 dollars and one dollar was worth four pounds and six pence.

In the 17th century around 1675, 1 kese (purse) of standard Ottoman currency was typically equivalent to 500 kuruş.

➡️During the Ottoman period, “cedîdi akçe” referred to freshly minted silver coins that had not been devaluated. Para-i Mısrî means Egyptian akçe.

With the economics talk out of the way, the amount of gifts Valide Turhan Sultan, Haseki Gülnus Sultan and Afife Kadin received during Hatice’s wedding ceremony are listed in the imperial decree below:

“In accordance with the Imperial Decree received in the month of Rabi’ al-Awwal of the aforementioned year, 5,000 gold coins, 100 keses of “para-i Misri” with each bag containing 60,000, were to be paid to Her Imperial Highness the Valide [Turhan] Sultan in accordance with the Sunnah,

5,000 gold coins and 80 keses of “para-i Misri”, each bag containing 60,000, were to be paid to Her Highness the Haseki [Gulnus] Sultan,

1,000 gold coins and 10 keses of “para-i Misri”, each bag containing 60,000, 2 keses of cedîdi akçe with each bag containing 40,000 were to be paid to Her Highness the [Afife] Kadin, …”

While the amount of gifts given to Afife Kadin in this 1675 wedding is considerably lower compared to the Valide Sultan and Haseki Sultan, she is one of the three women mentioned in the aforementioned imperial decree, which ranks her as the third most important woman in Mehmed IV’s harem after Valide Sultan and Haseki Sultan. This imperial decree shall also solve the mystery around whether Afife was promoted to Haseki status or not, Afife is a “Kadin”. Besides that, Haseki Gülnus Sultan was able to start her Wakf during her Haseki years just like Hurrem Sultan and Nurbanu Sultan, as she built a primary school, soup kitchen and hospital in Macca in 1678, possibly modeling her charity project after the Jerusalem charity of Hurrem Sultan. Gülnus also has recorded income from revenues, between 1664-1666 its 7 million akçe.

A story recounted by Yusuf Ağa, who served as the Darüssaade Agha during the final years of Mehmed IV’s reign:
“It became necessary for me to meet with our illustrious sultan tonight regarding a certain matter. It turned out they were sleeping in the same room with [Afife] Baskadin. I went in and woke him up. I did my utmost to win his favor. And so I got my business done.”

🩵

Again, in 1681 during the move from Istanbul to Edirne, Valide Turhan Sultan received 4000 gold coins and 68 keses of akçe, Haseki Gülnus Sultan received 4000 gold coins and 67 keses of akçe.

Mehmed IV likely wanted to find a balance between his Haseki and Valide Sultan without offending either women, and this small symbolic “1 kese” difference respected Valide Sultan’s official status by surpassing Gülnus on paper while honoring and promoting his favorite woman by gifting her an amount that’s nearly as much as the amount that was gifted to the Valide Sultan, the highest ranking woman of the state. Afife Baskadin however, received 1000 gold coins and 30 keses of akçe, followed by the Second Kadin receiving 400 gold coins and 9 keses of akçe.

On 9 Ramadan 1091 or September 25th of 1680,
however, the monetary gifts given to Afife Baskadin for “hasbahce halvet” slightly surpassed the monetary gifts given to Haseki Gülnus Sultan, Afife Baskadin’s gifts fell behind that of Gulnus’s once again next year. Looks like the Ramadan month of 1680 was a time Afife Baskadin gained some prestige in the harem.

I wonder if it could be a pregnancy that later ended in miscarriage or stillbirth?

🩵

Source:

Edirne’de Saltanat Dugunu: Şehzadelerin sunnet merasimi ve Hatice Sultan’in Izdivac Töreni

Merve Cakir

Among Sultan Selim II’s four daughters who reached adulthood, Sah Sultan was the first one to die. She passed away in 1577 roughly around a couple of weeks after her beloved husband Zal Mahmud Pasha succumbed to illness, and they were buried side by side. (Another imperial family member from the same generation, Princess Humasah Sultan, daughter of Prince Mehmed, also passed away in 1577..)

I’ve discovered a sweet little detail in her endowment deed about Sah Sultan and Valide Nurbanu Sultan’s relationship. With the following information, I can safely assume that there was a supportive bond between Nurbanu, her biological daughter Ismihan and stepdaughter Sah Sultan, despite Sah being a half sister to Ismihan. ➡️ I’ve posted about Sah, Ismihan and Gevherhan, the three sisters born in 1544 having three different mothers https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/k1AS0oipPL

In her endowment deed it is noted that Sah Sultan requested her half brother Sultan Murad III to ensure that one third of Sah Sultan’s estate is used to complete and finish a mosque, a madrasa, and the charitable endowments Sah and Zal Mahmud agreed upon as a couple when they were alive. Sah also requested that the remaining two thirds of her estate in addition to the aforementioned one third shall also be endowed for the use of these charity projects, despite, under Islamic law, this two thirds of her estate was to be inherited by her surviving family.

It was also noted that Valide Nurbanu Sultan, who was still alive at that time, was appointed as the executor of her will. This makes me think that Sah Sultan trusted her stepmother Nurbanu Sultan enough to pick her as the person who was going to execute her will.

Furthermore, Sah Sultan’s half sisters Gevherhan, İsmihan, and Fatma Sultan graciously gave up their share of Sah Sultan’s inheritance. With the permission of their brother Murad III, who was the reigning sultan in 1577, the three sisters endowed their briefly inherited property to Sah Sultan’s charity. The family came together to fulfill Sah Sultan’s final wish.

🦋

Zal Mahmud Pasha and Sah Sultan’s endowments continued to be an asset for the Empire.

(One thirds of their wealth would sum up to 2.857.665 akçe for Zal Mahmud and 3.018.008 akçe for Sah)

Zal Mahmud Pasha and Sah Sultan’s Wakf had provided funds for education: 1 akçe for poor students who excelled in their studies, and books for the Madrasa (educational institute) There are two separate Madrasas in the mosque complex of Sah Sultan and Zal Mahmud Pasha, when the first construction finished it was dedicated to Sah Sultan’s charity.

The endowments of Zal Mahmud Pasha and Sah Sultan continued to provide financial assistance to Ottoman state as they made a fixed payment each Muharram in the Islamic calendar as emergency aid (imdadiye) to support the treasury. The was a military emergency aid that dates to the year of 1689 and corresponds to a period when Istanbul faced the Venetian threat, inflation set in, and the treasury fell into financial distress. From a document dating back to 1804, the endowments provided 100.000 akçe to the state treasury each Muharrem month, as emergency (imdadiye) funds.

Source:

Vakfiyesi Işığında Şah Sultan ve Zal Mahmud Paşa Külliyesi

Betül Kahraman

Picture: Mahfiruz during “Osman II’s coronation”, a scene that never happened because Mahfiruz was already dead by 1610, and not that it was remotely possible for Mahfiruz to appear this way in public — artwork by a European artist travelling with the Austrian Ambassador Hans Mollard von Reinek

🦋

The eldest sons of Sultan Ahmed I, Osman (II) was born on November 3 1604 to Mahfiruz and Prince Mehmed on March 8 1605 to Mahpeyker Kosem.

Baki Tezcan, in his work “The Debut of Kösem Sultan’s Political Career” suggest that Osman II’s mother died by 1610 latest, therefore she was never a Valide Sultan during her son’s reign.

“Osman's mother most probably died while Osman was around the age of five at the latest. It is correct that she is buried in Eyüb, yet the chronogram marking the construction of her tomb suggests that she must have died before 1618.”

"Hazret-i Eyyûb'da Sultân Osmân vâlidesi türbesinin binâsına Kesbî târih demiştir: Türbe-i vâlide-i pâdişâh oldu âbâd, 1027 (1618)," ~ Hâfiz Hüseyin Ayvansaray

“In Hazret-i Eyyûb, Kesbî records the following date for the construction of the mausoleum of Sultan Osman’s mother: The mausoleum of the sultan’s mother was completed in 1027 (1618)”

This suggests that Osman Il built a mausoleum over his mother's grave in 1618, early in his reign, but it doesn’t give us any information about her death.

🦋

Foreign reports on Mahfiruz:

The Venetian bailo Ottaviano Bon in 1609 states that Ahmed I had two sons and two daughters by three women:
“Non ha la Maestà Sua sposata alcuna schiava fin hora, et si ritrova haver con tre donne quattro figli, due maschi et due femine. Il maggiore, destinato alla successione, haverà cinque anni forniti"
“His Majesty has not yet married any slave, and he finds himself with four children by three women—two sons and two daughters. The eldest, who is destined to succeed him, will be five years old by then.”
(read to the Venetian Senate on June 9 1609)

The two sons here are Osman and Mehmed.

George Sandys (1578-1644) writes, most probably in 1610, that the mother of the firstborn prince (Osman) had passed away.

In 1612 Venetian bailo Simon Contarini makes no mention of the mother of Osman, but notes that Osman went for carriage rides with the "queen”, the mother of the second born son, which would be Mahpeyker Kösem. It’s interesting that he mentions carriage rides with Kösem but there’s no mention of the Prince’s birth mother.

Pietro Della Valle asserts in 1614 that the mother of the firstborn prince (Osman) had already died.

Cristoforo Valier, Venetian bailo between 1612 and 1615, states that Ahmed had four sons, two from the sultana who died, and two from the one who is alive.

Baki Tezcan’s conclusion is that Mahfiruz passed away by 1610 latest, and she never saw her son’s reign as a Valide Sultan.

Keywords: mahfiruz, mahfiruze, mah firuze

Picture: Safiye and her long distance bestie Elizabeth, Anne Boleyn’s daughter 🧡

In 16th century Tudor England, Queen Anne Boleyn was accused of incest with her brother George Boleyn as part of a fabricated plot by King Henry VIII and his chief minister Thomas Cromwell in May 1536 to remove her and clear the way for a new marriage.

However, Anne Boleyn is not the only woman in history to have fabricated incest allegations about her. Venetian Bailo Girolamo Cappello, in his 1600 Relazione, speaks of similar rumors about Valide Safiye Sultan. Valide Safiye Sultan is actually not a stranger to the English court, she was a “long distance bestie” of Queen Elizabeth I. Queen Elizabeth I of England corresponded with Safiye Sultan, a favorite concubine of Sultan Murad III and mother of Mehmed (III) between 1593-1599. The letters written by Elizabeth have not been discovered, but Safiye’s letters to Elizabeth have survived to this day as a remnant of this unique political exchange between the Ottoman Harem and an English Queen that was solely possible thanks to Elizabeth’s gender. Besides the letters, a carriage, an org (which was, later destroyed by her grandson Sultan Ahmed I…) English cosmetics, Ottoman female dresses and jewelry have been part of this exchange. It’s one of my favorite things about the female focused history of Ottoman Empire and the dramatic life of Safiye Sultan that was full of power struggles, royal rivalries, and international diplomacy.

It wasn’t Safiye’s first time being the subject of court rumor and gossip. In 1583, she was banished to Old Palace after Murad III’s mother Valide Nurbanu Sultan and her daughter Princess Ismihan Sultan teamed up to convince Murad III that his favorite concubine was practicing witchcraft to make him impotent. Safiye was banished to Old Palace as a result, and sadly her servants were tortured. However, shortly after this Valide Nurbanu Sultan passed away in late 1583 and by 1584 Safiye had already reorganized her household. Murad III however, stopped being loyal to Safiye and started to take many concubines.

Safiye’s tremendous power and influence at the time of this correspondence may explain why Elizabeth chose to strategically include a letter and gifts addressed to the mother of future Mehmet III. Safiye had a “kira kadın”, a Jewish Italian woman named Esperanza Malchi (not to be confused with her first kira Esther). This Jewish woman was the link between the Imperial Harem and outside world. She corresponded on numerous occasions with Edward Barton, William Harborne’s successor and the second resident English ambassador in Constantinople between 1588 and 1598.

Back to the fabricated allegations, Venetian Bailo Girolamo Cappello, in his 1600 Relazione mentions the incest rumors about Valide Safiye Sultan. These rumors were obviously not true and they were spread by Safiye’s haters, but it shows how far people can go when they start a smear campaign against a woman in power. During the Sultanate of Women period of Ottoman Empire, two key figures, Hurrem (d. 1558) and Safiye were both called witch, but incest, is definitely taking things one step further:

“…Sultan Mehmed III is held in low esteem and obeyed even less, this leads the government to find itself in the current situation. This situation is even worsened by the authority exercised by the Valide Safiye Sultan, by her taking control of the Grand Sultan’s will, she directs him as she pleases and commands with absolute power. To the grave detriment of the Ottoman government, the viziers cannot do anything either without her approval. This causes great dissatisfaction amongst the people, who, amidst the abuse directed at them, find themselves oppressed and do not know how to get justice for their cause. Since no petition is heard unless accompanied by gifts, and because the commoners cannot afford such gifts, they started to spread about the Valide Sultan (out of frustration).

It is said that the mother had several affairs with her son, but no further confirmation of such rumor was ever obtained. It is well known that these rumors were fabricated by those who wished to rouse Sultan Mehmed III from his slumber by making the monarch aware of such gossip.
People want to see the Empire reformed; for as long as the Valide Sultan holds the authority over the government, there is no way it can improve. No one ever dares to suggest anything that goes against her will, and those who have made any such attempts have put themselves at great risk. Some may even have suffered the consequences, it’s rumored that Valide Sultan is behind the death of the Mufti*. That said if some of the more intelligent people continue to counsel the Sultan, all hope would not be lost that the Sultan Mehmed III, despite the aforementioned flaws, might in some way revive himself and improve the condition of his government, since some generosity still remains in him somewhere…”

* I’m not 100% sure but this Mufti might be Hoca Sadettin Efendi as he famously clashed with Valide Safiye Sultan and passed away in 1599, since this is a 1600 Relazione the timing is right too.. Because upon his death, Sunullah Efendi became the Sheikh al-Islam on October 2, 1599. Sunullah Efendi also clashed with Valide Safiye Sultan. During his tenure as Sheikh al-Islam, Sunullah exerted significant influence not only on social issues but also on political matters. The historian Selânikî, from a very male centered view, provides a detailed account of the matters that Sunullah Efendi “successfully” dealt with: Among these were better administration of waqfs, but also “prohibiting women from wandering freely in markets and bazaars” (because God forbid women do their own shopping and go to bazaars!), banning bribery, preventing court ladies (!) and eunuchs from interfering in governance, preserving the value of money, and restoring order to the corrupt scholarly profession.

During this time, Kira Kadın Esparanzo Malchi who had gained influence at the palace and, in particular, with Valide Safiye Sultan, sided with the sipahis in the disturbances they instigated after suffering losses due to her takeover of the iltizam and customs duties. Although Sunullah Efendi did not issue a fatwa authorizing the execution of those whom the sipahis demanded be killed, he did state that they could be exiled. However, he was unable to bring the unrest under control, and Kira Kadın and her two sons were killed. For this reason, he was accused by the Valide Sultan of inciting the sipahis.

Back to Hoca Sadettin Efendi, he clashed with Safiye Sultan because he supported Cicalazade Sinan Pasha and Safiye supported her son in law, Ibrahim Pasha. Under Safiye Sultan’s influence, Hoca Sadettin Efendi was dismissed from his position and was ordered not to meddle with state affairs again. However in 1598 he once again was promoted to Sheikh al-Islam position. He passed away in 1599, so he’s likely the “Mufti” this relazione mentioned.

Anyway, this post is getting too long! Each time I make posts, I try to keep them short but I can’t help myself 😅 I apologize for that!

Safiye was mentioned in English court once again, in a letter dated 1602 that was reserved in London. According to this letter she teamed up with Mehmed III’s concubine Handan to eliminate Halime’s son Mahmud:

https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/znouxE6CCQ

As a final word, obviously, the above incest rumor about Valide Sultan is completely fabricated and I’m 100% sure of that. It’s an insult to the reigning monarch’s masculinity, plus it’s an easy way to destroy Safiye’s reputation. One of the major responsibilities of the Venetian bailo was to collect information about the Ottoman Empire for their own country. They usually got this information through their wide networks of friends, their household and an informal spy network. The Bailo specifically mentions that these are rumors and completely fabricated, but he probably included these rumors in his Relazione to show how much Safiye is hated by the people.

Skilled female poet Afife Baskadin wrote a poem upon the dethronement of Sultan Mehmed IV, the poem is written from Mehmed’s perspective. It artistically encapsulates the immediate resentment and despair after his deposition and alludes to a cordial relationship between Afife Kadin Hazretleri and Haseki Gulnus Sultan, the two top women from his Harem. Besides being a valued member of his Harem as a Baskadin, Afife was not only a skilled poet and a highly educated woman but she was also evidently well-versed in politics:

May my Sultan brothers remember me*
May Sultan Suleyman’s throne be blessed*
May he be a man of valor, seek out his foe and find him
“It’s a shame!” says Sultan Mehmed

I reconciled the hare and the hound
I must see the inscription at the top
I sent hundreds of thousands of warriors into battle
“It’s a shame!” says Sultan Mehmed

They gave my tent to the infidels
They set fire to my Old Palace
They said, “Your mother died; your luck took a turn!”
“It’s a shame!” says Sultan Mehmed

Tell Gülnuş to put on her mourning clothes
With every “ah” she utters, my heart is torn apart
Let Sultan Mehmed weep in Şimşirlik (the cage)
“It’s a shame!” says Sultan Mehmed

Afife Sultan spoke these words
She plunged into the ocean of love
She laid waste to the crown and the throne
“It’s a shame!” says Sultan Mehmed

Oh, my servants, I did not know what my sin was
I made him a pasha even though his nephew was a thief
What did I do to Bostancıbaşı Musa?*
“It’s a shame!” says Sultan Mehmed

Whatever you said, I always did
I sent the Vizier’s head to you*
I set the Kizlar Agha free
“It’s a shame!” says Sultan Mehmed

I cannot bear my Ahmed’s wailing*
I cannot even see my Mustafa’s face*
I cannot ask Hatice Sultan about her well-being*
“It’s a shame!” says Sultan Mehmed

They took my Haseki’s crown and throne
They tore my heart to pieces
They gave my throne to Sultan Suleyman
“It’s a shame!” says Sultan Mehmed

* Mehmed IV’s “Sultan brothers” are Suleyman II and Ahmed II, both of whom were Ibrahim I’s sons and Mehmed’s half brothers.

* The bostancıbaşı was a high ranking commander responsible for the security of the Topkapi Palace grounds, coastal properties, and royal kiosks. Mehmed IV lost the throne in 1687 due to military setbacks and shifting power dynamics involving palace officials like Musa Ağa.

* Despite the former achievements of Mehmed IV, in his final years, Turkish territories in Hungary were lost, and the Dalmatian coast fell under Venetian control. In 1686, the Venetians laid siege to Navarino Fortress. That same year, Buda Fortress was captured by the Austrians, resulting in the loss of Hungary. The following year, in 1687, following the defeat at Mohács, fortresses such as Valpo and Posega fell. As a result of a series of military failures, the troops revolted against Grand Vizier and Serdar (Commander-in-Chief) Sarı Süleyman Pasha. The soldiers withdrew to Belgrade and marched on Edirne. The execution of Sarı Süleyman Pasha quelled the revolt.

However, all these events were merely the beginning of the rebellion. On November 8th 1687, Sultan Mehmed IV was deposed.

* Mustafa (II) and Ahmed (III) are Mehmed IV and Haseki Gulnus Sultan’s sons. Hatice Sultan is their daughter. https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/zbExqvpOt7

⭐️

As it was the case between Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent and Haseki Hürrem Sultan, there were also exchanges of poetry and highly intelligent conversations between Sultan Mehmed IV and Afife Baskadin.

Mehmed IV’s poem to Afife Baskadin, who was his favorite woman after Gulnus Haseki:

Beyazlar giydiğinde bir dürr-i yektaya benzersin
Siyahlar giydiğinde sen hemen Leylâ’ya benzersin
Yeşiller giydiğinde tûti-i gûyâya benzersin
Benim hoş-bû Afifem sen gül-i ranâya benzersin

➡️When you wear white, you resemble a one of a kind pearl
When you wear black, you immediately resemble Leyla (a dark beauty)
When you wear green, you resemble a “tûti-i gûyâ” (Persian description for a talkative parrot or a soft spoken poet, this might be a playful choice of words, as Afife was also a poet)
My sweet scented Afife, you resemble a fresh rose.

Afife Baskadin’s response:

Beyazlar giydiğinde pâdişâhım aya benzersin
Siyahlar giydiğinde Kâbe-i ulyâya benzersin
Kızıllar giydiğinde cevher-i hamrâya benzersin
Benim heybetli hünkârım hemen deryâya benzersin

➡️When you wear white, my Sultan, you resemble the moon,
When you wear black, you resemble the Noble “Kaaba”.
When you wear red, you resemble a ruby,
My majestic sovereign, you immediately resemble the sea.

⭐️

Afife Kadin likely accompanied Mehmed IV’s second campaign to Poland, the Hotin Campaign along with Haseki Gulnus Sultan in 1673.

Starting from 1674, the harem of Mehmed IV began to expand significantly.

Afife Kadın is recorded in archival documents either by her name or as “kadin hazretleri”, after the “ikinci kadın” (second kadin after Afife) joined the harem Afife was referred to as “baş kadın”. (which means first woman and the highest rank after Haseki Sultan)

The baş kadın, Afife, attained her status in 1674, the ikinci kadin (second kadin) in 1675, and üçüncü kadın (third kadin) in 1676.

In 1674-75-76 she has received large amounts of gold as presents from the Sultan.

Afife Baskadin was a highly educated, intelligent woman and a skilled poet besides being a high ranking woman who lived in the Imperial Harem. From Mehmed IV’s decree down below, it’s obvious he cared for her and wanted equally intelligent, educated servants to accompany her and scolded the Dârüssaâde Agha because from the wording of the decree, he previously made the mistake of sending two rookie servants to Afife:

"You, despite being the chief eunuch of the Dârüssaâde, still have sent two amateur servants to Afife’s service, those women are rookies. For Afife’s sake, regardless of whether she lives in the Old Palace or the New Palace, … ,send one concubine who is a bath attendant and one who is literate, as described above, … ,It is not necessary for them to be immediately skilled; just ensure the bath attendant is competent, and the educated one, likewise, she must be proficient in reading and writing. Pick them from the Old Palace or the New Palace, or amongst the Agha’s concubines. As for the girls, for God’s sake, find any good, beautiful concubines who can be of use to somebody, and report their names and appearances."

Üsküdarî Abdullah Efendi refers to her and Şefika Kadin as Haseki, and says she had a daughter with Mehmed IV. But in archival documents Afife Kadin is recorded as Kadin Hazretleri or Baskadin.

The concept of charity or “Wakf endowments” is one of my favorite things about the Ottoman Empire. Two prominent female members of the Ottoman Imperial family had Wakf’s in Cyprus, as well as non-royal women, and non-Muslims like Jewish and Christian women.

🦋Royal women who had wakf’s in Cyprus

A female member of the Ottoman Imperial family who owned waqf property in Cyprus was Mahpeyker Kösem Sultan (d. 1061/1651). She was also known as “Çinili Valide Sultan”, after 17th century Ottoman mosque she built in the Üsküdar district of Istanbul. She was the concubine of Ahmed I, the 14th Ottoman sultan, and the mother of Murad IV and Ibrahim I. During the 17th century, Valide Kosem Sultan played an influential role in state affairs, particularly following her son Murad IV’s accession to the throne at a young age. She established endowments in many parts of the Ottoman Empire, with Üsküdar in Istanbul serving as the center of her activities.

Through a waqf deed dated Zilkâde 1039 (June 12th 1630), Valide Mahpeyher Kosem Sultan endowed thousands of “dönüm”s of land in the Baf district of Cyprus, along with the livestock and real estate associated with them. The names of the estates endowed in Cyprus are Kukla, Mamonya, Aşşelya, and Podima. These endowments were affiliated with the Çinili Valide Sultan endowments in Üsküdar; they were administered specifically by a person sent from Istanbul and were exempt from taxes.

⭐️ 1 dönüm of land = 1000 square meters and 0.247 acre

At Kukla Farm, a total of 1,339 dönüm of farmland was allocated. Among these fields are the Karafliye field (76 dönüm), the Colfade field (90 dönüm), the Vağl field (30 dönüm), the Eryanmut field (80 dönüm), the Kanderl field (40 dönüm), and the Sltavrl field (12 dönüm). There are 3,000 mulberry trees cultivated for sericulture, the practice of breeding and raising silkworms to produce raw silk, one of the island’s major sources of income. Furthermore, the endowment deed lists all the fields and gardens by their names as they were known at the time, providing a rather extensive list..

Please check out my post about Female Patronage in Üsküdar for Valide Kosem Sultan’s Çinili Mosque:
https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/ClsWg0FvYY

Another Ottoman royal family member who had a Wakf in Cyprus was Ayse Sultan, daughter of Sultan Murad III.
There are endowments established by Ayşe Sultan and her husband Gazi İbrahim Pasha (d.1010/1601), who were associated with the Haremeyn endowments in Istanbul and owned a farm of the same name in Omorfa, Cyprus.
From the Cyprus Sharia Registers, we can see that this farm was granted to Ayşe Sultan by Sultan Ahmed I, who was her nephew via a deed of ownership, and she subsequently endowed it in the names of herself and her late husband, Gazi İbrahim Pasha. (Who served as Rumeli Beylerbey, then as the governor of Egypt and finally as a Grand Vizier for a total of three times)

The estate in Omorfa, comprising 30 rooms, 2 stables, a hayloft, a grain silo, 3 cellars, an irrigated garden with fruit trees, 10 pairs of cattle, and 10 mares, along with the number of subjects recorded in the register, was registered as part of the Haremeyni Muhteremeyn endowments and was administered by the tax collectors sent to the island.

🦋Non-royal women who had Wakf in Cyprus

“Ehl-i örf” is the term used to refer to both military and civilian bureaucrats other than the Sultan and his family, these people ensured the functioning and security of the state. Endowments were established not only by members of the “Ehl-i örf” class but also by their family members.
Amongst independent endowments established by relatives of the “Ehl-i örf” 14 were established by women and 1 by a man. Therefore we could say the female relatives of military and civilian bureaucrats played a dominant role in the charity scene of Cyprus.

The female founders of these endowments were named either after their fathers’ patronymics or their husbands’ patronymics. In addition, in endowments established by the wives of individuals belonging to the military class,
it is observed that the title “hâtun” is invariably appended to the end of the founder’s name.

Out of the nine female benefactors who used the title “hâtun” after their names, one was the wife of a “muhassil” (a civilian bureaucrat who collected taxes), one was the wife of a “beşe” (a term for Janissary units), two were the wives of “agha”s, and five were the daughters of “agha”s.

I’d like to make a small note here and say, once again, that “Hatun” was a respectable title in the Ottoman Empire as you can see.

An example would be the endowment established by “Belkıs Hatun bint Ferruh Ağa” (Ferruh Agha’s daughter Belkis Hatun) on 12 Rabi’ al-Ahir 1059, it included a total of 152 dönüm of land and a 6 dönüm garden located in Piskopi, along with their buildings, all of which she endowed to the Hagia Sophia Mosque on the condition that the Yâsin-i Şerif and the Mevlid be recited and the Quran be read there.

🦋Socioeconomic life of women in Cyprus during Ottoman reign

Research conducted on estate registers provides evidence of the extent to which women living in Cyprus were actively engaged in commercial life. Loans that women extended to their husbands are recorded in these registers. The real estate and personal property owned by women were also recorded. Their homes, vineyards and gardens, olive and carob trees, livestock as well as their cash and jewelry, were all listed. Taking all this into account, it is a fact that Ottoman Muslim and non Muslim women living in Cyprus actively participated in socioeconomic life.

🦋Other women who established Wakf’s in Cyprus according to Sharia registers

In the entries dated October 1635 in the Cyprus Sharia Register No. 4, it is recorded that Hatice Hatun established a waqf with 4,000 akçe in cash. Hatice Hatun requested that the income generated by investing this money should be used to have one juz’ of the Quran recited at the Hagia Sophia Mosque at dawn. The person reciting the Quran would receive two akçe each day. The remainder of the entry in the same register states that Rukiye Hatun also endowed 2,000 akçe. Her charitable condition is the same as that of Hatice Hatun. One juz’ of the Holy Quran will be recited every day at dawn at the Hagia Sophia Mosque. Sitti, the daughter of Abdi Hatun, also assumed the administration of these endowments, later, she endowed 8,000 akçe on the condition that two juz’ of the Quran be recited at dawn at the Hagia Sophia Mosque and that the trustee be her own child. (Source: KŞS Defter No:4 s.122 Demiryürek 2011:978)

Hüma Hatun, daughter of Ali of Nicosia, endowed the two and a half dönüm courtyard in front of her home on January 11, 1595 for the purpose of preparing and distributing meals to the poor and reciting the Quran. (Source: Tamçelik- Kasapoğlu 2018: 252)

In public endowments, trusteeship has mostly passed down to men after the founder’s death. The number of female trustees is lower than that of men. However, in family endowments, women have held more positions as administrators. Female trustees have personally dealt with all issues related to the management of the endowments.

For instance Zeynep Hanım served as the trustee of the Beylerbeyi Frenk Cafer Pasha Foundation
from 1762 to 1773.

Source:

Kıbrıs Sicillerinden Kadınların Kurduğu Vakıf Örnekleri
Fatma Şensoy

Osmanlı Devleti Döneminde Kıbrıs Vakiflari
Siddik Korkmazer

It’s really sad that we don’t have as much information about Prince Beyazid’s (d. 1561) daughters as compared to Prince Selim’s daughters. However, I have traced Mihrimah Sultan’s (b. 1547 - daughter of Prince Beyazid) two possible residences in Southern Albania and Northern Lebanon after digging into the information provided by historians on her husband Muzaffer Pasha. You’ll see the long list of sources I’ve scanned to get all this information, and it’s still not much which is really sad!

Qutb al-Din al-Nahrawali, the Meccan envoy who visited Istanbul on a diplomatic mission in 1558, provides us some insight about Prince Beyazid’s children.

According to al-Nahrawali, Prince Beyazid’s sons were Prince Orhan, the eldest of his children, Prince Osman, Prince Mahmud and Prince Abdullah. Al-Nahrawali notes that Osman and Mahmud had the same mother, so Beyazid, like his father Suleyman, broke off the “one concubine-one son” tradition for one of his concubines.

Beyazid’s daughters are Princess Mihrimah, eleven years old in 1558, Princess Hatice who was eight by then, Princess Ayse and Princess Hanzade. Although Osman and Mahmud share the same mother, the remaining children of Prince Beyazid all have different mothers.

The renowned Turkish historian, professor ordinarius İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, in his work from January 20 1960 “İran Şahına İltica Etmiş Olan Şehzade Bayezid'in Teslimi için Sultan Süleyman ve Oğlu Selim Tarafından Şah'a Gönderilen Altınlar ve Kıymetli Hediyeler”, refers to Qutb al-Din al-Nahrawali’s account of Beyazid’s children.

According to İsmail Hakkı Uzunçarşılı, his youngest son was brought from Amasya to Bursa and executed there at 3 years old.

Mihrimah Sultan (b. 1547) was married to Muzaffer Pasha, who was the first Beylerbey of Cyprus, and formerly the Sanjakbey of Avlonya. (Also known as Vlore)
When Muzaffer Pasha, Cyprus’s first beylerbey, was transferred to another post on August 26, 1571, Sinan Pasha succeeded him as beylerbey. I couldn’t find much else about Muzaffer Pasha, but since the Conquest of Cyprus is of great importance in Ottoman history, there is some information on Muzaffer Pasha from the early 1570’s.

Muzaffer Pasha was appointed as Beylerbey of Cyprus on the day the Nicosia Citadel was captured, 8 Rabi’ al-Awwal 978 (September 9, 1570). Shortly after the conquest of Famagusta on August 1st 1571, Muzaffer Pasha was appointed to the governorship of Trablus Sam in modern day North Lebanon (not to be confused with Tranblusgarp in North Africa) on 4 Rabi’ al-Awwal 979 (August 26th 1571), Sinan Pasha was appointed Beylerbey of Cyprus. I don’t think Mihrimah Sultan went to Cyprus at all due to safety reasons, but she probably followed her husband to Trablus Sam. Since Muzaffer Pasha was the Sanjakbey of Avlonya, modern day South Albania, prior to his post in Cyprus, she probably also lived there together with her husband.

Fun fact: Archaeologist Tuncer Bağışkan states that the claim about Büyük Han (caravanserai) being built by Muzaffer Pasha was first put forward by two British authors without any supporting evidence. He thinks that it does not reflect the truth, given that Muzaffer Pasha served as the beylerbey of Cyprus from September 9 1570 to August 26, 1571. According to Bagiskan, Buyuk Han was built by Sinan Pasha, his successor.

Father Giovanni Mariti, who visited Nicosia in 1767, described the caravanserai as follows: “The city’s marketplace is spacious and well stocked with foodstuffs, though it is not clean. In the center of this marketplace stands a caravanserai, or a courtyard surrounded by many rooms. Its gate is made of marble and was constructed from ancient ruins.”

Muzaffer Pasha was mentioned in Lala Mustafa Pasha’s Letter on the Conquest of Cyprus.
The letter was most likely written by the divan scribe on behalf of Lala Mustafa Pasha and addressed to Sultan Selim II:

“When they dug trenches again within their fortresses to repel the attack of Muslim soldiers—clad in steel armor and helmets—paid no heed to this ruse of the bloodthirsty, vile heretical mob; and on the 8th day of Rabi’al-Awwal 978, , the area around that impregnable fortress was besieged; prayers and supplications began at midnight, and by morning, through the grace of Allah, the Bestower of Conquests, the miracle of the Prophet (peace be upon him), and the intercession of the great Companions, the attack was launched from the right flank by İskender Pasha, the Beylerbey of Algeria and Kapudan Ali Pasha, Hasan Pasha, the Beylerbey of Karaman, Derviş Pasha, the Beylerbey of Aleppo, and Muzaffer Pasha, the Beylerbey of Cyprus—along with their commanders and soldiers, and including this servant, who is as small and worthless as an ant or a speck of dust—all rose up in a frenzy and, together shouting “Allah, Allah,” launched an assault on the fortress from the right and left. From every direction, cannon smoke rose to the sky like clouds and lightning; cannonballs rained down like rain; and when the sun reached its zenith, a great battle took place—one beyond words. Since the miracles of the Noble Prophet served as a guide for the Islamic soldiers, those
corrupt and deceitful ones could no longer withstand the battle; in accordance with the ruling that “on that day, a man flees from his brother,” they immediately turned and fled the battlefield—just as the darkness of a bright day lingers—taking refuge in their cities and homes. The Muslim soldiers then put to the sword some eight thousand of the enemies, including their lords and captains, and after fighting the survivors in their homes for quite some time, finally, with the blessed prayers of the exalted sultan, the banners on their ramparts—which signified misfortune—were lowered and replaced with the banner of Islam”

According to Giovanni Mariti’s recount of events Muzaffer Pasha was said to have collected excessive taxes from the people and as a result, he was beheaded on the orders of Lala Mustafa Pasha. However, since it is known that Muzaffer Pasha was appointed Beylerbey of Trablus Sam (North Lebanon in modern day, not to be confused with Trablusgarp in North Africa) on August 26, 1571, it is clear that this claim does not align with historical facts. Nevertheless, since Giovanni Mariti visited Nicosia in 1767, the information he provided is not a contemporary account.

Apart from that, I couldn’t find much information on Muzaffer Pasha.

It’s noteworthy to add that on the Eid, on March 29, 1569, Sultan Selim II’s sister Mihrümah Sultan, Selim’s daughters Ismihan, Gevherhan, Şah Sultan, Mihrümah’s daughter Ayşe Sultan, and the daughter of Prince Mehmed, Humasah, all received valuable fabrics and money under the name of “adet-i bogça.” However, Beyazid’s daughters are not named on this list, it could be because they were far away from the Ottoman capital Istanbul. Mihrimah Sultan’s only daughter Ayse Sultan and Beyazid’s daughter Mihrimah Sultan were both born in 1547, so it’s a bit sad that Prince Beyazid’s daughter didn’t receive a gift package. It’s super sweet that these two Princesses were born within the same year and Beyazid named her eldest daughter after his sister tho!

—

Beyazid’s daughter Hatice seems to have lived in the Imperial Harem in the year of 1576 during Sultan Murad III’s reign. (At least for the brief period of time between January 15th 1576-March 30th 1576 when the below records were made.)

Clothing expenses for the women in the harem

İsmihan Sultan: 11.000 (Selim II’s daughter)
Gevherhan: 11.000 (Selim II’s daughter)
Şah Sultan: 11.000 (Selim II’s daughter)
Hümaşah Sultan: 15.000 (Prince Mehmed’s daughter)
Ayşe Sultan: 11.000 (Mihrimah Sultan’s daughter)
Hatice Sultan: 6.200 ⭐️ Prince Beyazid’s daughter
Nurbanu Sultan: 150.000 (!)
Safiye: 90.000 (!)

It’s a bit sad that, Hatice Sultan wasn’t given the same allowance for her clothing expenses like the other princesses and Hanimsultan. In comparison, Valide Nurbanu Sultan and Safiye’s clothing expenses are through the roof!

Hatice Sultan was 8 years old in 1558 as per Meccan envoy’s account so she must be born around 1550, and was 26 yo in 1576. My guess is she was widowed and in between husbands so she living in the imperial palace at the time? Hatice Sultan disappeared from the records by September 1581, so she might have passed away in the plague epidemic of late 1570’s or she could have remarried and moved into her own residence.

Source:

H.994 (M.1586) Yılı Kıbrıs Ruznâmçesi (Bütçesi) Üzerine Bir İnceleme

İran Şahına İltica Etmiş Olan Şehzade Bayezid'in Teslimi için Sultan Süleyman ve Oğlu Selim Tarafından Şah'a Gönderilen Altınlar ve Kıymetli Hediyeler, İsmail Hakkı Uzuncarsili

Halil Sahillioğlu, “Osmanlı İdaresi’nde Kıbrıs’ın İlk Yılı Bütçesi”, Belgeler, C.4, S.7-8, (1967), s.7.

Yüzyıl Dönümünde Bir Valide Sultan: Safiye Sultan'ın Hayatı ve Eserleri, Mustafa Altun

Tuncer Bagiskan, Buyuk Han

Qutb al-Din al-Nahrawali

Pál Fodor, Balázs Sudár, Vural Yildirim, Ali Paşa'nın Evlilik Öyküsünün Tarihsel Geri Planı ve Osmanlılarla İlgili Yanları

Lefkoşe Kalesinin Fethini İlk Elden Anlatan
Mühim Bir Mektup

Picture: miniature of Sah Tahmasb

Damad Hasan Pasha was one of the statesmen of Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent’s reign and he was the first husband of Sah Sultan, Prince Selim (II)’s daughter. Hasan Ağa set out on his first campaign under Suleyman the Magnificent’s command in the role of “Gureba-i Yesar Agha”. (gurebâ-i yesâr ağası)

Hasan Pasha had some debt when he passed away. It appears that his marriage to Sah Sultan, Prince Selim’s daughter, didn’t produce any children. Sah Sultan married Zâl Mahmud Pasha shortly after her husband’s death. Here’s a post about Sah Sultan’s happy marriage to Zal Mahmud Pasha https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/gOPXOU0R2t

🦋

Hasan Agha was part of the diplomatic delegations that traveled back and forth between the courts of Istanbul and the Safavids to determine the fate of Prince Bayezid:

According to Seyyid Lokman, Ali Pasha, the beylerbey of Dulkadir and former tutor (lala) to Prince Selim, and Hasan Agha, “chief gatekeeper (başkapıcıbaşı) to His Highness the Diligent Sovereign,” set out for Iran “to resolve the situation regarding the princes.” (Source: Seyyid Lokmân)

Matrakci Nasuh writes that on January 18th 1561 (Islamic year of 968) Suleyman sent Ali Pasha (whom Suleyman he had summoned from his province to Istanbul) along with Başkapıcıbaşı Hasan Agha and many soldiers, “with various gifts of fine food and mementos,” to Sah Tahmasb. Nasuh Efendi adds that Sultan Suleyman included Turak Çelebi (also known as Durak Celebi) one of Prince Selim’s başmirahur, in this delegation.

The list of gifts presented by Ali Pasha and Hasan Ağa reveals that they were prepared not only for Sah Tahmasb but also for the entire Safavid royal family. Among these were swords ornamented with precious stones, belts, kaftans, silver cups, silver trays, gold trays, as well as gold, silver, and many valuable fabrics (Source: Turan, 2011, s. 192-193).

Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent also sent a letter addressed to Sah Tahmasb via the envoys:

“Please hand over and send Prince Bayezid and his sons, so that this matter may be resolved. As for your noble wish, may one of your noble sons be sent to this side. By fully respecting the rights of father and son... as a source of enduring bonds of love and the foundations of friendship and affection, and by demonstrating even greater kindness and consideration than what one would expect from a cherished friend.”

The reason Ali Pasha and Hasan Agha were chosen as envoys was because Sah Tahmasb himself requested that “the task should be completed by them, since their efforts and hard work had already been established.”

Sah Tahmasb welcomed Ali Pasha and Hasan Agha once again in Kazvin on May 1st, 1561. He presented Ali Pasha and Hasan Agha, who had come to bid him farewell, with horses adorned with gold, ceremonial robes, and abundant gifts. Ali Pasha and Hasan Agha’s return trip got postponed and Başkapıcıbaşı Hasan finally returned from Safavid Empire to Istanbul in mid August 1561,
and reported that Dulkadir Beylerbey Ali Pasha and the Safavid envoy Cafer Sultan were on their way, and the Sah’s “complete submission” (source: Seyyid Lokmân). The expected Safavid envoy, however, would not reach Istanbul until early December 1561.

Başkapıcıbaşı Hasan Agha was promoted to Janissary Agha position on October 12th 1561.

After Eid al-Adha (August 11–14, 1562), the wedding ceremonies were held for the three daughters of Prince Selim in the following order:
First for Sokollu Mehmed Pasha and Ismihan Sultan, then for Piyale Pasha and Gevherhan Sultan, and finally for Janissary Agha Hasan Aga and Sah Sultan. The consummation between Hasan Agha and Şâh Sultan took place on August 27th, 1562 (source: Seyyid Lokmân)

Check my earlier post regarding the Dowry for these three sisters: https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/OFabaXLhya

After Semiz Ahmed Pasha was promoted to sixth Vizier, Hasan Agha was promoted to Rumeli Beylerbey position in his place on July 4th 1563.

On February 1st or 2nd 1564, Hasan Pasha set out from Istanbul for Edirne with the intention of launching the Karaboğdan Campaign, accompanied by the Janissaries and the local militia. The Viziers and other state officials saw the pasha off on his campaign.
Damad Hasan Pasha passed away shortly thereafter. Historical records from the reign of Suleyman the Magnificent mention July 9, 1564, and July 10 as the dates of Hasan Pasha’s death and note that Şemsî Ahmed Pasha, the Beylerbey of Anatolia, was appointed Beylerbey of Rumelia in his place.

With this marriage between Sah Sultan and Hasan Pasha lasting only 2 years, and Hasan Pasha leaving the capital on February 1st-2nd 1564, it’s not surprising that this marriage didn’t produce any children. Sah Sultan would get married to Zal Mahmud Pasha after Hasan Pasha’s death, and her second marriage would be a rare example of a romantic marriage between a statesman and an Ottoman Princess. The pair reportedly got along really well. It appears, just as Hasan Pasha was about to get his return on his investment in being a royal groom and a part of Selim’s faction, he passed away. And as bizarre as it sounds, his death paved the way for Sah Sultan’s happiness for the rest of her life.

Feel free to check out my post about Zal Mahmud and Sah Sultan’s happy marriage! https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/qRvDhbwQNx

"Quelqu'un juge que c'est moins pour adviser avec ses bassas en particulier les moyens de résister aux forces d'Espaigne que de donner lieu et place à ceste Porte à un nommé Zaal Bassa, qui, par cy devant, estoit bassa ou beglierbey de Bude, et prend aujourd'huy à femme la tierce et dernière fille du sultan Sélim, celle qui est demeurée veufve du beglierbey de la Grèce."

“Some believe that this is less about consulting with his pashas, in particular, on ways to resist the Spanish forces, than about granting a position at the Sublime Porte to a man named Zal Pasha, who, previously, served as pasha or Beylerbey of Buda, and is now marrying the third and youngest daughter of Sultan Selim—the one who was widowed after the death of the Beylerbey of Greece. (That would be Hasan Pasha).”

Antoine de Petremol, French Ambassador to the Porte between 1561-66, letter written on November 30th 1564

Source:

II. SELİM'İN DAMADI HASAN PAŞA'NIN HAYATI VE FAALİYETLERİ

Ahmet ÖNAL

From “Vatanim Sensin” series

Halit 2 - Okan 0

Image 1: Suleyman’s inner struggle is centered on the tragic clash between his love for his son Mustafa as a father and his absolute duty as an absolute monarch. He was constantly torn between trusting his eldest son, Mustafa, and the paralyzing fear of dynastic betrayal and rebellion, a cycle of trauma rooted in his own family history: His father Selim had overthrown his grandfather Beyazid.

The axe: The sharp end of the axe features Hurrem and Rustem, as they’re a bit too unfairly villainized in the story. As we know, in MC, they steal Mustafa’s seal thanks to Mihrimah and send a fake letter to the Safavids on behalf of Mustafa. The dull end of the blade on the other hand, protects Hurrem’s children: Rustem and Hurrem work together to protect Hurrem’s children.

The shield: Ibrahim Pasha, makes an appearance on the shield that protects Prince Mustafa. However, he looks too proud and his Grand Vizierate is about to end soon. Suddenly, Prince Mustafa appears on the same shield, but all arrows are pointed at him, foreshadowing his execution. They chose an axe for Hurrem & Rustem faction, and a shield for Ibrahim and Mustafa, so this is quite telling of the scriptwriter’s opinion of these characters.

Haseki Hurrem Sultan is looking down at the Janissaries with a powerful demeanor, since there will be the day she “wins” against Mustafa, who is heavily supported by Janissaries.

Starting from Mehmed the Conqueror’s reign, the practice of having concubines as a reproductive strategy in the Ottoman Imperial Harem was in alignment with the individuals of Devşirme origin beginning to have prominent roles in the palace and in state administration.

The concubines in the palace were either selected from among the most attractive captive girls or purchased. Circassian, Georgian, and Russian concubines, renowned for their beauty, were procured through purchase. Starting from this period, the Imperial Palace also began to send concubines to the princes stationed in the provinces.

Source: Çağatay Uluçay, Harem II, Ankara, 1992, s.11–12, 22.

Once again, starting from the early 16th century, the number of Turkish dynasties (Beyliks) and Christian states or administrations that could marry their daughters to an Ottoman Sultan had decreased significantly compared to earlier times due to Ottoman expansion. Even with those that had eligible daughters, marriage alliances were likely avoided due to the power derived from political supremacy.

Ottoman Princes had concubines and fathered children with them in their provinces, this system had continued until the introduction of the Kafes system and then underwent a transformation with the implementation of this new system. Because the princes were forced to lead a sort of imprisoned life in the palace quarters known as the Kafes, concubines were assigned to their service. The princes would have relations with these concubines, and the children of those who became pregnant were somehow aborted or eliminated.

Source: Uzunçarşılı, Osmanlı Devleti’nin Saray Teşkilatı, s.115.

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In 16th century Ottoman Empire, until they were sent to govern a Sanjak as a provincial governor, the princes lived in special quarters set aside for them in the Imperial Harem and could go out only with permission. Their own princely harems were established only when they were appointed as sanjakbeys, and they could become fathers only after becoming sanjakbeys at their assigned provinces. If a prince were to have a relationship with his father’s harem while still living at the capital, it was viewed as a direct threat to the legitimacy of the throne and succession.

Within the Ottoman palace hierarchy, it was also strictly forbidden for a prince to have a relationship with a female servant assigned to the Valide Sultan. All concubines in the harem were the absolute property of the reigning Sultan. A concubine assigned to the Valide Sultan was directly under her protection and control.
It was considered a very serious disciplinary offense for a prince to enter the harem on his own to select a concubine or to approach a woman in the Valide Sultan’s service. The harem eunuchs and the Valide Sultan’s stewards enforced very strict rules in this regard.

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Giacomo Soranzo’s 1584 Relazione details a horrific breach of these strict Imperial Harem rules: https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/comments/1ubdlb8/prince_mehmeds_iii_top_secret_circumcision_and/ Soranzo returned to Istanbul as an extraordinary envoy in 1582 to attend the hyper-elaborate, weeks-long imperial circumcision celebration of Prince Mehmed (III), the son of Murad III.

According to Soranzo’s report, Valide Nurbanu Sultan had ordered the execution of one of her servants who was impregnated by her grandson Mehmed (III) when he was a teenage prince. These events happened before his princely Sanjak assignment. (On January 14th 1584, Prince Mehmed arrived in Manisa and after a year later in February 1585, he announced that one of his concubines had recently given birth to his firstborn son. Although the name of the mother of that son is unknown, he is most certainly Prince Selim.)

From the wording, it sounds like poor concubine had no choice in the matter: “He wanted to have her without anyone's permission, and there was even a case when one of the eunuchs wanted to forbid the young woman's entry, he killed the Eunuch with his dagger” As I explained above, the harem eunuchs and the Valide Sultan’s stewards enforced very strict rules to prevent sexual relationships between Valide Sultan’s female servants and princes. The Eunuch was just trying to do his job, but he too, became collateral damage to Mehmed (III)’s wrath and imprudence..

Mehmed was already a teenager at the time, he should have been strictly guided on his relations with concubines by his tutors at this point, and he probably knew that he wouldn’t be allowed to father children before his princely Sanjak assignment. He did it anyway, and the poor girl was executed by Valide Nurbanu Sultan’s orders because she fell pregnant.

The Relazione continues to tell how Murad III was upset about Valide Nurbanu Sultan executing this concubine, but the thing is, as explained above, not only in this period a prince would not be allowed to father children before his Sanjak assignment, but it would be a severe breach of Ottoman court protocol for him to have sexual intercourse with a servant of his father or Valide Sultan. It could be a huge strain on the legitimacy of the children born to the prince, and even threaten the succession and Murad’s authority as a reigning Sultan.

My interpretation of the situation is, as much as Nurbanu seemed to be planting the seeds of doubt in Murad’s head about his son Mehmed, Mehmed is solely responsible for the execution of this concubine. Nurbanu was probably, just doing damage control after Mehmed’s irresponsible actions that cost three lives (the concubine, the eunuch, and the unborn baby) and trying to prevent rumors that could be a serious threat to succession and legitimacy.

Mehmed had to keep his hands to himself plain and simple, I personally choose to put the responsibility of this entire chain of events of Mehmed’s irresponsible behavior. Nurbanu’s motives could be: 1. to protect the dynasty from being accused of illegitimate reproduction, technically Mehmed commited “Zina”, an unlawful sexual intercourse with this concubine. The concubine was one of Nurbanu’s servants and was not part of his princely harem. 2. In the same Relazione Nurbanu is reported to be on bad terms with her grandson Mehmed and displeased with the idea of him having his Janissaries. This may be due to her fearing a possible deposition of her own son Murad, by this point Murad’s reign was already suffering with multiple plague epidemics, food and bread shortages. Further gossip about succession and legitimacy would strain the reputation of both father and son.

There are things we could criticize Nurbanu for: for her unwavering love for “gifts”, declaring Safiye a "witch", and giving the order for the torture and banishment of Safiye’s servants. However, regarding the execution of this female servant, I’m choosing to put the entire blame on Prince Mehmed (future Mehmed III).

In the end, it was a young woman, who could have been freed some years later and build a life for herself away from the political wrangling of the palace, who was forced into a sexual relationship with a prince and executed as a result of pregnancy. RIP.

In the Magnificent Century documentary they explained that costume designers preferred browns and coppers on Mahidevran to reflect the “sad” side of her, but I actually loved the autumn themed outfits on her! (In comparison they preferred bright colors on Hurrem in the early episodes to portray a concubine that has not yet accustomed to the customs and etiquette of the Harem, as Hurrem matured, so did her outfits!)

My favorite colors on Mahidevran would be rose gold, olive tones, deep coppers and deep turquoise. The deep turquoise outfit was recycled by Mihrimah in one of the later episodes I think 😭 I also loved her “introduction outfit” when she arrived with young Mustafa to the capital, it was quite unique with a headband, I never saw a similar styling again.

What do you think?

This is Mahidevran Hatun’s letter to Muhsine Hatun, the historically accurate wife of Grand Vizier Ibrahim Pasha. The original letter was transcribed by Cagatay Ulucay and initially assumed to be written to Hatice Sultan. Now we know that Ibrahim Pasha’s real wife was Muhsine Hatun.

Ibrahim Pasha himself corresponded with Prince Mustafa, therefore it’s safe to assume there was a faction forming between Ibrahim-Mustafa and Muhsine-Mahidevran, which was cut short by Ibrahim’s execution. Mahidevran’s letter is proof that she has masterfully corresponded with her ally in Ottoman Turkish, since Mahidevran doesn’t have a long lasting romantic relationship with Suleyman we don’t have any love letters that were authored by her, but she too, was an educated woman who knew court etiquette and customs. Ottoman Turkish was a distinct register used in the Ottoman Empire, which was heavily influenced by Arabic and Persian. While the grammatical base remained Oghuz Turkic, up to 88% of the court and literary vocabulary consisted of loanwords. While it’s a possibility that she might have had help for writing this letter, Mahidevran had to have a certain level of understanding of this vocabulary to be able to communicate with Muhsine Hatun in accordance with the court etiquette, and that makes me think she too, was well educated, as it’s usually the case for slave concubines who were presented to princes and rulers in this time period who had the potential to birth their oldest children. (Suleyman had two more sons born before Mustafa to different concubines who passed away as children.)

There are various Venetian reports about her origins, we know Haseki Hurrem Sultan was raised in Hançerli Fatma Sultan’s household according to Qutb al-Din al-Nahrawali’s account, but we don’t have sufficient information on Mahidevran’s early years.

[A polite intro of formal salutations in Ottoman Turkish in set phrases]

“Purest salutations and most sincere expressions of submission which flow purely from the springs of the Paradise as a torrent…”

“After the caravans of reconciliation and the winds of mutual trust had been gathered and directed, it was announced to the sincere lover* that if that noble person* and that refined being were to stir the ocean of their generosity, and bestow the grace of friendship; rooted in fellowship, kinship, and sincerity…”

(* Said “sincere lover” and “the noble person” is Muhsine)

“By the grace of your good health, I find myself in the realm of well-being, and I am constantly and sincerely devoted to the remembrance of your praiseworthy qualities and noble character.

I wish for continuation of your reign and the glory of your praise, and may you behold your noble countenance and sublime grace with a longing that knows no bounds, a profound yearning that is beyond measure.

Please take this into consideration.”

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While the letter sounds like a prime example of courtly correspondence that’s skillfully written in Ottoman Turkish, to those who can read in between the lines, not only they were on friendly terms, but the alliance of these two women are obvious:

“I wish for continuation of your reign and the glory of your praise”

“the caravans of reconciliation and the winds of mutual trust”

“the grace of friendship; rooted in fellowship, kinship, and sincerity…”

It’s also interesting to note that according to Uzuncarsili, Ibrahim Pasha, in one of his letters to his wife Muhsine Hatun, mentions Muhsine didn’t attend several events despite being invited by Hafsa Hatun. That’s definitely something to think about!

Contemporary historical sources—such as the accounts of Venetian ambassador Pietro Bragadin—indicate that Hafsa Hatun initially disliked Pargalı Ibrahim Pasha. However, she remained cordial with him and supported him publicly because her son, Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent, deeply favored him. I wonder if this was noticed by Muhsine Hatun too, and she chose to keep her distance from Hafsa.

Ibrahim Pasha’s wife Muhsine Hatun: https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/slOVV0cmjJ

In the final episodes of Magnificent Century Season 4, Nurbanu first plants the seeds of the idea of a possible execution of Beyazid’s youngest son, in Selim’s mind.
While Selim initially refuses the idea and tells Nurbanu to forget about it, a flashback from the final episode reveals that Nurbanu succeeds at putting her plans into action and gives the orders for the young prince’s execution, possibly with Selim’s consent.

The scene is very emotional and Defne’s actress does a great job portraying a mother desperately trying to protect her son. In a final moment of despair, she commits suicide and poisons her son, to prevent him from being killed by the executioners and takes back at least some of her lost autonomy.

In 16th century Ottoman society, however, when a Prince is executed, all of his sons would be executed together with him, and in reality Nurbanu didn’t have any role in the execution of this young prince.

This made me think of Busbecq’s account of the events after Prince Mustafa’s execution. (Busbecq was the ambassador of the Holy Roman Empire)
I’ve explained his biased attitude against Haseki Hurrem Sultan here in detail if you’re interested:

https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/F7ee6rT2db

Busbecq seems to have adapted really well into 16th century Ottoman society in terms of Hurrem hate. According to Busbecq, Hurrem was also unilaterally responsible for the execution of Mustafa’s young son;

"Mustafa’s elimination had not fully satisfied Roxelana; as long as Mustafa’s child was alive, she did not consider her own safety and well-being, or that of her children to be fully secured. She found a solution to this problem before long. She told Suleiman that when this child—her grandson and Mustafa’s son—arrived in Bursa, the people of Bursa had gone to visit him in large groups, wishing him happiness and praying that he would live longer than his father. According to Roxelana, these visits and wishes signaled an intention and desire to place him on the throne and avenge his father’s death. There was no doubt that the Janissaries would also side with them. In this regard, the country’s peace and tranquility would not be fully restored with Mustafa’s death."

Upon reading this, it made me wonder, if the screenwriters took some inspiration from Busbecq’s account about Haseki Hurrem Sultan convincing her husband Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent to murder Prince Mustafa’s young son, when writing this scene about Nurbanu being solely responsible for the execution of Defne’s son.

Regarding Busbecq’s account of Hurrem’s role in the execution of Mustafa’s son, I can only say that it’s an elaborate fanfiction and he certainly had misogynistic, biased views about Hurrem. I expect a level of misogyny from a man of this period but it’s actually disappointing how uninformed an ambassador was at the time.

The show sadly incorporates several other contemporary myths like the fake letter sent to Sah of Safavids, so while this isn’t surprising, it’s disappointing that, in the show, women were often blamed for the customs of the 16th century Ottoman Empire.

In the final episodes of Magnificent Century Season 4, Nurbanu first plants the seeds of the idea of a possible execution of Beyazid’s youngest son, in Selim’s mind.
While Selim initially refuses the idea and tells Nurbanu to forget about it, a flashback from the final episode reveals that Nurbanu succeeds at putting her plans into action and gives the orders for the young prince’s execution, possibly with Selim’s consent.

The scene is very emotional and Defne’s actress does a great job portraying a mother desperately trying to protect her son. In a final moment of despair, she commits suicide and poisons her son, to prevent him from being killed by the executioners and takes back at least some of her lost autonomy.

In 16th century Ottoman society, however, when a Prince is executed, all of his sons would be executed together with him, and in reality Nurbanu didn’t have any role in the execution of this young prince.

This made me think of Busbecq’s account of the events after Prince Mustafa’s execution. (Busbecq was the ambassador of the Holy Roman Empire)
I’ve explained his biased attitude against Haseki Hurrem Sultan here in detail if you’re interested:

https://www.reddit.com/r/sultanateofwomen/s/F7ee6rT2db

Busbecq seems to have adapted really well into 16th century Ottoman society in terms of Hurrem hate. According to Busbecq, Hurrem was also unilaterally responsible for the execution of Mustafa’s young son;

"Mustafa’s elimination had not fully satisfied Roxelana; as long as Mustafa’s child was alive, she did not consider her own safety and well-being, or that of her children to be fully secured. She found a solution to this problem before long. She told Suleiman that when this child—her grandson and Mustafa’s son—arrived in Bursa, the people of Bursa had gone to visit him in large groups, wishing him happiness and praying that he would live longer than his father. According to Roxelana, these visits and wishes signaled an intention and desire to place him on the throne and avenge his father’s death. There was no doubt that the Janissaries would also side with them. In this regard, the country’s peace and tranquility would not be fully restored with Mustafa’s death."

Upon reading this, it made me wonder, if the screenwriters took some inspiration from Busbecq’s account about Haseki Hurrem Sultan convincing her husband Sultan Suleyman the Magnificent to murder Prince Mustafa’s young son, when writing this scene about Nurbanu being solely responsible for the execution of Defne’s son.

Regarding Busbecq’s account of Hurrem’s role in the execution of Mustafa’s son, I can only say that it’s an elaborate fanfiction and he certainly had misogynistic, biased views about Hurrem. I expect a level of misogyny from a man of this period but it’s actually disappointing how uninformed an ambassador was at the time.

The show sadly incorporates several other contemporary myths like the fake letter sent to Sah of Safavids, so while this isn’t surprising, it’s disappointing that, in the show, women were often blamed for the customs of the 16th century Ottoman Empire.