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City before the conquest

Trabzon is situated on the seashore, and the walls surrounding the city extend up the slopes of the hills behind it. On one of these hills stands a solid fortress, enclosed by its own walls.

On one side of the city, a small stream flows down through a deep and narrow ravine, making Trabzon exceptionally strong and well protected in that quarter. On the other side, there was a leveled and flattened area, but the fortifications there were also extremely strong. Around the walls lay suburbs filled with beautiful fruit gardens.

From there, a fine avenue continued along the seashore, crossing an important suburb that was worth seeing because of its shops, where all goods brought to the city for sale were gathered. Near the sea stood two fortresses, strongly built with walls and towers—one belonging to the Venetians and the other to the Genoese. Both had been constructed with the permission of the emperor.

Outside the city were numerous churches and monasteries worthy of visitation.

According to Bryer and Winfield, sailors approaching the city from the west before 1461, after rounding the sacred Cape Yoroz, would have been able to see the Kalanima Stream, Kisarna, the Monastery of Hagia Sophia, Mount Boztepe (Minthrion), İskeleboz (Imaret) and Kuzgundere, as well as monumental structures such as the Chrysokephalos Cathedral (today's Fatih Mosque) and the imperial palace. However, they emphasize that the most vivid description of the city was provided by Ruy González de Clavijo.

The historical core of the city stands upon the natural rocky outcrop (the Inner Castle of Ortahisar) between Kuzgundere to the east and İmaret Stream to the west. Jakob Philipp Fallmerayer, one of the earliest historians of Trabzon and a prominent figure in nineteenth-century German scholarship, recorded observations about the fortress and its streams:

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Research on the history and architecture of Trabzon began largely through an Orientalist perspective. Studies initiated by Fallmerayer focused primarily on the Byzantine and Komnenian periods. During the First World War, the Pontus issue emerged, and scholarly publications were often linked to that debate. Research on architectural monuments from the Turkish period remained relatively limited. In recent years, however, comprehensive studies of Ottoman-era structures have been undertaken by Karadeniz Technical University and other Turkish universities.

Byzantine–Komnenian Period (395–1461)

When the Roman Empire was divided in 395 AD, Trabzon remained within the Byzantine territories. The city continued to maintain its importance during this period. Especially under the reign of Emperor Justinian (527–565), the walls, bridges, and churches were repaired, and aqueducts were constructed.

In 1204, after the Latins captured Constantinople, Alexios I Komnenos, a member of the Byzantine imperial family, came to Trabzon and established the Empire of Trebizond. For a period, the state became a vassal of the Sultanate of Rum; it fought wars with the surrounding Turkmen principalities while also maintaining friendly relations with them.

This state experienced its golden age particularly during the reign of Manuel I Megas Komnenos. The city expanded physically, and the Venetians and Genoese established a colony in the eastern part of the marketplace by enclosing Leon Kastron (today's Kalepark) with walls.

During the reign of Alexios II Komnenos, the Lower Fortress (Aşağı Hisar) walls were constructed, and a large portion of the city was transformed into a fortified stronghold.

Between 1204 and 1461, Trabzon served as the capital of the Empire of Trebizond. Cities such as Rize, Giresun, Şebinkarahisar, Gümüşhane, and Ordu were under its authority. Fortresses were built along the routes connecting the coastal city with the interior, particularly on the Silk Road crossing the Zigana Pass. A series of coastal fortifications were also constructed, including Akçakale, Kalecik in Araklı, and the Karadere fortress near Sürmene. Most of these castles have been largely destroyed.

Viewed as a whole, Trabzon was a smaller western counterpart of Byzantine Constantinople and regarded itself as the heir to the Byzantine tradition.

Physical Structure and Development of the Byzantine City

In medieval Byzantine cities, the most defining element of the urban landscape was the city walls. Within these walls were the marketplaces, religious buildings, neighborhoods, streets, and houses that formed the urban fabric.

During the Komnenian period, the lower walls were built, and a planned street network was laid out eastward toward the Agora and the area later known as Meydan. Neighborhoods also developed outside the walls. Furthermore, buildings such as the Kudreddin Mosque and Hagia Sophia were erected in the city's easternmost and westernmost districts. The locations of some neighborhoods identified in historical sources, however, have not yet been determined.

Trabzon during this period can be described as a classic fortified-city model. Byzantine cities are often categorized either as multi-centered urban settlements or as fortress cities. In fortress-city models such as Trabzon, the majority of the inhabited area was enclosed within defensive walls.

The origins of Ortahisar and the Inner Fortress can be traced to the Greek, Roman, and Byzantine periods. The walls of the Lower Fortress were built during the reign of Alexios II (1297–1330).

The Inner Fortress (İç Kale)

The walls begin on the eastern side at the Yeni Cuma Gate and continue southward. After the Tower Gate (John IV Gate), they turn westward and join the walls of Ortahisar. The fortifications stand upon a high rocky outcrop. On the western side, traces of various repair phases and blocked gateways can still be seen.

Two gates connected the Inner Fortress with Ortahisar. The eastern gate remains open, while the western one has been sealed. The walkway atop the eastern tower preserves much of its original character.

Within the Inner Fortress survive remains from the Byzantine period, including:

• A palace
• Military headquarters
• A bathhouse
• Several unidentified structures

The palace continued to be used after the Ottoman conquest until the eighteenth century, after which it was abandoned.

At the base of the fortress walls, masonry remains dating back as far as the Hellenistic period can still be identified. However, the portions of the walls that remain standing today largely date to the thirteenth century.

The Walls of Ortahisar

On the eastern side, the walls extend from the Tabakhane Bridge Gate to the Yeni Cuma Gate. On the western side, they run from the Inner Fortress, pass the Zağnos Bridge Gate, turn eastward at the northern corner, and reach the central gate of the Lower Fortress.

Beyond this gate, an additional defensive structure known as a hisarpeçe (outer defensive wall) was constructed. Evidence of another gateway has been found east of this outer fortification. One of the western towers bears an inscription that is now too weathered to be read.

Expansion of the walls 1200ad and onwards

Lower Fortress (Aşağı Hisar) Walls

Beginning at the Zağnos Bastion in the southwest, the Lower Fortress walls included the Zağnos Gate and the Sotka (Milk) Gate. The northern sea walls have been largely destroyed. In this section stood the Moloz (Hadrian) Gate, along with the remains of an Ottoman-era artillery bastion. Continuing southward from the Lower Fortress, one encounters the Mumhane Gate and Pazarkapı.

The walls preserve Byzantine reliefs, construction inscriptions, and Ottoman restoration inscriptions. Some of these inscriptions are now preserved in museums.

Aqueducts

Trabzon's water supply system has not been thoroughly researched. The eastern part of the city received its water from the Değirmendere River. Archaeological remains discovered at Deliklitaş indicate the existence of Roman and Byzantine waterworks. Local springs on Boztepe and in the Erdoğdu area were also channeled into the city.

Two aqueducts that supplied water to Trabzon Castle survive today:

Imaret Aqueduct

The Imaret Aqueduct carried water to Trabzon Castle from the west. It consists of five arches and is built with courses of rubble masonry. Its rounded arches suggest a Byzantine origin.

Some scholars attribute its construction to the reign of Justinian I (527–565), while others date it to the thirteenth century.

Kuzgundere Aqueduct

Located over Kuzgundere between the Yeni Cuma district and the Inner Fortress, this aqueduct runs on an east-west axis and consists of three rounded arches. The outer walls are built of rubble stone masonry.

This structure may also date to the reign of Justinian in the sixth century. Today, concrete has been poured over the top and parapet walls have been added, effectively converting it into a bridge.

Urban Development During the Greek and Roman Periods

During the Greek and Roman eras, the city essentially consisted of the Inner Fortress and Ortahisar. Settlements also existed outside the walls.

The Moloz Harbor served as the city's principal port. Between the harbor and the Agora (modern Meydan area), there were regularly planned neighborhoods. A grand imperial avenue connected the Tabakhane Gate of Ortahisar to this district.

Urban Development During the Byzantine Period

During the Byzantine era, the Lower Fortress walls and Leon Kastron were constructed. Residential quarters, churches, and monasteries also developed beyond the city walls, stretching from Çömlekçi to Hagia Sophia.

Although most Roman-period monuments have disappeared, remnants of temples, bridges, and sections of defensive walls survived into later centuries. Architectural fragments from Roman structures were often reused as spolia in newer buildings, allowing portions of the ancient city to endure within subsequent Byzantine and Ottoman constructions.

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From the Byzantine period, the city's three-part defensive system, the castle gates, and the aqueducts have survived to the present day. Among the religious monuments, several churches of great architectural significance were constructed, including the cathedral later converted into Ortahisar Mosque (formerly Chrysokephalos), as well as St. Anne Church, Yeni Cuma Mosque (formerly St. Eugenios Church), and Hagia Sophia of Trabzon.

Among the monastic buildings, the nearby Girls' Monastery and Kaymaklı Monastery, together with the monasteries of Maçka, provide valuable information about monastic architecture of the period.

Churches, Converted Mosques, and Monasteries

St. Anne Church (Küçük Ayvasıl)

Located on Hartama Street in the Çarşı district of central Trabzon, St. Anne Church is one of the oldest churches in the city. Constructed of masonry stone in a three-aisled basilica plan, it was restored in AD 884–885 by Basil I, as indicated by the inscription above its entrance.

The building served as a church until 1923 and today functions as a museum.

The church is entered through doors on the west and south sides. Its nave is divided into three aisles by columns and piers. On the eastern side are one main apse and two subsidiary apses. The aisles are covered by low vaults, and a crypt is located beneath the floor.

Inside the church, traces of frescoes remain, while the exterior walls contain reused Roman sculptural reliefs depicting human figures.

St. Eugenios Church (Yeni Cuma Mosque)

Located in the Yeni Cuma district of Trabzon, this church was dedicated to Saint Eugenios of Trebizond, the city's patron saint.

The structure follows the closed Greek-cross plan typical of middle Byzantine architecture. The original entrance was on the western side. The central dome is supported by two columns to the west and two cross-shaped piers to the east. Barrel-vaulted arms extend in the four cardinal directions from the dome, with corner chambers occupying the spaces between them.

The main apse on the eastern side is semicircular internally and five-sided externally. Smaller side apses to the north and south are semicircular both inside and out.

The central dome rises on a high drum supported by pendentives. When the building was converted into a mosque, a mihrab was added to the southern wall of the nave, a new entrance was opened on the northern side, and a minaret was constructed west of the north entrance.

Beneath the plaster layers, fresco decorations survive, while the exterior displays richly carved marble architectural sculptures. Based on its architectural plan and stylistic features, the building is generally dated to the twelfth or thirteenth century.

Trabzon During the Turkish Conquest of Anatolia

When the Seljuk incursions into Anatolia began, Trabzon was the capital of one of the easternmost provinces of the Eastern Roman (Byzantine) Empire.

During the reign of Justinian I (527–565), the administrative structure of Anatolia was reorganized, and a new province called Chaldia (Khaldia/Kaldia) was established in the Eastern Black Sea region, with Trabzon as its capital.

However, Byzantine military power in the region was relatively weak. The Seljuks had already recognized this during the reconnaissance expedition of Chaghri Beg in 1018. At that time, the Seljuks were seeking a homeland while caught between the Karakhanids and the Ghaznavids. Chaghri Beg's exploratory force advanced from the Lake Van region into Azerbaijan and encountered little serious resistance.

Following the completion of this expedition in 1021, more than twenty-five years passed before the Seljuks appeared again around Trabzon. During this interval, they founded the Great Seljuk Empire after their victory at the Battle of Dandanaqan.

After ascending the throne, Tughril Beg launched campaigns into Anatolia. The first major clash occurred at the Battle of Kapetron, where the Seljuks achieved a significant victory. By then, Turkish raids had already reached the mountainous areas south of Trabzon.

In 1054, during another campaign into eastern Anatolia, Tughril Beg dispatched reconnaissance forces in several directions. Those sent northward advanced toward the Caucasian passes and again encountered little meaningful Byzantine resistance, confirming the continuing weakness of the region's defenses.

Soon afterward, Turkish raids began affecting the Trabzon area directly. During the reign of Constantine X Doukas (1059–1067), the province of Chaldia was among the territories affected by these incursions.

In 1058, Turkmen forces under Dinar attacked cities in northern Anatolia and captured Şarkî Karahisar. Later, during the reign of Alp Arslan, Seljuk armies crossed the Aras River and entered Georgia. After suppressing Georgian resistance and capturing several towns and fortresses around Tbilisi and Rustavi, some Seljuk detachments reportedly raided the Trabzon region as well.

Malazgirt and the Question of Trabzon's First Turkish Conquest

The decisive turning point came on 26 August 1071 with the Battle of Manzikert.

The Seljuks won a crushing victory, and for the first time in Byzantine history an emperor, Romanos IV Diogenes, was captured by a Muslim ruler. Although a peace agreement was concluded, the Byzantine government repudiated it after Romanos was deposed.

In response, Alp Arslan ordered the conquest of Anatolia.

One of the most important sources for this period is the Alexiad, written by Anna Komnene, daughter of Emperor Alexios I Komnenos.

According to Anna, Trabzon actually fell into Turkish hands shortly after Manzikert. She recounts that Theodore Gabras later recaptured the city from the Turks and subsequently ruled independently, refusing to recognize imperial authority.

If Anna's account is accepted literally, it would mean that Trabzon was first conquered by the Turks shortly after 1071 and then recovered by Theodore Gabras before eventually being conquered again by the Ottomans in 1461.

This interpretation remains controversial. Some historians, particularly Jakob Philipp Fallmerayer, argued that Anna may have been referring not to the city itself but to the surrounding countryside or suburban districts. Others suggest that only the outskirts fell under Turkish control.

The text of the Alexiad, however, appears quite explicit in stating that Trabzon itself was taken by the Turks before being recovered by Gabras.

The Gabras Dynasty

For nearly a century, the Gabras family governed Trabzon with considerable independence from Constantinople.

Theodore Gabras succeeded in reestablishing Byzantine control over the coastal region extending westward toward Sinop and over Şarkî Karahisar. At the same time, however, much of the territory south of Trabzon had already come under Turkish control.

The Seljuks used the Kelkit Valley as a major route connecting eastern and central Anatolia. Soon after 1071, Turkish groups spread throughout the regions south of the Eastern Black Sea and Canik Mountains.

Interestingly, the coastal strip around Trabzon was not particularly attractive to the early Turkmen settlers. The narrow coastline offered limited pastureland and was considerably more humid than the environments they preferred. As a result, early Turkmen groups generally settled inland rather than in Trabzon itself.

For Turkish states and principalities, Trabzon's importance was primarily strategic and political. Control of the city meant greater influence over Black Sea trade routes and military operations.

Relations Between Trabzon and the Turkish States

Despite periodic warfare, the Gabras rulers maintained pragmatic relations with their Turkish neighbors.

As an autonomous family increasingly detached from Constantinople, they had little choice but to cooperate with surrounding powers. Historical evidence indicates alliances with the:

• Danishmendids
• Mengujekids
• Sultanate of Rum

Georgian sources report that during the Gabras period, Turkmen forces raided territories east of Trabzon. Around 1080, the Turkmen commanders Abu Yaqub and Isa Bori advanced through Georgia and occupied regions extending to Şavşat on the eastern Black Sea frontier.

The following year, they pushed as far as the vicinity of Trabzon itself, conducted raids, and then withdrew.

As these attacks intensified, many Orthodox inhabitants abandoned exposed rural areas and sought refuge within the fortified districts surrounding the city's walls, further reinforcing Trabzon's character as a heavily defended fortress city during the turbulent decades following Manzikert.

The Komnenoi Take Control of the Region

The early thirteenth century witnessed events that would fundamentally reshape the histories of the Romans, Anatolia, and Trabzon.

One of the most significant was the Battle of Basian. In this conflict, the Sultanate of Rum faced the Kingdom of Georgia. The Seljuk ruler Rukn al-Din Sulayman Shah sought to halt Georgian expansion into the Caucasus and Black Sea regions. Opposing him was Queen Tamar of Georgia, who had elevated Georgia to the height of its power.

The two armies met at Micingerd (Basian), where the Georgians achieved a decisive victory. Following this triumph, no major power remained capable of challenging Georgian influence in the Caucasus or the Black Sea region.

Two years later, another dramatic event connected this Georgian victory directly to Trabzon. During the Fourth Crusade, the Crusaders captured Constantinople after a prolonged siege ending on 12 April 1204. A Latin Empire was subsequently established in the city and would endure until 1261.

As Constantinople fell, Alexios I of Trebizond and David Komnenos fled to Georgia, where Queen Tamar—who was their relative—offered them protection and military support.

With Georgian assistance, the Komnenoi seized control of the Black Sea coast and established what became the Empire of Trebizond. Rather than conquering the region independently, as some earlier historians suggested, their success depended heavily on Georgian military backing.

Trabzon as a Byzantine Successor State

After the establishment of Komnenian rule, Trabzon's importance increased dramatically.

With Constantinople under Latin occupation, several Orthodox states claimed to be the legitimate heirs of the Byzantine Empire. The two most significant were:

• The Empire of Nicaea under Theodore I Laskaris
• The Empire of Trebizond under Alexios Komnenos

Alexios styled himself as the "Emperor of the Faithful Romans," reflecting Trabzon's claim to imperial legitimacy and its aspiration to restore Byzantine rule.

Seljuk Suzerainty Over Trabzon

The first phase of Komnenian independence lasted from 1204 to 1214.

In 1214, however, Kaykaus I captured Sinop and took Alexios prisoner.

A treaty followed. Under its terms:

• Alexios was released.
• The Komnenoi retained control of most of the Canik region.
• Trabzon became a vassal of the Seljuk Sultanate.
• Annual tribute was imposed, including gold, horses, cattle, sheep, and luxury gifts.
• Military assistance would be provided to the Seljuks when requested.

From this point onward, the rulers of Trabzon formally recognized Seljuk overlordship.

Internal Politics in Trebizond

During Alexios's reign, two influential political factions emerged.

The first consisted of wealthy landowning families known as the Mezokhaldians, who controlled much of the region's commerce and had supported the Komnenian takeover to preserve their economic interests.

The second faction was the Scholarioi, aristocrats who had accompanied the Komnenoi since their flight from Constantinople. These nobles believed that the Komnenian dynasty should ultimately reclaim the Byzantine throne.

Competition between these factions shaped both domestic politics and Trabzon's relations with Constantinople for decades.

The Seljuk Campaign Against Trabzon

Following Alexios's death, the throne passed to Andronikos I Gidos, who was not a member of the Komnenian dynasty by blood but Alexios's son-in-law.

During his reign, tensions with the Seljuks intensified.

After the Seljuk conquest of Sudak in 1227, forces from Trabzon reportedly raided territories between Ünye and Sinop. Relations deteriorated further when officials in Sinop confiscated valuable cargo from a ship bound for Trabzon.

In response, Ala al-Din Kayqubad I launched a major campaign against Trabzon.

A Seljuk army crossed the Zigana Pass through Maçka and advanced toward the city while a fleet operated along the coast. Trabzon was effectively besieged from both land and sea.

According to Byzantine accounts, the Seljuk army reached the walls and launched repeated assaults. However, the city's strong fortifications and difficult terrain limited the effectiveness of the attackers' numerical superiority.

Andronikos withdrew behind the walls and organized a determined defense. Several Seljuk attacks failed, including a night assault against the upper fortress.

Eventually, a counterattack from the city reportedly caused disorder in the Seljuk camp. Some Byzantine sources even claim that a Seljuk prince was captured and later released by Andronikos without ransom.

Although Byzantine writers describe the campaign as a complete victory that freed Trabzon from tribute obligations, modern historians generally regard these claims as exaggerated. Later evidence—particularly Trebizond's participation alongside the Seljuks at the Battle of Köse Dağ—suggests that Seljuk suzerainty continued in some form.

A Turkish Connection in the Imperial Family

After Andronikos's death, the throne returned to the Komnenian dynasty under John I Axouchos.

The surname Axouchos (Aksukhos) is particularly notable. It derives from John Axouch, a Turkish-born figure who had been captured as a child after the Seljuk conquest of Nicaea in 1097 and raised at the Byzantine court.

He became one of the most powerful men in the empire and served for decades as commander-in-chief of Byzantine forces.

Through marriage alliances, the Trebizond dynasty became connected to the Axouch family, giving at least part of the Komnenian ruling house an indirect Turkish ancestry.

John I Axouchos ruled only briefly. According to tradition, he died after falling from his horse while participating in the equestrian game known as tzerga. He was succeeded by his brother Manuel I Megas Komnenos, whose reign (1238–1263) would mark one of the high points in the history of the Empire of Trebizond.

The Period of Mongol Dominion

The period of Manuel marks a time when the political structure of Anatolia underwent great change. The Mongols, who had brought much of Asia under their rule from China to Iran, had by this era reached the borders of Anatolia. Because Alāʾ al-Dīn Kayqubād had established good relations with them, the Mongols had waited in Eastern Anatolia. However, his successor Ghiyāth al-Dīn Kaykhusraw II (1237–1246) was unable to maintain the same friendship. The Seljuk Sultan, who launched a campaign against the Mongols after they seized Erzurum in 1241 and Erzincan the following year, suffered a heavy defeat at the Battle of Köse Dağ in 1243. The Trapezuntine Greeks had also stood alongside the Anatolian Seljuks in that battle.

After the Battle of Köse Dağ, the Komnenoi, like the Anatolian Seljuks, became subject to the Mongols — though when and how this came about remains a mystery. Two experts on Komnenian history, while pondering this enigma, were in fact also illuminating Trebizond's political and commercial position of that period. According to Finlay, the Mongols regarded Trebizond as a trading post, and thus the ruler of Trebizond was exempted from the obligation of appearing before the Great Khan at Karakorum as a petitioner. Fallmerayer, however, points out that even if the Trapezuntine Greeks had sent an ambassador, Komnenian representatives would have received little regard among the nearly three thousand envoys at the Mongol khan's court. Yet it is established from the records of William of Rubruck, who traveled to the Mongols as an envoy, that the Trapezuntine Greeks had submitted to the Mongols on condition of paying annual tribute.

During the period of Mongol dominion, Trebizond's international importance began to grow. This was because the Papacy made Trebizond its base for missionary activity in the territories under Mongol rule. Franciscan envoys sent to cooperate with the Mongols against the Mamluks began traveling to the Far East via Trebizond from 1246 onward. The Papacy, wishing to cultivate good relations with the Komnenoi, declared Trebizond the representative of Orthodoxy in the East.

After Andronikos II, his brother Georgios (1266–1280) came to power and reigned for fourteen years. During the reign of Georgios, the Komnenoi took advantage of the turmoil in Anatolia and moved to drive the surrounding Turkmen tribes away from the vicinity of Trebizond — though without success. During a battle against the Turkmen of Gümüşhane, his army suffered a heavy defeat and Georgios himself was taken prisoner. Around this same time, a Komnenian army that attacked Sinop was defeated by the Chepni. The aspect of this event relevant to Trebizond is that the Chepni, not content with this victory, continued advancing eastward through the late 1270s, forcing the Greeks to retreat — so much so that by the end of that same century, the Chepni had pushed as far as the valleys of the Harşit.

In 1281, a highly important figure arrived in Trebizond as envoy of the Byzantine Emperor. At this time, Pope Nicholas III and Charles of Anjou, King of Naples — who had poor relations with the Palaiologos dynasty in Constantinople — had made contact with those who claimed rights to the Byzantine throne in order to put an end to Palaiologos rule. In response, Emperor Michael Palaiologos (1259–1282) dispatched the seasoned diplomat and prominent historian George Akropolites to Trebizond in 1281 as his envoy, seeking to learn the intentions of King John II (1280–1297). The King of Trebizond, however, made clear that he had no intention of improving relations with Constantinople.

The Growth of Byzantine Influence in Trebizond

The desire of both the Papacy and the Eastern Roman Emperor to draw the Komnenian ruler to their side suddenly made Trebizond a center of attention. Akropolites left Trebizond and returned to Constantinople empty-handed. However, a rebellion that broke out shortly afterward substantially altered the existing situation. During an uprising led by a man named Papadopoulos, the rebels seized the inner citadel and held the king confined to his palace for a time. John soon escaped and regained power. Whether the Romans had any involvement in the rebellion is unknown, but its outcome benefited the Byzantine Emperor. After this episode, those close to John convinced him that he needed to strengthen his ties with the Byzantine Emperor to prevent such events from recurring. As a result, after the rebellion was suppressed, a new embassy arrived in Trebizond, and John declared his desire to improve relations with Michael Palaiologos. He also informed the envoys that he wished to marry the Emperor's younger daughter Eudokia — a dynastic bond he had previously been offered but refused — while making clear he had no intention of relinquishing the imperial title he claimed to have inherited from his ancestors.

The title of "Basileus," the purple shoes, the robes embroidered with eagles, and the prostrations of the heads of the aristocracy were matters of great pride to the people of Trebizond. The King, out of both personal honor and political circumstance, as well as the sentiments of his people, never even considered abandoning these traditions. Michael Palaiologos clearly understood that such a change was impossible and recognized the necessity of bringing the King of Trebizond into his own family circle. Even so, John feared falling under the influence of the Byzantine Emperor. Only after receiving assurances for his personal safety did he travel to Constantinople, where he married Eudokia in September 1282. During this ceremony, John renounced his claim to be the heir of Byzantium — for at the wedding he did not wear the purple shoes or the imperial robe, symbols of imperial status. Fearing assassination, he moved about the palace dressed in black shoes and attired as a Byzantine court despot. He began using the title "Emperor of the East" in place of "Emperor of the Romans." His robe adorned with a single-headed eagle became a mark of subordination beside his wife's double-headed eagle gown. From this period onward, John and his successors, while maintaining their alliance with the Byzantine court, began using the title "Emperor of All the East, Iberia, and Perateia." Thus, with the Komnenoi's renunciation of any claim to the Byzantine throne, Trebizond's political significance in the eyes of the Orthodox world was greatly diminished.

While these developments were unfolding in Constantinople, an event occurred in Trebizond for the first time since the establishment of Komnenian rule: the Georgian King David (1245–1292) attacked Trebizond for reasons unknown. Although the Georgian army caused considerable damage to the city's outskirts, it withdrew without penetrating the walls. The Georgians had supported the Trapezuntine Greeks since the founding of the Komnenian dynasty — now, for the first time, the two sides stood in opposition. Seeking to explain the reason, Uspensky writes that the Georgians attacked Trebizond in reaction to John's rapprochement with Constantinople.

Another noteworthy activity in Trebizond during this period was that of Italian missionaries. The Franciscans had established a house in Trebizond shortly before 1289. However, since they conducted their activities toward eastern Anatolia via Sivas, Trebizond remained secondary. The Franciscan centers opened in Tabriz in 1280 and in Sivas in 1292 were more important than the one in Trebizond. Yet Trebizond's commercial position laid the groundwork for a shift in its strategic importance. The establishment of a Genoese colony in the city in 1290 enhanced Trebizond's significance, as evidenced by the opening of a British embassy and a Genoese consulate there in 1292. Before long, Trebizond had become the Franciscans' regional center, and an envoy who visited Trebizond at the time witnessed this revival firsthand.

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The Rise of Trebizond

Having abandoned their claim to rule the Roman Empire by taking Constantinople, the Komnenoi closed out the thirteenth century hemmed in by Turks on all sides and with their relations with the Georgians in disarray. Yet John II (Alexios II, 1297–1330), who came to power during this period, succeeded in making Trebizond once again a city of importance.

Among the external factors that drove Trebizond's rise at the beginning of the fourteenth century, Mongol pressure on the Turks stands foremost. Anatolia was experiencing severe economic and social decline, and consequently the political power of the Seljuks had taken a heavy blow. Some Turkmen tribes rose against Mongol pressure, but the Mongols suppressed these revolts with great slaughter. From 1305 onward, Mongol commanders and viziers began sharing in governance, administering the country jointly with the Seljuks. As a result, Turkish pressure on Trebizond was considerably reduced. A similar situation applied to the Georgians, who had plundered Trebizond during the reign of John: their country, divided into two by the Mongols, was now ruled by different individuals in its eastern and western halves.

When Alexios came to the throne, the Byzantine Empire — with which the Komnenoi had been striving to improve relations for more than a quarter century — was headed by his maternal uncle Andronikos II (1282–1328). Since Alexios was fifteen years old upon coming to power, he began governing the state under the guardianship of the ministers who had been in office at the time of his father's death. In accordance with his father's will, the Byzantine Emperor, who was also his uncle, took him under his protection. Nevertheless, a faction close to the court wanted him to act independently, and the King was sympathetic to them. Andronikos, however, was unwilling to relinquish his control over his nephew. He therefore moved in 1298 to have Alexios married to Eirene, the daughter of Choumnos, one of the ministers — and in doing so acted so recklessly that he announced this girl as Alexios's fiancée without even obtaining the king's consent. This conduct was met with great indignation in Trebizond. Alexios refused to accept the arrangement and, in order to remove this pressure, married the daughter of Beka, the atabeg of the Kipchaks who had settled in Rize and its surroundings during the Mongol period. After this marriage, references begin to appear to Kipchaks entering Komnenian service. The fact that these individuals bore Turkish names yet were simultaneously Christian strengthens the likelihood that they were indeed Kipchaks. The sources from 1306 mention two notable families in Trebizond — the Tzanichitai and the Kamachenoi — derived respectively from Tzan and Kamacı. In the same period, one also finds in Trebizond Christian Kipchak family names of Turkish origin combined with Greek suffixes to form new names, such as Tourkopoulos, Tourkotheodoros, and Tourkotherianos. Of these, the Kamacı family, following a rebellion in 1335, seized command of the Komnenian cavalry and became one of the most powerful forces in Trebizond.

The absence in this period of the conflicts between the Skolaroi and the Mesokaldiai — factions that had at times caused great turmoil in Trebizond — indicates that the Kipchaks played an effective role in maintaining order in the region. Such tranquility was indeed greatly needed, for to the south of Hamsiköy, Torul, Gümüşhane, and Kovanlar there still remained a dense Turkish population, further swelled by the settlement of a Turkmen group of sixty thousand who had fled before the Mongols and established themselves at Bayburt. Another notable event of this period is Alexios's campaign to Giresun in September 1301, in which he dispersed the Turkmen there and secured Trebizond's safety. During this era, Akçakale was constructed, strengthening security measures to the west of Trebizond. In the city center, a nighttime watch system was introduced, and efforts were thus made to bring peace and order to Trebizond.

Can someone with a little time make an alternate history map and flag where the Byzantines unify better and send Missionaries to Muslim Anatolian Turks and after numerous successful conversions of high rank people and the common folk, the ottomans declare themselves an Orthodox kingdom. The Greek Alphabet would be used for a Turkish language creating a Byzantine Balkans (as Byzantium has Turkish power to help them reconquer the Slavic Balkans) Eventually the Byzanto-Turkish Ottoman Anatolia which has conquered the same territories in Africa and Arabia as in our world unite with an Eastern Roman Empire that has conquered Greater Dobruja, Bulgaria, Serbia, Illyria, Bosnia, Croatia, Slovenia, Venice and Much of the Adrian coast of Italy and all of Grecia in an Austro-Hungarian style monarchy. The Austro Hungarians Become the opposing state to this and conquer all of the rest of Italy. A Catholic Theocratic Austro-Italo-Hungary Hyperstate fights against an Orthodox Theocratic Byzantino-Armeno-Turkic Hyperstate.
How would this Orthodox Empire interact with a Russia, would Russia be more Catholic or Orthodox, would they form their own schismed Russian Orthodox Church that actively tries to defeat the Byzantine one? Would Mecca still be Muslim under centuries of Orthodox Christian Absolutist Imperial rule? Would Martin Luther lead an Orthodox Revolution in a Habsburg Catholic Germany and create an Orthodox HRE in collaboration with the Byzantine Roman Empire? Would Austria-Hungary claim to be the HRE? What about colonization in the Americas, would that even happen? What about the Islamic, Arabic, African, Chinese, Aztec, and Etcetera people be affected by this? Would the English rise to power? Would WWI and WWII happen? (If it does dont do sloppy work and just create and New Trianon and Versalles). How would the Armene, Ottoman, and Roman Hellenic cultures and languages fuse/separate/interact? So many questions and answers and nooks and crannies to dig into?

This section is an account by Tursun Bey, who was in the entourage of Mehmed II when Constantinople was conquered and who would later become the secretary of Grand Vizier Mahmud Angelovic, describing the looting carried out by Ottoman soldiers after the city's capture. The author uses a poetic and passionate language, which may be difficult for some to read. Nevertheless, I believe it will be useful for those who wish to view this event from the perspective of the Ottomans:

''When the city was captured by the grace of God, and the enemy was overwhelmed and rendered helpless, the Muslims, having let go of their reins—that is, having become unrestrained—pounced on the plunder with courage, like the captivating Turkish beauties who plunder the land of hearts and souls with their eyes. From every house, whose roofs reached the sky, they dragged out the hair of beauties of all kinds—Roman, Frankish, Russian, Hungarian, Chinese, and Khotan—from among the gold-gilded furnishings and embroidered curtains. Beautiful children, boys like the moon, with pleasant natures, heavenly faces,

Verse:
''They wear a belt like the moon in the Gemini constellation''

tall, rosy-cheeked;

Verse
''As if a new rose has bloomed on a cypress tree''

with thick, long eyebrows;

Verse:
''Two bows as if made of musk''

with very delicate noses;

Verse
''You would think they are a shining Egyptian sword''

with prominent, full temples;

Verse:
''You would think they are the moon in the Scorpio constellation''

Couplet:
These boys whose faces are like the moon,
They say to the sun: "Either rise, or I will rise."

And the girls are like stars; their legs are like wild roses, that is, as beautiful as jasmine roses, their cheeks like jasmine, their hair like violets, their heights like cypress trees, their foreheads like the moon, their natures like Venus, their cheerful ones like Mars; they have arched eyebrows, braided hair like wheat stalks, bodies like fish, graceful like peacocks, and cheeks like apples;

Verse:
''You would think she's a white rose stained with blood''

with orange-like breasts;

Verse:
''Like two unripe pomegranates on a silver tray''

with a dull gaze;

Verse:
''Her eyes like those of the sick, yet captivating''

Her tear ducts are kohl-lined;

Verse:
''You would think its the eye of a deer from Khotan''

with large thighs;

Verse:
''With silver wrists and dove heels''

With straight, combed hair; a lovely, cross-eyed gaze; red and white; Each one

Verse
''Heavenly face, mouth water sweeter than a river of honey
Lip like a river of wine, bosom like a river of milk''

Full moon face, bright teeth, night-haired, fragrant with musk, open forehead, crystal belly;

Verse
''Like the sun, like a branch, like a pile of sand.
In face, height, neck and hips, she resembles a gazelle.''

Verse
''Now even those who work should work for someone like this''

Verse
''The girls whose radiance
Damnes the eyes, makes hearts tremble''

Like lions and tigers driving a herd of gazelles, the warriors drove those girls and boys with crystal bellies. They brought forth so much gold and silver, pottery, precious stones, and all kinds of goods and fabrics from the Tekfur's(Emperor) palace and the homes of the rich and wealthy that the earth showed the state described in the verse, "...when the earth brought forth its burdens" [Quran, 99:2]. In astonishment at this abundance of wealth, "man said, 'What is happening to me?'" [Quran, 99:3]. Large pearls, sparkling garnets, and pomegranate-colored rubies were sold at the same price as glass and similar beads. Gold and silver were purchased at equivalent value to copper and tin. Therefore, many rose from poverty and hardship to the pinnacle of wealth. In short, the state of the people of disbelief and deviation was ruined; the blessed army became prosperous and flourishing with their precious treasures. Beautiful girls and boys, with countless ornaments and trinkets

Verse
''The Sultan's army turned into paradise''

Couplets
''In every tent and encampment, you would think, is paradise
For it is filled with beautiful girls, boys, and ornaments''

''From every cypress and pine branch, strangely enough,
They would gather peaches, which were extremely juicy.''

Tarih-i Ebu'l-Feth(History of Father of Conquest), Tursun Bey, Kapı Yayınları, p. 71-75