Mining companies currently generate the highest profit margins of any global economic sector, and it is not even close. In fact, their margins are nearly double those of technology firms. At current metal prices, conditions are ideal for well-managed mining operations.
US rent growth is slowing down right now, but it is too early to celebrate an end to the housing crisis. The current lull has a simple explanation. A large volume of apartments is hitting the market because developers started these projects back when credit was cheap. This old inventory is what keeps prices down today.
The real difficulties lie ahead. Housing construction takes time, and completing an apartment complex takes years. As soon as interest rates jumped, developers cut back heavily on new projects. Consequently, the next wave of completions will be small. Tenants will likely feel secure for the next year or two while the market absorbs the remaining results of the previous building boom. However, this supply cushion will disappear completely by 2027.
Slower price growth does not indicate a permanent victory for affordable housing. The market is just going through a typical shift in the construction cycle, where a temporary surplus of completed buildings is immediately followed by a shortage. Flat prices create a false impression that the underlying problem is solved, even though the market is simply pausing before another supply squeeze.
Some European pension systems are less like savings pots and more like promises handed to the next workforce. Eurostat’s 2021 accounts show Spain with accrued pension entitlements around 500% of GDP, while Austria, Italy, the Netherlands and Greece are also above 400%. The brutal detail is the split behind the number: in countries like Spain and Italy, most of the promise is unfunded, meaning it is not backed by accumulated pension assets. It depends on future workers, future wages, future contributions and future reforms.
Eurostat warns that these entitlements are not government debt and should not be read as a direct sustainability score. Fair enough. But the mechanism is still obvious: some countries built pension systems with a larger funded base, while others wrote huge retirement promises that the next generations are supposed to keep paying for. In an ageing Europe, that is where the political fight goes next: higher taxes, higher retirement ages, lower benefits, or some mix of all three. The promise is already on paper. The question is who gets forced to make it real.
For years, schools were told that more screens meant more modern education: laptops, tablets, digital assignments, one device for every student. The test-score data now makes that story look much less clean. In the U.S., 8th-grade math and reading scores peaked around 2013, started falling before the pandemic, dropped harder after 2019, and still had not really recovered by 2024.
The timing matters. The decline overlaps with the period when smartphones, social media, school devices and screen-based learning became much more normal in childhood. That does not prove that every laptop damaged learning. But cases like Maine’s long-running student laptop program, where statewide test scores showed no clear improvement after years of investment, make the old “more technology automatically means better education” argument look weaker.
Some countries are already pulling back. Sweden has brought back more printed books, handwriting and quiet reading time. In Finland, some schools have returned to books and paper after teachers complained that laptops made it too easy for students to drift into games, chats and other tabs. The lesson is not that schools should reject technology. It is that attention, deep reading and slow problem-solving are not outdated skills. They may be exactly what students need before they can use more powerful tools well.
Car dependency is not about income levels or lifestyle choices. This paper treats it as a structural property of the city itself. The authors compared how many essential locations residents across 18 cities in Europe and North America can reach by car versus public transport. In dense urban cores, transit can effectively compete with the automobile. However, on the outskirts, the situation changes drastically: the car becomes the only realistic way to access the same opportunities.
This matters because car ownership stops being a matter of personal preference or wealth. The study found that in Vienna, districts with similar income levels show very different rates of car ownership depending on how car-dependent the area is. People aren't simply choosing cars because they want them; in many neighborhoods, the city has already made that choice for them.
Rome illustrates the same problem from a different angle. A planned metro expansion could remove around 60,000 cars from the roads, but mostly near the new stations. A single line can improve a specific corridor, but it cannot undo an entire car-centric city. To achieve that, the transit network must reshape the map of accessibility, rather than just adding a few stops.
South Korea just posted a much stronger quarter than expected. GDP grew 1.7% in Q1, almost twice the Bank of Korea’s forecast, marking the fastest quarterly growth since 2020. After a weak end to 2025, this looks like a solid recovery on the surface.
However, the driver behind this growth is much narrower than the headline number suggests. Semiconductor manufacturing alone accounted for about 55% of total GDP growth. While exports jumped 5.1%, chips made up roughly 35% of Korea’s total exports for the quarter. Meanwhile, private consumption grew by a mere 0.5%, and government spending barely moved.
Essentially, Korea’s economy is growing, but that growth is being pulled through one very specific global channel: chips. That is great when the semiconductor cycle is hot, especially with booming AI demand behind it. But it also means the economy is becoming increasingly exposed to external shocks. Consumer sentiment has already dipped below the optimism line, and large-company business sentiment remained pessimistic for the second straight month as fuel prices, shipping costs, and Middle East risks continue to pile on pressure.
If you think the absolute dominance of Big Tech in today’s stock market is a historical anomaly, take a look at the numbers from a century ago.
According to the latest flagship UBS Global Investment Returns Yearbook 2026, a single industry -railroads - made up a staggering 63% of the entire US stock market in 1900. For context, tech and healthcare were practically nonexistent on the exchange back then.
Fast forward to 2026, and the market structure has completely flipped. The share of the once-almighty railroads has plummeted from 63% to a negligible sub-1%. Today, IT, finance, and pharma run the show.
But here lies one of the most beautiful paradoxes in capital markets.
Even though the industry physically shrank and "died" over the course of a century - losing ground to cars and planes - railroad stocks have actually outperformed both the broader US market and all of their modern, high-tech rivals since 1900.
For several years, everyone was talking nicely about skills-based hiring. The idea was: stop using a degree as a filter, start looking at actual skills. On paper, the movement is real: from 2014 to 2023, the number of roles where employers dropped degree requirements grew almost fourfold. But the most interesting part is that it changed almost nothing. Altogether, this led to fewer than 1 new hire without a degree for every 700 hires. In percentage terms, that is about 0.14% of all annual hires.
The reason is that rewriting the job ad is easier than changing the hiring process itself. Even when the degree requirement is removed from the posting, the hiring manager still steps in next, and that person needs to fill an expensive vacancy quickly. At that point, the degree becomes a convenient heuristic again: not proof of skill, but a quick way to reduce the feeling of risk. So the posting may be new, but the logic of selection is often still old.
The numbers show this clearly. Degree requirements were removed from only 3.6% of roles. Within those roles, the share of hires without a BA rose by an average of just 3.5 percentage points. That does not sound like zero, but at the level of the whole system it turns into only a 0.14-point increase in non-degreed hiring. In other words, there was a lot of public noise and very little real shift.
And this gets even clearer when you look at the types of companies. Only 37% actually changed who they hired. 45% fell into the In Name Only category: they removed the requirement from the text, but kept hiring almost the same way. Another 18% seemed to shift at first, then slipped back. So the real gap here is not between “progressive” and “backward” companies. It is between the words and the internal machinery of decision-making.
What is even more interesting is that in the cases where companies actually carried the idea through into practice, it worked. Among hires without a BA in those roles, retention was 10 percentage points higher, and workers without degrees who got into roles that used to require one saw an average pay increase of 25%. So the old system survives not because it is better, but because it is simpler. The degree still works as a convenient filter even where it no longer does a very good job of explaining who will actually be able to do the work.