u/AleksiB1

https://preview.redd.it/pet8wlmqlrjh1.jpg?width=1320&format=pjpg&auto=webp&s=eb1fff65f7d24455b939038ae36518cc523f78de

LLMs arent giving believable answers like the 10 degree channel were too long for travel when Nicobars are equally far from Sumatra and Andamans. Not to mention the Mundas crossed the bay to reach Odisa. The Austronesians went as far as Madagascar.

Kra Tais apparently arrived in coastal Thailand at around 800ce and SinoTibetans arrived in southern Burma by 600ce, Malay peninsula was inhabited by the Malays along the southern coast, Aslians in the southern inlands and Mons north of the Kra isthmus before that. *cinki > iñci would be from any of them, but the problem is that indic term resembles the northern SinoTibetans and KraDais not Austronesian (*laqia) or Austroasiatic (Mon tako) and for the Dravidian *c- initial we need to go back to like 500bc when the formers hadnt reach the coast

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The etymology of Baloch is disputed. Brahui does m- > b- so is it possible that Brahuis used balOc for foreigners and later applied that term to the incoming Balochis from the caspian

There are tons of South Asian meme subs out there but barely any for academics. This sub focuses on IndoAryan academia so kindly avoid unacademic unsourced contents here.

Here ripe/raw bananas are called vAzhappazham/vAzhakka or pazham/kAya for short. The tree is called vAzha, the flower/heart as koTappan/vAzhakkUmpu, the trunk as vAzhappiNTi/uNNippiNTi. Both of them are used for cooking.

The common banana types are called: plantain Ettappazham/nEntrappazham, red banana kadaLippazham (kadalii Sanskrit), rasthali ceRupazham (ceRu small), Latundan banana (JAlip)pUvanpazham (hanging flower), robusta ciGGanpazham (ciGGan lion), Ensete Superbum kalluvAzhappazham/kalluvAzhakka (kallu rock).

All of them other than ceRupazham can also be refered to by just their initial like nEntran for plantain

In addition aloe vera is called kaRRArvAzha

Malay for eg.:

1 satu, 2 dua, 3 *telu, 4 *pat, 5 lima, 6 enam, 7 tujuh, 8 PMP walu, 9 tagalog siyam, 10 *puluh (* old malay)

1 cāvŭ, 2 tōvu, 3 tilu, 4 pāttŭ, 5 taṭṭalŭ, 6 taṭavalŭ, 7 noḷakkalŭ, 8 valu, 9 tāyam, 10 pulu, 125₹ cākkoḷacci, 250₹ tōttaṅṅāvŭ

https://www.reddit.com/r/Dravidiology/s/SIPTkm6xVH

Dravidian roots *piẓ(d)(q), *piCt, *muẓṇ(d\g)-?

In https://en.wiktionary.org/wiki/पीडयति the Dravidian root *piẓ ‘to squeeze, milk’ is said to be a loan from Skt. *piẓḍ > pīḍ ‘squeeze / press’. Though the exact nature of *ẓ is not clear, let us assume that it was either identical or something that could easily come from ẓ (see several other IE matches with *z, below). In https://starlingdb.org/cgi-bin/query.cgi?basename=\data\drav\dravet it makes no mention of Skt. and includes 4 other roots for ‘squeeze’ *pinḍ, *pīd, *pīc, and *pid (that might really be *p(e)iqd in *pediq ? > Kurukh pedEx-nā 'to pinch, squeeze, strangle', Malto pethɢe) and Brahui princing does not clearly fit any of these. If all these are loans from Skt. *piẓḍ at various stages, it still doesn’t seem to make sense. How would these come into all these languages, including Brahui? Most linguists would say Skt. *piẓḍ came from Indo-Iranian *pižd (and the change to retroflex is sometimes said to be from contact with Dravidian), so a very old loan would not work in this scenario.

In https://www.academia.edu/167420288 I said :

>

Standard PIE *p(e)is- 'crush, grind, pound, hurt' is sometimes rec. *tp(e)is- to account for Greek ptis(s)-. However, it is very similar to *pi(e)sd- 'press, squeeze, hurt'. If these were identical, met. *pisd- > *pdis- would be needed. Some say < *(e)pi-s(e)d- 'sit on, press down'. I say *(e)pi-sisd- & *-sesd- (with reduplication known from other words from *s(e)d-) fits better, & might explain that new *s(s)d would sometimes move the voicelss *s(s) away from *d. This also allows *pdis(s)- > G. ptis(s)- & *pis(e)sd- > G. piezd-, etc.

&gt;

Now, this is a very close match, but some would say chance might be enough. However, PIE *pezd- 'fart' & Dr. pitt- \ pīt- also match, also with an unclear *C(C) > tt \ _t.

In PIE *mezg- > S. májjati ‘submerge/sink’, Li. mazgóti ‘wash’, the similar Uralic *mos’ke- ‘wash’ is often called a loan. However, in https://www.academia.edu/165248349 I described many similar roots that might be variants, like *murdg- > *murtk- > Ar. mkrtem ‘immerse/dip/wash/bathe/baptize’, *murkt- > mrtimn ‘*dabbling > teal’. Since *zg doesn't work, some other *Czg must exist, "The *rzg in *mwerzg- is needed for sound changes in branches, like *murzg- >*murdg- > *murtk- > Ar. mkrtem ‘immerse/dip/wash/bathe/baptize’. IIr. must have had *rzg > *dzg (producing dg in S. (like *CsC > CC) for *medzgu- > S. madgú-, not *mezgu- > *me:gú-). Since this root has unexpected changes in L. & S. (unexpected if from *mezg-, that is), I see no way to accept the rec. *mezg-, which can not account for all V's or C's". Now, compare *muṛdg- 'to sink completely in' > Kui bṛuḍga. Is there any way to reconcile *muṛdg- & *murdg- > *murtk- > mkrt-? Certainly not as loans. Any language adapting an odd C-cluster would already need to have *CCC of many odd types, & why borrow 'sink'? From the same site, the rec. of cognates (without taking IE origin into account) :

&gt;

Proto-Dravidian : *muẓṇ-

to be immersed, sink

South Dravidian: *mūẓ-

Telugu : *muṇ-ug-

Kolami-Gadba : *muṇg-

Gondi-Kui : *muṛṇ-

Notes : The root had a long vowel originally, as evidenced by Tamil mūṛ, etc. However, it is more often met with an accented suffix (*muṛ-úg-, etc.), as well as with one-consonant suffixes (*mūṛ-g-, etc.). Tamil mūṛku is irregular (*mūṭku should be expected), probably due to analogization with the rest of the forms.

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Also Kuṛux. mulx- ‘to sink’, Malto mulɢ- ‘to dip in’. No original *CCC, however complex, can account for all variants :

Tamil muẓuku ‘to bathe the entire body, to sink’, Konḍa muṛg- ‘to be drowned, sink’, Gadaba mulg- ‘to immerse, be immersed’

Malayalam muẓukikka, muŋŋikka to bathe a child, plunge, immerse; muŋŋuka

Kannada muẓugu, muẓagu, muẓigu, muẓ(u)ku, muẓiŋku, muẓuŋku, muẓuŋgu, muṇugu, muṇagu, muṇigu

Betul Gondi muṛungānā 'to dive, sink, be drowned', Muria Gondi muṛnd- 'to sink, be drowned'

If loans, why would Dr. borrow the IE roots with the most complex *-CC(C)- possible? Why show the same variation as in IE, apparently entirely optional in both? I can not accept any solution but common origin. Words like mam(m)a are found far and wide, and said to be from human tendency. Even several families with *pE(C)T 'fart' is claimed as onomatopoeia. No tendency would create *muRdg- 'sink', etc.

To start, the biggest problem with most variation in Dr. is some with -n-, some without. If the same as IE, n-infix in present verbs (sometimes extended throughout the stem by analogy), then it would solve most of the problems & provide another link between Dr. & IE.

Next, PIE has many *s, but not Dr. It is highly likely that the odd *CC in Dr. result from *s > *x or *χ (like Iranian *s > h, *sw > xW ), as *pezd > *peχd > *piχt > pitt- \ pīt-. Clearly, *piCt fits the ev. better than anything else.

In *pisezd, either regularly > *peẓiχd- or met. > *pezisd first (depending on whether RUKI also caused retro.); most *peẓiχd- > *pẓiχd- > *piẓχd- > *peiɢd- > *pīd \ *pid (matching *piχt > pitt- \ pīt-), but also met. *peẓiχd- > *pediχ- > Kurukh pedEx-, Malto pethɢe. Earlier metathesis of *peẓisd > *peẓids > *pẓids > *pīc- (or similar); N-infix > *pẓinds > Brahui princing.

In 'sink', I think *H2mewd- 'damp' > *-sk^(e)- (present only?) > *mH2wedzg-, with H2 > R ( https://www.academia.edu/115369292 ), also > *mweR(d)(z)g-, etc. In Dr. *mRudzg- > *muṛdg- 'to sink completely in' > Kui bṛuḍga, the basic root only. With N-infix, *mRundzg- > *muẓṇ(d\g)-?, etc., > -ng-, -nd-, *-(r)ẓn-, etc.

These are very complex *CC(C), but the outcomes are so various & odd that no simple *CC would account for them all. Their matches with IE in such complex variants is itself a reason to relate them. Very simple words might resemble each other by chance (and this is certainly the standard response to many shared features), but that is not a reasonable response here.